CONTENTS.

Page
I.Number of acres in each of the Hundreds of Cornwall, and thepopulation in 1831177
II.Tables relative to the population of Cornwall, at various periods178
III.List of plants, illustrative of the mild climate of Cornwall180
IV.Addition to the Parochial History, containing an account ofthe parish of Broadoak184
V.Observations on an ancient manuscript, entitled Passio Christi,written in the Cornish language, and now preserved in theBodleian Library; with an account of the language, manners,and customs of the people of Cornwall. By William Scawen,Esq. Vice-Warden of the Stannaries. (From a manuscript inthe library of Thomas Astle, Esq. 1777.) On the manuscriptitself. On the description of the Passion contained therein.On the tongue in which the Passion is described, and the propertiesthereof, and how it relates to and concerns the peopleand places of Cornwall190
VI.Extract from the Itinerary of William of Worcester, relative toCornwall; with a notice of his life and character222
VII.The Itinerary of John Leland, so far as relates to Cornwall256
VIII.Extracts from Drayton’s Poly-Olbion, relative to Cornwall293
IX.On the etymology of names of places within the county. Communicatedby the late Thomas Hingston, Esq. M.D.312
X.Tanner’s Notitia Monastica for Cornwall, from Nasmith’s edition.With additions by Sir Henry Ellis, F.R.S. Sec. S.A.319
XI.Some documents relative to the Priory at Bodmin, from a MS.in the British Museum337
XII.Account of the different Earls of Cornwall; extracted fromthe Baronage of Sir W. Dugdale346
XIII.On the Hundreds of Cornwall. Extracted from Tonkin’s MSS.375
XIV.Epitaph of Richard Carew of Antony, Esq. the Historian ofCornwall378
Index to Carew’s Survey of Cornwall381
Copious Index to the present Work393-571

APPENDIX.
I.

The number of acres in each of the hundreds, according to Mr. Hitchins’s measurement, and the population from the last Parliamentary Statements, including Voltersholm, and the other small pieces of Cornwall artificially placed in Devonshire and the Islands of Scilly.

Acres.Population.
Powder128,115Penwith74,867
East112,647Powder61,911
Pyder92,713Kerrier56,074
Penwith90,957East35,086
Kerrier89,051 Pyder25,689
West81,558 West18,254
Lesnewth61,132Trigg13,057
Trigg54,574 Stratton 8,815
Stratton48,934Lesnewth8,277
759,681302,030

The three south-western hundreds, Penwith, Kerrier, and Powder contain nearly two-thirds of the whole population.

And of the two divisions of Cornwall, the East division is in round numbers about twice as large as the West division, while the West division has twice the population of the East.

APPENDIX.
II.

The population of Cornwall is given for the years 1700 and 1750, at 105,800 and 135,000; but I know not on what authority. The years 1801, 1811, 1821, and 1831 are from the Parliamentary publications founded on the actual census on each occasion.

POPULATION OF CORNWALL.
In 1700105,800
In 1750135,000
In 1801194,500
In 1811216,667
In 1821257,447
In 1831301,017

The per-centages of increase taken for 30 years, at the rate between each interval, are 15¾ per cent., 24 per cent., 38¼ per cent., 67¾ per cent., and 60 per cent.

At the rate of increase from 1700 to 1750,

1000 would become in a century 1628, and would double in 140 years.

At the rate of increase from 1750 to 1801,

1000 would become in a century 2046, and would double in 96,8 years.

At the rate of increase from 1801 to 1811,

1000 would become in a century 2943, and would double in 64,2 years.

At the rate of increase from 1811 to 1821,

1000 would become in a century 5610, and would double in 40,2 years.

At the rate of increase from 1821 to 1831,

1000 would become in a century 4776, and would double in 44,3 years.

The population of Cornwall being in 1831, according to the actual census, 301,017, if it continued to increase accordingly for a century at the rate ascertained between 1811 and 1821, the number of people in 1931 would amount to one million six hundred and eighty-eight thousand six hundred and fifty!

A Table exhibiting the amount to which the population of a thousand persons would amount in a century, and also the time of its doubling for each 5 per cent. of increase in 30 years, the period given for each parish from the Parliamentary Return.

A thousand, with the following increase, in thirty yearsWill become in a centuryWill double in
5 per cent. increase in thirty years1176426 years.
10 per cent.1374218
15 per cent.1593148
20 per cent.1836114
25 per cent.2104 93,2
30 per cent.2398 79,2
35 per cent.2719 69,3
40 per cent.3070 61,8
45 per cent.3451 56
50 per cent.3863 51,3
55 per cent4310 47,4
60 per cent.4791 44,2
65 per cent.5308 41,5
70 per cent.5874 39,2
75 per cent.6458 37,2
80 per cent.7094 35,4
85 per cent.7773 33,8
90 per cent.8495 32,4
95 per cent.9264 31,1
100 per cent.10080 30

APPENDIX.
III.

The Editor has been favoured with the following list of plants illustrative of the mild climate of Cornwall.

The native plant of greatest curiosity is the Erica Vagans, Erica Didima of Withering, Erica Multiflora of Ray and Hudson. This plant spreads over the whole serpentine formation of the Lizard, and observes its limits almost to a foot. It is said to appear again at Clickitor near Liskeard, where the serpentine formation is also found.

The Ligusticum Cornubiense, remarkable only from its extreme rarity, grows near Bodmin, in a place called Margaret’s Wood.

The Tamarix Gallica grows in great abundance about the Lizard, apparently wild, but it is said to have been brought there from St. Michael’s Mount in the early part of the last century; and St. Michael’s Mount having been long a cell to Mount St. Michael in Normandy, the shrub may very probably have been introduced by the monks. It powerfully resists the sea winds, and grows freely on the banks of earth or sand surrounding inclosures near the shore. The wood is so solid as to sink in water.

The Panicum Dactylon grows on the bank of gravel lying between the sea, and the road leading from Marazion to Penzance.

The Sibthorpia Europæa may be found in great plenty about half a mile inland from thence, in a stream flowing westward by the road near Gulval church town. This plant was named by Linnæus in honour of Humphry

Sibthorpe, M.D. Professor of Botany at Oxford from 1747 to 1784. The hybrid variety or monstrosity of the Antirrhinum Linaria, called Peloria, is said to grow at the foot of Mabe Hill on the old road leading from Helston to Penryn. The Erica Ciliaris has recently been found at Carclew, near Penryn, the seat of Sir Charles Lemon, M.P. for the county.

And many of the cryptogamia flourish in a degree unknown in other countries, among which the magnificent Osmunda Regalis may be selected as a specimen.

A List of Plants that are growing in the open air at Pendarves, most of which have stood several years without protection.

The Acacia lophantha, dealbata, and several other plants, have been planted out during the last spring, and will probably stand out the winter as well as the above.

APPENDIX.
IV.

Since the parish of Broadoak was printed, an additional sheet of Mr. Hals’s manuscript has been communicated to the Editor by his friend the Rev. Richard Polwhele. It contains an account of the important military events which distinguished that parish and the neighbourhood, in 1644, and it is therefore printed as a curious addition to what has here been given in the body of the work, on the same subject. Mr. Polwhele has also sent another sheet relative to St. Stephen’s near Saltash, but that does not contain anything of the least importance.

These two sheets appear to have been separated from the work at Exeter by the carelessness of the bookseller in whose hands the whole had been lodged, and this confirms the suspicion of more important losses having taken place at the same time.

BROADOAK.

Broadoak is situate in the hundred of West, and hath upon the south Boconnock, west St. Winnow, east St. Pynock, north Cardinham; and by the name of Bradock it was taxed in Domesday Roll, 20 William I. 1087; which word, if it be single, signifies a rebel or traitor, one that betrays the trust and fidelity reposed in him by another;

otherwise if it be commonly understood of Brad-ock or Brodock, it signifies broad trees of oak (Saxon).

In the Pope’s Inquisition into the value of Benefices before-mentioned, 1294, Capella de Bradock in decanatu de Westwellshire, appropriata Domui de Lanceston, was valued at xiiis. ivd. from whence it appears the church was endowed by the college of St. Stephen’s or Lanceston; in Wolsey’s Inquisition or Valor Beneficiorum at £8. 13s. 4d.; the patronage in the Bishop of Exon, the incumbent Pearce, the rectory in possession of ——; and this parish was rated to the 4s. per pound Land Tax for one year, 1696, £57.

Here let it be remembered that Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, General of the Parliament Army, being in Devon, received orders from his masters, 1644, to march from thence with the same towards Plymouth, in order to raise the siege thereof, it being then greatly distressed by Sir Richard Grenville, as was the west part of that county, who immediately set forward with his army, and marched on towards that place; yet not so quickly but that Grenville had notice of his motion, and, fearing he was not strong enough to engage his great army, he by night privately dislodged from the siege of Plymouth with his own regiment, Colonel Fortescue’s, Colonel Carew’s, and Colonel Acland’s; and the better to shun or avoid his enemy, marching down by way of Plympton, he turned aside towards St. Botolph’s and Saltash Passage, where with boats he passed over his troops, and so entered over the Tamar river into Cornwall; which Essex understanding as soon as he came to Plymouth, having thus raised the siege and relieved the town, forthwith marched after Grenville as far as Lestwithell and Bradoak Downs, himself quartering at Lanhydrock, the Lord Robartes’s house, and sending out troops of horse westwards if possible to attack him. In the mean time, King Charles I. being then in Somerset with his army, and having notice of those facts of Essex’s, forthwith marched out of Somerset through Devon with his army for Grenville’s relief, and entered Cornwall by way of Polston bridge, the 11th of August 1644; from thence advanced to Lanceston, and so directly to Liskeard, which place for some time he made his head quarters, where the townsmen and contiguous countrymen shewed themselves very zealous and loyal towards his service, especially for that the town or borough and manor of

Leskeard was his son the Duke of Cornwall’s lands, in right of his Duchy of Cornwall.

Soon after which the country people gave private notice to the King, that on a certain day the quarter-master, General Dalbier, Lieutenant-Colonel Charleton, Colonel Allured, Colonel Barkley, and some other officers of Essex’s army were to dine at the Lord Mohun’s house, not far from Lestwithell.

At the day appointed the King dispatched a party of horse, and by surprise took them all prisoners (except Dalbier, who made his escape) and brought them all prisoners to Leskeard, where soon after Prince Rupert arrived at the King’s army, which gave great hopes of a notable victory over Essex; and, in order to give him battle, the King soon after drew forth his army from Leskeard, and marched west to Bradock Downs in this parish, opposite to St. Winnow and Boconnock Downs, where Essex lay encamped, on the east side of Lestwithell town, and there pitched his camp and standard, he himself, Prince Rupert, and Grenville quartering at the Lord Mohun’s house; from whence he sent a letter August 16th, as he had sent another before from Leskeard by the Lord Beauchamp’s nephew, to Essex, for a treaty of peace, to which he received no answer; then he sent another letter to him in the name of the officers of his army, to which Essex sent a negative answer directed to the Earl of Forth, purporting that he had received a letter from his lordship, and other commanders of the King’s army, by which a treaty with him was desired for a general peace, which he could not admit of without a breach of the trust reposed in him by the Parliament, having no power by his commission to treat in a matter of such importance.

Whereupon happened several skirmishes between the cavaliers and parliament troops; and in particular that challenge and sharp charge between Colonel Straughan’s for the Parliament and Colonel Digby’s for the King, was most remarkable. Straughan’s troop consisted of a hundred young men from sixteen to twenty years of age, on whose faces, as was said, never razor had past in order to shave their beards, all double, if not treble armed for this encounter. This troop of Straughan’s was led forth by himself on Bradock and St. Winnow Downs, having nothing on his head but a hat, and on the trunk of his body nought but a white linen shift, where they braved it for

some time as was said before, giving defiance to a like number of the King’s party in sight of the King and both armies; whereupon soon after dislodged the Lord Digby’s troop for the King, to accept and fight this challenge of Straughan’s, who with great resolution and bravery advanced towards him, and gave the first onset or charge, but firing their pistols at too great distance, it did little harm to his adversary, whilst instantly Straughan, like a firebrand of hell, with a led horse by his side, had before commanded his boys, as he called them, to take their adversary’s fire, which they then did with unspeakable hardiness, and rushed on to the very horse heads of Digby’s troopers, that before had spent their shot, himself leading the fore front to the very points of their swords, when he discharged his double-barrelled pistols, and was in like manner seconded by his troopers, who had all the same sort of pistols, and most of them laden with three or four bullets each, which proved so fatal and disastrous a blow to Digby’s troopers, that the one half of them were slain on the spot or mortally wounded; and it was further observable, that scarce horse or man that escaped went not off without some hurt or damage, as I was told by one Mr. William Maye, a gentleman that was one of Digby’s troop, and sorely wounded in this battle, the marks of which through his hands, arms, and legs were visible, though cured to a large degree, till his dying day, 1672; and much the like account I had of this battle or combat from Mr. William Upcott, of Truro, and Mr. Joseph Upcott, of Morval, brothers, that were parcel of Straughan’s troop, who there took some of the King’s horses alive, their riders being slain, upon whose furniture was his proper arms, the star and the letters C. R.

But, alas! notwithstanding this success of Straughan’s troop, the King with his army had so hemmed in or surrounded Essex in his head quarters at Lestwithell, that he could not long subsist or have relief for his soldiers, for the Lord Goring and Sir Thomas Basset, Knt. stopped all provision with a great body of horse, that was coming to him by way of St. Blazey from the west, as Sir Richard Grenville did the like by way of St. Colomb, Bodmin, and Lanhydrock from the north; whereupon it was resolved by Essex’s council, that he should desert his army, and privately by night in a boat go down the river to Fowey, and from thence take ship for Plymouth, which expedient

was accordingly put in execution, and the General Essex, the Lord Robartes, and some others the next day got into Plymouth, being the 31st of August 1644. On the same day Sir William Balfour with two thousand five hundred of the Parliament horse, with divers officers, viz. Colonel Nicholas Boscawen, his Lieutenant-Colonel James Hals, of Merther, Henry Courtenay, of St. Bennet’s in Lanyvet, Colonel John Seyntaubyn, of Clowans, and his Lieutenant Colonel Braddon, Colonel Carter, and several other officers and gentlemen of quality, early in the morning forced their passage over St. Winnow, Boconnock, and Bradock Downs, though the body of the King’s army, which lay encamped on the heath in those places, maugre all opposition to the contrary; from thence they rode to Leskeard, from thence to Saltash Passage, and from thence to Plymouth safely the same day, amidst their own garrison and confederates.

Notwithstanding this desertion of the general and other officers as aforesaid, Major General Skippon (a Londoner), like a good commander, resolved to live and die with his soldiers; and in order to their preservation, being at least twelve thousand men, he led them down the banks of the river on the west side thereof towards Foye, in order to transport them over the passage or river to Lanteglos, or ship them from thence for Plymouth, all other roads and high ways being stopped up by the King’s army as aforesaid, during which march Skippon’s men were sorely distressed in the rear by the King’s soldiers, so that five of their field pieces were taken in the lanes, whereupon the next morning his men made a stand, and with a brigade of horse that never deserted the infantry, charged the King’s troops with great courage and animosity, and beat them out of the field which they had lost the day before, with some loss; whereupon immediately the King sent Captain Brett with the Queen’s troop to attack them, who in the King’s sight charged Skippon’s brigade with that fury and violence as forced them to retire from the field aforesaid, whereby not only he regained the ground that was lost, but got some other fields from his party, and then returned in good order, having lost only four men, himself being shot in the arm, for which brave adventure the King knighted him on the spot. After which the Parliament soldiers were so dispirited that they could hardly be

brought to stand to their arms; upon which dismay Colonel Butler and a trumpeter came to desire a parley with the King, which was forthwith granted, and a treaty followed on the first of September, when the Commissioners on the King’s part were Prince Maurice and the Earl of Bramford, for Essex’s soldiers Major-General Philip Skippon, Colonel Christopher Whichcott, and others, by whom a cessation of hostility was agreed upon in these terms —

APPENDIX.
V.

Observations on an Ancient Manuscript, entitled Passio Christi, written in the Cornish Language, and now preserved in the Bodleian Library; with an account of the Language, Manners, and Customs of the People of Cornwall. By William Scawen, Esq. Vice-Warden of the Stannaries. (From a Manuscript in the Library of Thomas Astle, Esq. 1777.)

On the Manuscript itself. On the description of the Passion contained therein. On the tongue in which the Passion is described, and the properties thereof, and how it relates to and concerns the people and places of Cornwall.

Concerning the manuscript itself, (which is the ground of the fabric) the first thing that presents itself is the outside, which is not polished, but in a homely, humble simplicity, and written upon a rough old vellum, which may be supposed to be before parchments here came much into use; and by the rude pictures set out therewith, it may seem to be before the art of painting became better amongst us.

Next to behold the chirography thereof, written in no other than the old Court Hand, not of the best form, but seeming somewhat older than we find it in other places, and some of the letters and characters different from the common Court Hand.

As to the speech itself, it is such as the common speakers of the Cornish now used here do not understand, nor any but such as will be at the pains to study it, no

more than the common speakers of the vulgar nation of the Greeks do at this day Homer’s Iliad. So the Lord’s Prayer in the year 700 was thus in English: Vren fader thic arth, &c. In 900, Thu ure fader the eart on heofenum.

As to the antiquity thereof, we observe the name of our Saviour is all along written IHS, after the old form used in crucifixes, and then also the name written Chrest, not Christ. So we find it written in Tacitus, Suetonius, and in some other Roman authors it may be found. So Christians were called Chrestians, as Tertullian observes, Apol. c. 3.[25] And so the vulgar in Cornish speak it Chrest, and not Christ.

In this old piece are no words antiently intermixed of the Saxon tongue or Angles, which shews, in all probability, that it was written before their time at least, if not much further off; whereas, the common speech of it now carries much of those latter figures, to the disfiguring of the face thereof. But of all other intermixion, it seems to receive in it (with a kind of delight) the tongue of the Romans, by whom the people were easily brought to take up that tongue which they brought with them, and afterwards more and more by degrees in succeeding times, the Roman speech was interwoven with the Cornish, out of a natural propensity to it, as that tongue came to be used of all other nations afterwards, as was observed before.

Another argument there is (and that which is to be admired and rejoiced at) that in this old piece of the Passion, there is nothing heretical, little of error to be found, or savouring of ill opinions; which is strange, since it has passed through so many ages, in which so many ill broods have been hatched, and, amongst others, one of our own, the Pelagian heresy, a brat bred here amongst us at Bangor. Nor is there any mention made of any monastical persons, or several orders of men so living. Nothing that refers to Monks, Friars, Priors, or to any other orders, secular or sacred, nor any thing said in approbation or dislike of any such thing.

There is nothing in it savouring of the old bards or their poetry, nor having references to Merlyanisms, but a bare and sober relation of matter of fact.

II. As to the description of the Passion and Resurrection of our Saviour, I cannot again but admire, that it is so unpolluted with the Arian or Pelagian heresies. There are, it is true, some inoffensive and harmless traditions, and a word may be let slip of the Virgin Mary; and in those traditions you may observe the concurrence of others.

And, first, concerning this Longis: it is to be inquired whether he be not that Longinus mentioned in our Calendar on the fifteenth of March, or that Longinus on the first of December; for of Longinus there is the same history to be found in Picinellus his Mundus Symbolicus;[26] whose words are, D. P. Comestor ad Longinum vitiosos et caligantes fuisse oculos, cum vero fluentem in Christi latere sanguinem casu illis admovisset, videndi acumen recepisse. In eandem Septentiam canit S. G. Nazian-zenus.[27]

Ubi fixit hastam, defluentis sanguinis

Tinctam liquore, et ecce! ut utraque manu

Hausit, oculosque hoc ungit hinc ut scilicet

Detergat oculum nocte, que cera legit, &c.

When into Christ he thrust his tainted spear,

Lo! unto both his hands the blood flow’d there,

Wherewith he anoints his eyes and then saw clear,

Which like the night till that time blinded were.

Mr. Lassells, in his Voyages into Italy, tells us, that the picture of Longinus stands under the top of the spear with which Christ’s side was pierced, in the cupola at St. Peter’s church at Rome. It may be conjectured, that this tradition owes its origin to the literal sense of that prophecy; “they should look on him whom they had pierced.”

For the wood of the cross, (another of the traditions,) Genebrard’s account thereof, as reported by Purchas in his Pilgrimage, p. 30, comes somewhat near it, which is, that Seth went to the Cherub which kept Paradise, and received three grains of the Tree of Life, whereof we read in the Apocalypse, “The leaves shall heal the nation.” With these three grains was an oil made, wherewith Adam was anointed, and the stones put into his mouth, whence sprang the tree whereof the cross of our Lord was made, hidden

by Solomon in the Temple, and after in the pool of Bethesda; according to which, in a church window at St. Neot’s, is one pictured putting something under another’s tongue, with this inscription, Hic Seth ponit tria grana sub lingua Adæ. If any list to see further about the timber whereof the cross was made, let him read Mr, Evelyn’s Sylva, c. 3, Num. 17. As to that of the smith’s wife, in forming the nails for the crucifixion, perhaps they might think, that as the first woman had the first hand in the transgression, so a woman must be employed in the last act of this tragedy. We may observe,

1. What true and manifest notions these antient people had, and faithfully retained, of the Trinity, and the reverence they gave them.

2. How distinctly and clearly they did set forth, in those dark days they lived in, the several distinct attributes of the Deity, assigning power to the Father, wisdom to the Son, goodness to the blessed Spirit.

4. How well they agree and adhere to the doctrine of the true church of Christ, in the points maintained by us concerning the loss and fall of man and mankind, and the restoration of him, and concerning the eternal decree and purpose of God, in the salvation of man, notwithstanding his fall.

We may observe by the Resurrection, thus shortly declared as it is, that it appears plainly that those people were not Nullyfidians.

Nor were they Solyfidians.

They placed the foundation of their happiness in belief.

And the superstruction thereupon in good works.

Lastly, we cannot think they were any way inclinable to the minds of those scoffers at the day of judgment, which St. Peter meets with in his second Epistle, 2, 9, and 10. Our people acknowledged, that at the Great Day of account a punishment shall be upon the wicked, and a glory expected to be given to the godly. Thus far as a taste only of what is contained therein.

III. On the tongue in which the Passion of our Saviour is thus described, we have, among other things, such as these observables:

1. For the Idioms. They put the substantive before the adjunct or adjective. 2. The preposition sometimes comes after the noun. 3. It is usual to change a letter in the beginning, middle, or end of a word or syllable, and sometimes to omit in each for sound sake. 4. They contract several words into one for sound sake, and that very short also; with many other changes, of which it is hard to know or find any certain rule now, but some may be made out upon reading, due observation and experience had on this that follows; and for the pronunciation, the Cornish is not to be gutturally pronounced as the Welsh for the most part is, nor mutteringly as the Armorick, nor whiningly as the Irish (which two latter qualities seem to have been contracted from their servitudes), but must be lively and manly spoken, like other primitive tongues.

2. For the Innocency of it. What is most remarkable is, that it hath a most excellent defective qualification in it, peculiar to itself; for, whereas all other tongues abound in execrable oaths, the old Cornish have none at all, not so much as reproachful terms. The word that comes nearest to an oath with them is Areire, Areiaree, which is Mary, Mary, spoken by way of wonder. The next good defective qualification is, that there are no great titles in it, which Nutricule Tyrannidis.

3. For the Wisdom, Proverbs (which contain usually the wisdom of a nation) they have had, but we cannot find them in any great plenty. Yet some there are worthy observing, as these:

4. Significancy of the Tongue. Adam gave names to the creatures, according to their natures; but the people of this land, having no better guide, have given names upon long experience had, and much observation made of the nature of things, and those do mostly appear now as to places and families. I shall adventure upon some instances:

Lanceston, alias Dunhevet. Camden would fain have it to be Fanum Stephani; indeed St. Stephen’s, which is a mile off, seems to be the mother church, Lanceston the daughter church. Others would have it to be Lancelot’s Town, one of the Champion Knights of King Arthur, but that is further from truth. The Chief Justice Foster, talking with me about it, would fain have Dunhevet to be the most ancient name, from Dune a town, and Hevet above it, which there is accordingly. I told his lordship we must fetch the derivation higher, from the Cornish original (and not from the Saxon), and that is Leostofen, which is a place of large extent, or a broad end, which is properly so according to the situation thereof, at the broad end of the county, from whence it grows towards the west still narrower, like to the point of a wedge. I read in a good author, that Radulphus, brother to Alfius, Duke of Cornwall, was founder of Lanceston. I think he means the castle there, not the town.

The names of places above, and from those places downwards, have suffered much violence along the river from Devon side, by reason of the mutations formerly spoken of; but from thence we shall take notice of some that have received their names antiently, passing down the river of Tamar (and on some of the branches thereof) where, by the way, I may say I am astonished at some of our late Geographers, who, in enumerating the famous bridges in all this have omitted altogether ours in Cornwall, of which, among

land, other lesser, we have three that are very eminent, one of which, Wadebridge, stands further west; the two others, besides many smaller, are on the river of Tamar; one Horsbridge, the other called Newbridge. But much more I wonder at their omission among the rivers of the famous river of Tamar, a river, after the Thames, not behind any of note in this kingdom, which I mention the sooner, because it is most properly ours in Cornwall; for though it be great and very navigable far up, yet it arises in and floats only in this little county of Cornwall, and its whole course contains within the same, and it is the boundary thereof from other parts, wherein other streams do flow, Linnar, Fiddy, &c. and before it falls into the Estuarium, where it gives entertainment from Devon on the other side to Tavy, Plym, Yeom, and others, where they all lose their names in Tamar. And I do much more wonder that it should be printed by some others, that this famous river should fall into the sea near the Land’s End, whereas this alone possesses the whole honourable harbour of Plymouth (more than sixty miles distant from the Land’s End), and stands appropriated to the interest of Cornwall, belonging to the Duke thereof, the Prince of Wales. And to return to what I said last, in coming down from this broad end of the county to that famous harbour, though our next bordering neighbour Devonshire and the saints, have stolen away from us many of the antient British names, and intruded upon us many strange ones, yet some left us here and there of the antient speech all along, upon the river and the branches thereof, which I am obliged to memorize.

Lawhit, in Glamorganshire, is said to be Fanum Iltuti, to which the Ton being added in Cornish, makes it up. Iltutus was an ancient British Monk in King Arthur’s time. Landue may be the church or chapel of St. David, though Landuan in Cornish is the black church or chapel. And for Lezant, that is the holy saint, meaning St. Michael, to whom that church was dedicated.

As Cargreene, which is a rock in the gravel standing in a green place. Carbeele or Carbilly, a rock mentulæ formæ. Carkeele of the same signification.

Landulph, where St. Dulpho is memorized by the church’s name, and the well there so called St. Dulpho’s well. Halton, i. e. Haelton, a green place near the water.

Pillaton, a round or clue by a green.

Larrake I did formerly suppose to have been from Laun

or Lun, which is usually set for a church or chapel; but on better consideration I think otherwise of it now, because I find several other places hereabouts written Larrake, which have no reference to church; and because the manor antiently was written and called Larrake, which is antienter than the church, and it signifies a place of content in Cornish.[28]

Blerrake I take to be of the same signification too; a little from which latter place, if content may be had from a prospect, it is there in my opinion. A place formerly called Ballahow, now the fairest and amplest I know any where, excepting such as are dignified by the sight of a metropolis, or such places of eminency, though it stands not on a promontory, and but a little from the sea in a plain, though but a rough one, and from it you may look directly into the sea, as far as human eye-sight can enable you.

Towards the sea-shore on the one side, you have in eye the Start in Devon, and westward the Lizard, for your boundaries. Towards the land northward, the wild moors of Devon, called the East Moors, and the other side the West Moors in Cornwall. Between those you may observe the vale countries of both, two rich valleys, one in Devon side, and the other in Cornwall, and take the sight of Tamar as their boundaries, and you will wonder, looking at it from above, to know how to think that river should find a way through those countries to the sea, especially if you consider that you seldom see water in those tracts of land by which it passes, yet you see also as it passes Plymouth the royal citadel, Plymton, Millbrooke, and abundance of small villages and boroughs in a country on each side pleasant, and the whole prospect not obscured by hills, or any thing else by which you may be hindered from the sun in any part of the day; besides this overlooks the Eddy-rock or stone, a dreadful place about a league out in the sea, where many hundred of ships have been wrecked, being in the trade way to the harbour from the west; yet I have heard some antient skilful mariners to

aver, that if a good artist should go about to strike on this rock purposely, he would not be able to do it, so far doth chance go beyond art.

Cuttenbrake is a concealed head, and E. Trematon, a place on three hills.

Inesworth, which is Ineswartha, the island above, or the higher island, in respect to the situation of the island of St. Nicholas below, where the saint hath gotten the mastery again.

Ints or Ince, which is a proper name for an island, though this be joined, as Insworth is, by a short neck to other parts of the parish of St. Stephen’s. Here passing, we come by the mouth of the river to Pembernose, which is in Cornish the head of the night, or midnight, as if it were said that there is safe coming in there at any time; and from thence we pass to the uttermost point westward, called Penlee, which is the headland to the leeward; and so sailing along by the sea side to the two Gayers, the East and West Gayers near Ramehead, which may give nomination to families of that name in the west, which are now worn out there, and have had a good recruit in Plymouth, and from thence a better in London, by a late Lord Mayor, there so called, but taking his descent from Cornish original, according to the word.

Rame is a long ridge of rocks, and here called Ramehead, because it is so formed towards the sea like a ram’s horn, which hath turnings in it to put mariners in mind thereof: in Cornish Pendenhar. Sailing along from thence by the sea side, we come to Millan Dreth, that is, a mill on the sea sand at Loo,[29] or Lough, which is a common name with most nations for a low or watery place, and so Port-Loo, and Port-pinnion, the little port, nigh to which also is Denloe, or Delough; and stepping a little from thence in the land, is Minhinnitt, which is a hill on a highway, and so indeed it is rightly styled; and the well of St. Lollo, and the foot of Liskeard. Near to it is Liskeard (a near neighbour thereto), some say a place affected; others take it from the Cornish word Leskeveres, like length, like breadth, a square, so it anciently was, and so fortified, as the castle walls yet in part remaining show. Some would not have us go so far back, but would have

us take it from a physician so named, and a miracle supposed to be wrought by him there, and this may be right also; but then we must suppose that to be St. Luke the physician, and some ground there is for that also, for the most antient street thereof is to this day called St. Luke’s street. Luke’s Day also is their day of feasting, and for choice of their Governor. This agrees well enough with the former as the fortification of it; and towards the sea again we come to Lestwithiel. Some hold that to be lion’s tail or lion’s train; others take it to be ‘enough together.’ The place, though now grown much in decay, hath formerly been held the only shire town, and where the Knights of the Shire have been still chosen, and the Convocation of the Stanneries held, &c. A great hall was lately there, which was used for those purposes in my knowledge, belonging to the Dukes of Cornwall, who did the like when under them; and here also they kept their court and residence, near to which stands yet their castle Restormell, in Cornish a bellyfull of money, a place of honey; besides which the Dukes had seven others, Liskeard, Tintagell, Lanceston, and Trematon, which is in Cornish three hills on a green top, though that came to the Crown by attainder. As for the river Vz or Vzell, which some speak of, I suppose is a mistake; the river there is the river of Fowey, in Cornish Foath, which hath its head spring in the moors above it, Venton Foath, in English called Foycombwell and Aqua de Fowey. As it comes further down near Foath, is a town or place called Tywardreth, in Cornish, a town on the sand, or above the sand, which agrees well with its situation, where heretofore there stood a priory, the buildings whereof are now decayed. I may not forget as next to Foath the town of Polruan, which is now a small village of fishing, but heretofore famous, standing on the top of an ancient hill, where are the ruins of a spacious fair church, called yet by the name of St. Saviour’s, Polruan is in Cornish, a frosty bottom, or frosty pool, this being seated over against Foath; between those two towns heretofore there went athwart the river a chain of iron from a small castle on each side, for their security against foreigners by sea, but by their neglect of preserving it in time of peace, was stolen away from them by some boats that came from Dartmouth in Devon, and carried there, where the river is of equal breadth, and the harbour is much like that of

Fowey, and hath over against the town of Dartmouth a little town called King’s Way, which answers to Polruan against Fowey. The Fowey men have attempted the restitution of their chain, but never could obtain it, because they had been so careless, it being the means of their own preservation formerly. Between these two neighbouring towns of Fowey and Polruan, standing one against the other, in the harbour between them, there used to be antiently a solemn contention of justing performed upon the river every May-day, upon two boats singled out of equal strength, from the one side and from the other, to encounter each other upon the water, there being a stage made on each of them, upon the end of the boat, for the several champions to stand on. Several boats were to row with six oars a-piece, rowing fiercely against one another. The champions were arrayed only in white, slightly but better armed about the breast and neck, and holding a lance rebated in the form of an oar (according to their trade); but a fierce attempt they make upon each other, and one or both of them is usually carried by the push to sound the depth of the harbour, and then a new supply of others for fresh encounter is called for again.

This I have seen to be performed in my time, and it usually drew abundance of people together to behold the sport from the hills on both sides, and from the town, with many others, with boats likewise upon the river, and not without need, to receive up and recover their dejected champions, who end their encounters in peace, not without liquor, the element of their contention.

This spot of land called Bodrigan, a spacious fair barton looking towards the sea, was not very long since possessed by gentry of the same name, whose estate was great; and being forfeited to King Henry the Seventh, part thereof was given to Trevanion, a noble family of this county; but this Bodrigan, with many other lands, to Edgcombe, that Sir Richard Edgcombe, of whom let me deliver my judgment, that he was a witty, valiant, wise, good man, and a good commonwealth’s man. Witty, as appears by his hiding himself and throwing his cap and coat away for his preservation, O quantum est subditis casibus ingenium.

Valiant, in that he was made a Knight Banneret at Bosworth field. Wise, in that he was made choice of for one of the Commissioners for the happy treaty of marriage of Margaret, the King’s eldest daughter, with James the Fourth, King of Scots, a happiness to the kingdom at this day. A good man, and not a pilferer of the people (as many were in those days); otherwise he would be named in Perkin Warbeck’s Declaration, set down by Chancellor Bacon. A good commonwealth’s man, as appears by that stately and costly fabric of Newbridge built by him.

Peale, a spire, lies to the north of Tolpenwith a mile, and it is the true Land’s-end. This spire, called the Pele, stood on a little island; between it and the shore there is room for a boat to pass with oars; the spire was ten fathom or more above the ordinary flux of the sea, very narrow on the top, hardly room for a man to sit on it; in the floor it was and is fourteen feet square. In the year before King Charles the First was beheaded, it was prodigiously cut off in the floor by a storm, and falling broke in three pieces.

Herles, truly interpreted Hercules’ Pillars, are a ridge of rocks a quarter of a mile in length, standing like pillars divided into small islands, and distant from the Pele a mile. From these by the north coast we come to St. Ives, in Cornish Port Eer of Geer, a port with a pool. Paddestow, so called by Saxon Angles, being Patherickstow. Another place near by, called Little Petherick, which partakes not of the Cornish at all; for in the Cornish it is Lethanneck, a place of much sea-sand, which agrees well with the site, much sea and much sand there is driven. A little above which is the house of Edmund Prideaux, esq. my kinsman, now called Place, formerly Guarandre, or Warthantre, i. e. above the town or above the sand; but that we may do right to latter times also, we find much mention to be made also of Patrickstow, and that St. Patrick, after much time spent in Ireland, and endowments of learning by long study were obtained, he came into Cornwall, and built a monastery there not far from the river of Severn, which comes home to that which is said by Archbishop Usher, as also to the name of the place. Locus ubi Petrocus consedit in Cornubia, Petrocstow, hodie Padstow nominatur, prius Laffeneck. Antiq. p. 292; and after thirty years went to Rome, &c. By other

authors it is said, that at Bodmyn his body was buried but stolen from thence, and carried by one Martinus to the abbey of Menevy or Mein, in Little Britany; but upon complaint to the king it was restored, and brought back undiminished to the Prior of Bodmyn. b. §. p. 293. But whether this were to be understood of St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, it is altogether to be doubted, since as to the burial of his body there hath been so much contention that that should be at Glastonbury; but another Patrick there was, perhaps a third, and one of note too, stiled Sænor Sæenex Patricius, as appears by the learned primate. He is said to be at the same time, and that he was Domesticus Sancti Patricii. Another there was also at some hundred years distance. With one of these it may better accord than with the great Patricius, who it may be said, had his name Dignitatis causa, as was usual with the Romans and Athenians, his parental name being Moun or Muun.

The town of Stratton, in Cornish Straneton, a green dispersed with houses. Near this town is the place where the Cornish forces, on behalf of King Charles the Second, obtained the glorious victory over the rebellious army, anno 1643. In memory of which battle Sir Ralph Hopton was created Baron of Stratton, who afterwards dying without issue, the same title was conferred upon Sir John Berkley, both which lords were commanders in the Cornish army at that time.

There is a pretty vulgar fiction that Tamar, Tamara, being a subterraneous nymph, was courted and sought after by Tavy and Tawrage, who found her sitting under a bush at Morewinstow, the furthest part of Cornwall in the north. They being weary in searching after her, sat down by her and slept; she perceiving them to be fallen asleep, steals away from them suddenly and goes directly to the south. Tavy being first awakened, goes away silently after her, not acquainting his co-rival therewith. Tawrage that awakened last, finding them both gone, in haste rusheth out, and angrily runs away towards the north, foaming and fretting all along as he goes, till he loses himself in the Sabrina; whilst Tavy, on the Devon side, sends out some of his small streams to visit and court her, and to observe which way the nymph went, but she having got the start of him, leaves not of her speed till she comes into the Sound.

ANTIQUITIES CORNUONTANIC.

The causes of the Cornish Speech’s Decay.

1. The first and great cause of the decay of the Cornish speech was their want of a character, which not only contributed to the decay of the tongue, but to the vanquishing of the nation of the Britons, they being thereby disabled upon emergent occasions to write or communicate with one another against their invaders, and so “dum pugnabant singuli vincuntur universi,” as Tacitus says; and he also observes, “non aliud adversus validissimas gentes pro Romanis utilius quàm quod in commune non consulebant.”

What would have become of the Roman tongue, when the Goths and Vandals broke in upon Rome and all Italy, mixing the Roman tongue with their Runa-Gothica, if there had not been learned men (amounting to 160 elegant classical authors in Augustus his time) who preserved the tongue in their works?

I know it hath been and yet is the judgment of learned men, that the old Britons never had any character, yet I hope they will give me the liberty of declaring the reasons of my dissenting. I. It hath always been supposed that Ireland had a character; now Ireland was always accounted a British Island, however; yet I cannot positively affirm that the character which the Bishop of Tuam sets forth as British be really so, there seeming to be little difference between that and the old Saxon; neither can I consent to what he saith, that the Saxons, whom he calls their neighbours, learned their very characters from Ireland.

2. Though we may depend on Cæsar’s[30] authority, that Druidum doctrina non fuit literis mandata, sed memoriæ fuit, ne aut in vulgus proficiscentur, aut juventus qui eam perdiscebant negligentia aut in curia remitterent, which reasons, in my judgment, rather demonstrate that they had a character to communicate their doctrines by, if they had pleased to use it. II. The great use made of the Roman tongue, the laws of their conquest extending to letters and speech, as well as to territory; and where there is a delight, there are things best retained. Romanam

Linguam Britanni non abnuebant, ut eloquentiam concupisserent. Tacit.

Fertur habere meos, si vera est fama, libellos

Inter delicias pulchra Vienna suas.

Dicitur et nostros cantare Britannia versus.

Martial.[31]

Afri, Galli, Hispani avido arripuerunt et inducto novo paulatim oblituerunt veterum sermonem. Lips.

III. The great loss of Armorica, near unto us, by friendship, by cognition, by interest, by correspondence. Cornwall has received princes from thence, and they from us. We had heretofore mutual interchanges of private families, but as to our speech we are alike careless. We can understand words of one another, but have not the benefit of conferences with one another in our ancient tongue. I have met with some Friars born and bred there, who, one would think, should be able to discourse of their own pristine tongue, and of their own birthplaces, yet found them, though not totally ignorant that such things had been, yet insensible and careless of their former condition. They could tell me that my name Scawen, was in their tongue Elders, as here it is; that there are those that bear the same name, and one of them a bishop; but when he writ it he changed it to Sambucus, shewing thereby a mind declared to a new, rather than an inclination to his old name, and relation to his country speech.

IV. But, least the tender lamentations of those losses should be thought to put us out of memory of the loss of our tongue, the matter which we have in hand, we are here to mention a fourth cause, and that which most concerns this Peninsula of Cornwall, which is the giving over of the Guirremears,[32] which were used at the great conventions of the people, at which they had famous interludes celebrated with great preparations, and not without shews of devotion[33] in them, solemnized in open and spacious downs of great capacity, encompassed about with earthen banks, and in some part stone work of largeness to contain thousands, the shapes of which remain in many places at this day, though the use of them long since gone.

These were frequently used in most parts of the county, at the conveniency of the people, for their meeting together, in which they represented, by grave actings, scriptural histories, personating patriarchs, princes, and other persons; and with great oratory pronounced their harangue, framed by art, and composed with heroic stile, such as have been known to be of old in other nations, as Gualterius,[34] an ancient father, hath been mentioned to be. This was a great means to keep in use the tongue with delight and admiration, and it continued also friendship and good correspondency in the people. They had recitations in them poetical and divine, one of which I may suppose this small relique of antiquity to be, in which the passion of our Saviour, and his resurrection, is described. They had also their Carols at several times, especially at Christmas, which they solemnly sung, and sometimes used, as I have heard, in their churches after prayers, the burden of which songs, “Nowell, Nowell, good news, good news of the Gospel,” by which means they kept the use of the tongue the better.

V. I cannot find that the British have boasted of many miracles done among them; if any such antiently there were, they were deprived of the memory of them by the Romans. I cannot affirm with so much reason (as some of our neighbours have done with confidence) who say, that at the last digging on the Haw for the foundation of the citadel of Plymouth, the great jaws and teeth therein found, were those of Gogmagog, who was there said to be thrown down by Corineus, whom some will have to be the founder of the Cornish;[35] nor am I able to assert, that some great instruments of war in brass, and huge limbs and portraitures of persons long ago, as some say that have been in some of the western parishes, were parts of giants, or other great men, who had formerly had their being there. But we may rather think those to be imaginary things or devices of old bards said to be there, though we have no certain memory of them neither. Nor may we think it strange that such things may be spoken of, since we may well credit some good historians, that

write that Alexander, after that he had returned from his journey to India, caused a great representation to be made on the ground on the western side of the river Indus, of a huge campaign almost immeasurable, with tents, cabins, and platforms, and arms also, for horses, racks, and mangers, of such height as were not to be reached at; and that there were also scattered about the ground bits and bridles for horses, of extraordinary length and bigness, and that all this “ut de magnis majora loquantur,” and to make men think upon him and his miraculous acts with the more admiration.

VI. The sixth cause is, the loss of the ancient records, not of the Duchy or the Earldom of Cornwall, (which some affirm were burnt, and others lost in the ancient ruins of the castles of Rostormell, and other such,) but of those of whole Cornwall, whilst one of the four dynasties of this island, (or, as Pancirollus,) one of the five.

VII. The seventh cause is desuetude, or want of a continued use; and it is no wonder, if, after so many losses, the true use of the tongue vanished away or grew not into contempt. Speeches are compounded of words, and both of them of one nature, and continued according to their use, and of one of them it may be said as of the other

Multa recensentur quæ nunc cecidere, cadentque

Quæ nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus.

Words many and tongues we recount,

Which being fallen do oft remount,

And those that are now priz’d by us,

May fall to ground for want of use.

VIII. A general stupidity may be observed to be in the whole county. As to other matters monumental, there is little mention made of our antient stately fabrics amongst us, now ruinated; as to the founders of them, castles, battles fought, and other things: and as to churches (though we have abundance of fair ones for so small a county, where there is no city nor any great town in it) excellent foundations, but who the builders were we have no intelligence, only a great many false tutelaries of them we hear of. Little of the monasteries hath been said by those that have written copiously of others elsewhere. Scarcely anything of the ancient bishops here, or of the bishop’s see; only we know it to be said antiently, that it

was removed from Bodmyn to St. German’s,[36] and that it was about anno 1000, Danorum turbine, from a country more open, to a place more woodland. The cathedral indeed might have been better memorized by Godwin in his Catalogue of Bishops, and enumeration of all the bishopricks; yet little is said of it or the four several chapels in several distinct places of the parish thereto belonging; and as for the monastery nothing at all. It is strange too that Mr. Camden should say, “Germani viculum nihil aliud est hodie, quam piscatorum casulæ:” whereas, there are no such things belonging to such a trade there seen, but instead thereof a cathedral, maintained at the great cost of the inhabitants, (though a great part, by an accident, about one hundred years since fell down,) a good monastical house yet undemolished, and hospitably inhabited, to the relief of poor people. The bishop’s seat and house are yet eminently extant in a Cornish name. The borough of St. German’s enjoys still the privilege of sending burgesses to Parliament by prescription. Pity it is that St. German, who came hither to suppress the Pelagian heresy, should have so bad a going off; for an old fable remains yet in report, that St. German being ill used fled away, leaving a sad curse behind him, to the cliffs at Rame near the head; where bewailing his misfortunes, the compassionating rocks in the cliffs shed tears with him, at a place ever since called St. German’s Well. True it is, such a spring there is, but the occasion of it cannot be more truly affirmed than the other part of the story that follows, viz. That he should be carried thence into remote countries by angels in a fiery chariot, the tract of whose wheels were said to be seen in those cliffs, but they are invisible. Thus much for the site of the place. As to the person of St. German, who perhaps never saw the place, I need not turn over old fabulous legends, nor a better sort who have written his life heretofore, but I may have liberty to relate what I have from the better hands of learned persons.[37] That besides his disputation and confutation of Pelagius at Verulam, and thereby freeing the church and nation from those heresies by a public edict from the Emperor Valentinian, whereby they were no more troubled with them afterwards, he the

said St. German did other great works for this land, viz. 1st. the institution of schools of learning among the Britons; Dubritius and Iltutus being both of them his disciples. Dubritius was made Archbishop of Carlehon; Iltutus sent to Lan Iltut, a church bearing his name to this day; and one Daniell, made Bishop of Bangor; from these famous men the monastery of Bangor, and other monasteries in this land, were so well furnished with learned men, at the coming in of St. Austin from the Pope, they stood upon discreet and honourable terms.

2. The introduction of the Gallican Liturgy into use in the churches of Britany, which was ever different from the Romans, and thereby a happy means to have kept this nation from so much acquaintance with the Pope, as they had with him afterwards, to their great trouble. It is also said that St. Patrick, who carried over into Ireland the education monastic, and good principles therewith, and is held to be the Apostle of Ireland, spent many years under the discipline of St. German, when he came hither; who, after he had been employed in the embassy to the Emperor at Ravenna, died there one year before the Saxons’ arrival.

All this time we are left in the dark concerning the fabric of the Monastery of St. German’s, which could not be built till two or three hundred years perhaps after the Saxons got a perfect dominion here over the land, but we may believe that that and the cathedral might be dedicated to his memory afterwards, in respect of the many good works he had done elsewhere.

IX. As we have had an ill registry of monumental matters, so for five or six centuries past (before the two last), I doubt we had but few learned men here, which induces me to put that to the ninth cause of the decay of the Cornish tongue. After the suppression of the Druids, and that Christianity was received, yet learning decayed some while amongst the people, the best of them being carried abroad by the Romans and never returned; and then the supposed Saints coming in after them, made no reparation thereof, but by their supposed miracles, with which they entertained the people. So they had very few learned men amongst them, places of breeding and obtaining learning being remote, scarcely approachable, and the nation in continual troubles and dangers; and for latter times such learned men as came to us, seeing our own neglect of our tongue, have thought it not fit to take the

pains to inquire into it, as a thing obscure and not fit to be studied by them, and so suffered to decay insensibly by them and the inhabitants.

X. The Cornish tongue hath mostly resided for some ages past in the names of the people, the gentry chiefly, and in the names of places, observed to be significant mostly as to the site, &c. or for some things eminent about them. Concerning both these, I must take liberty to shew how the speech has been invaded, and eaten up by intrusion, much of which hath been about churches and their sites, as well as by neglectful inobservation; for those Saxon saints have hungrily eaten up the antient names, which, when they could not well digest for hardness of the words, many catched up others from those whom they fieigned to be the tutelaries of those places, churches, and fountains, and supposed miracles wrought thereabouts, as St. Kaine, St. Gurrion, St. Tudy, St. Ive, St. Endellion, St. Kue, Landulph, St. Ust, St. Just, St. Marthren, &c. Of St. Mardren’s Well,[38] (which is a parish west to the Mount) a fresh true story of two persons, both of them lame and decrepit, thus recovered from their infirmity. These two persons, after they had applied themselves to divers physicians and chirurgeons for cure, and finding no success by them, they resorted to St. Mardren’s Well, and according to the ancient custom, which they had heard of, the same which was once in a year, to wit, on Corpus Christi evening, to lay some small offering on the altar there, and to lie on the ground all night, drink of the water there, and in the morning after, to take a good draught more, and to take and carry away some of the water, each of them in a bottle, at their departure. This course these two men followed, and within three weeks they found the effect of it, and by degrees their strength increasing, were able to move themselves on crutches. The year following they take the same course again, after which they were able to go with the help of a stick; and at length one of them, John Thomas, being a fisherman, was, and is able at this day, to follow his fishing craft. The other, whose name was William Cork, was a soldier

under the command of my kinsman, Colonel William Godolphin, (as he has often told me) was able to perform his duty, and died in the service of his majesty King Charles I. But herewith take also this: one Mr. Hutchens, a person well known in those parts, and now lately dead, being parson of Ludgvan, a near neighbouring parish to St. Mardren’s Well, he observing that many of his parishioners often frequented this well superstitiously, for which he reproved them privately, and sometimes publicly in his sermons; but afterwards, he the said Mr. Hutchens, meeting with a woman coming from the well with a bottle in her hand, desired her earnestly that he might drink thereof, being then troubled with cholical pains, which accordingly he did, and was eased of his infirmity. The latter story is a full confutation of the former, for if the taking the water accidentally thus prevailed upon the party to his cure, as it is likely it did, then the miracle which was intended to be by the ceremony of lying on the ground and offering, is wholly fled, and it leaves the virtue of the water to be the true cause of the cure. And we have here, as in many places of the land, great variety of salutary springs, which have diversity of operations, which by natural reason have been found to be productive of good effects, and not by miracle, as the vain fancies of monks and friars have been exercised in heretofore.

Howbeit, there are some old names yet remaining of places of prayers or oratories, and the ruins shewing them to be such, as V. Gr. Paderda, which is prayers good, (of which many places are so named); Eglarose, the church in the vale, supposed antienter than the names of their churches. Their sites are eminent and ancient, standing towards the east, though no mention made how they came to be in decay, but supposed to be after the Saxon churches came to be erected, and miracles supposed to be wrought by those whose names they bear. Churches’ sites took new names, whereas the old Cornish names remain in all other places of the parishes generally; yet the names of the four old castles remain, and of manors also for the most part, and some other things in the Cornish, and do so continue the better, by reason of men’s particular interest in them: and so are the eminent hills likewise, especially towards the sea, and the hundred or hamlet names of the country remain so chiefly in the western parts; those on the eastern, standing towards the borders, have their

names wrested away by neighbourhood, as are other things by like accidents in the eastern parts of the county; other names have been encroached upon by fantastical or vainglorious builders calling their houses after their own names, and others upon vain toys; but these are not many. Moreover, concerning the loss of our speech, and the names of families, I must here (but tenderly though) blame the incuriosity of some of our gentry; who, forsaking the etymologies of their own speech, have studied out new derivations of their names, endeavouring to make themselves as it were descended from French or Norman originals, in adopting or adapting their names thereunto; whereas, their own names in the Cornish are more honourable, genuine, and true; from the Conquest, forsooth, those would have their descent, (no illustrious thing in itself) whereas the ancestry of many of them have been here long before. How finely many have cozened themselves thereby, might be shewn, if it would not be offensively taken, by taking up of coat armour as from French originals. The art of heraldry hath been drawn out to us in French terms and trickings, mostly begun when our kings had most to do in those parts, and so from thence it hath continued ever since; and our Cornish gentry, finding the English so much addicted thereunto, have followed in that tract the same mode, and would fain have themselves understood such, when they were much better before than those French or Latin terms could make them, in which many of the English may be blamed as well as we; for the herald’s art hath many mysteries in it under their French and Latin terms, and many mistakes may be thereby to us and others who are not well acquainted with them, but in those that concern our own tongue, it is evident many have wronged themselves, and more may do so if not well heeded.

The grounds of two mistakes are very obvious. 1st. Upon the Tre or Ter. 2dly. Upon the Ross or Rose. Tre or Ter in Cornish commonly signifies a town, or rather place, and it has always an adjunct with it. Tri is the number. 3. Those men willingly mistake one for another; and so in French heraldry terms, they use to fancy and contrive those with any such three things as may be like or cohere with, or may be adapted to any thing or things in their surnames; whether very handsome or not, is not much stood upon. Another usual mistake is upon Ross,

which, as they seem to fancy, should be a rose; but Ross in Cornish is a vale or valley. Now for this their French-Latin tutors, when they go into the field of Mars, put them in their coat armour prettily to smell out a rose or flower (a fading honour instead of a durable one); so any three such things, agreeable perhaps a little to their names, are taken up and retained from abroad, when their own at home have a much bttter scent and more lasting.

Some, however, amongst us, have kept themselves better to the antiquities of their Cornish names in their coat armour, as that honourable family Godolphin,[39] in keeping still displayed abroad his white eagle, from the Cornish Gothulgon. Richard, king of the Romans, Emperor elect, supplied his Cornish border with silver (perhaps tin) plates, deducing them from the antient earls of Cornwall, as borne by them before the Norman Conquest, and, in honour to them and himself, still bearing the same afterwards. Chiverton, whose name in Cornish is a house on a green place or hill, he beareth a coat thereunto accordant, a castle with a green field under it; which may be well thought on as to the name in[40] Cornish, though, in the heraldry it had been more complete. V. a castle A. as I apprehend; Scaberius, which is sweepers or sweeping, A. 3 broom besoms V.; Gavergan, a goat; Keverel, a he-goat, or he-goats; that creature taking most delight, as it is observed, in the cliffs thereabout. These are better significations taken from home, than the other that are foreign; and yet the assumption of a coat from any particular act of a man’s own, is better than such as have reference barely to names, without some special signification therewith.

I had thoughts formerly, and made preparation to give many more instances, where many amongst us have been mistaken in those two particulars; but since it is a hard thing to convince men of old errors, and a harder to make a question against any concerning their gentelicions and the old forms thereof, though intended more for their honour, I shall forbear the further prosecution thereof; but in this, however, I shall do them right, that they, i. e. their ancestors, in this way thus trodden, have walked

generally as antiently as any other gentry of this nation, and to my seeming, it had been better if they had stood still super vias antiquas avorum suorum, since most of those ancient families who have strayed abroad as aforesaid, have yet some of them, and many more had, lands and places of their own names in their possession long enjoyed; and a nearer passage it had been to their journey’s end, viz. their honour, if they had not adventured abroad: a testimony whereof we have in that great contention which happened in the time of King Edward III. between Carminow of this county (a family to which most of the ancient gentry here have relation) and a great person[41] of the nation, for bearing of one and the same coat armour, Azure, a bend Or. After many heats about it, a reference was made of it by the king to the most eminent Knights of that time, of which John of Gaunt, King of Castille, was one, before whom Carminow proved his right by the continual bearing thereof, and that before the Conquest, which was not disapproved nor disallowed, but applauded: yet, because the other contendant was a baron of the realm, Carminow was adjudged to bear the same coat still, but a file in chief for distinction sake. The decision was no way dishonourable, and the remembrance of the contention continued to the glory of his posterity, to which his motto in Cornish seems to have an allusion —in English, “A Straw for Whifflers or Dissemblers;” or as some have said to be, “A Fig Cala Rag Whetlow;” but we may take the same better, I think, from the very name of Carminow being in Cornish a rock immoveable, as a sign of his resolution, from thence, or formerly taken up.

Having gone through this passage, which I know not how it may be taken by my countrymen, let me make this observation, that since the gentry here have thought fit, or endeavoured by mistake, to forsake the antiquity of their Cornish names, and thereby their greatest interest, might perhaps prognosticate that their language, which was their ancient glory, should in revenge forsake them, as now it hath almost done; and I shall proceed to assign some other causes of the decay thereof.

XI. The vicinity, or near neighbourhood with Devon. I may say that vicinity only with the Devonians, we having none else, which next to the corruption of tongues by

time and superstition to saints, hath most devoured the names of places, especially on the borders of Cornwall with Devon; and there is the worst language commonly spoken, and spoken rudely too, which corrupts not only their own country tongue but ours also, in the places that are nearest to them, and those infect others nearest to them. The names of the places are thereby also much altered in the Cornish, which antiently they had generally, and the particulars that do yet appear, do stand as marks only to shew that what were formerly had are now much eaten away, on the borders especially. ’Tis observed also elsewhere in this county furthest west, where the Cornish hath been most spoken, that the English thereabouts is much better than the same is in Devon, or the places bordering on them, by being most remote from thence from whence the corruption proceeds.

XII. Our gentry, and others, antiently kept themselves in their matches unmixt, commonly at home in their own country, both sons and daughters desiring much to do so, whereby they preserved their names here, and races the better; and when their names changed, it hath been observed to be to the places of their abode, sometimes willingly, sometimes by accident. So it hath continued the Cornish names to the places, and consequently the tongue. But indeed of late our gentry have frequently sought out foreign marriages in other counties, whereby, though it may be confessed they have brought in much wealth, and have goodly inheritances abroad, yet their offsprings have been dissipated, and their affection less intire to the county, the country-men, and country speech; yet it is to be observed, that not many of them have been very prosperous or of long continuance in other counties, where they cannot muster up very many of our names of gentry, Prideaux, Trevilian, Tregonwell, Penruddock, and a few others excepted, which shews that our Cornish are like those trees that thrive best and live longest in their own peculiar soil and air, which yet is fruitful and durable to those that come in amongst us. Not only gentry, which are very many, that have great inheritance by their matches here with Cornish families, but many others also, which seldom leave this country when they have been planted here.

XIII. The coming-in of strangers of all sorts upon us, artificers, traders, home-born and foreigners, whom our

great commodities of tin (more profitable to others than ourselves) and fishing, have invited to us to converse with, and often to stay with us; these all, as they could not easily learn our tongue, for which they could not find any guide or direction, especially in these latter days, nor the same generally spoken or affected amongst ourselves, so they were more apt and ready to let loose their own tongues to be commixed with ours, and such, for the novelty sake thereof, people were more ready to receive than to communicate ours to any improvement to them. But ministers in particular have much decreased the speech; this country being far from academies, strangers from other parts of the kingdom have sought, as they still do, and have had their promotions here, where benefices are observed to be very good, and those have left their progenies, and thereby their names, remaining behind them, whereby the Cornish names have been diminished, as the tongue also: so that, as the reputed saints heretofore where they seated themselves, have robbed the places where their churches now stand for the most part of the Cornish names they had before, so the ministers since those times coming from other places, and other strangers, have filled up in many places the inhabitants and places here with their new names and titles brought amongst us, to the loss of many of the old. Here too we may add what wrong another sort of strangers have done to us, especially in the civil wars, and in particular by destroying of Mincamber, a famous monument, being a rock of infinite weight, which, as a burden, was laid upon other great stones, and yet so equally thereon poised up by nature only, as a little child could instantly move it, but no one man or many remove it. This natural monument all travellers that came that way desired to behold; but in the time of Oliver’s usurpation, when all monumental things became despicable, one Shrubsall, one of Oliver’s heroes, then governor of Pendennes, by labour and much ado caused to be undermined and thrown down, to the great grief of the country, but to his own great glory as he thought, doing it as he said, with a small cane in his hand. I myself have heard him to boast of this act, being a prisoner then under him.

XIV. Another cause I shall mention as a great loss of the tongue, though it be a great and wonderful advantage

to the people otherwise: the orders of the church and state, commanding all the people young to learn the Lord’s Prayer, Belief, &c. in the vulgar tongue, supposing that to be intended the English, if a mother, surely a stepmother to us. Younglings take in that most, and retain longest, wherewith they are seasoned and bred up in their education.

Herein we must complain also of another new neglect to our speech, that the like care was not taken for us as for our brethren in Wales, in the making of the late act of Parliament for the uniformity of the Common Prayer, by which the five Bishops for Wales were commanded to see the Service Book to be printed in the Welch tongue. If it had been so here it had been a good counterpoise for the loss formerly mentioned concerning the young people; this might also perhaps have saved us some labour in this our undertaking, and it would have been of good use for some of our[42] old folks also, for we have some among these few that do speak Cornish, who do not understand a word of English, as well as those in Wales, and those may be many in some of the western parts, to whom Mr. Francis Robinson, parson of Landawednack told me, he had preached a sermon not long since in the Cornish tongue, only well understood by his auditory. This should have been taken into consideration by our gentlemen burgesses in that and other Parliaments, and by our bishops also; but better it had been if our ancient bishops when they fled hither from their invaders, had brought with them a character of their ancient speech, or left books written therein; or, in defect thereof, they or any other had done for us as Ulphius the bishop did for the Goths when they came to be seated in Italy, who there invented new Gothic letters for his people, and translated the Holy Scriptures into that language for them. This indeed had deserved

our greatest thanks from our bishops, as no doubt they had them from those persons who received so great a benefit by their former and latter kindness therein; nor let that good old bishop Ulphius be censured (as he seems to be) for doing a superfluous work, because he might perhaps know that the then service of the church was celebrated in the Greek and Latin tongues, but rather let him be commended for his zeal in religion, and his love to his country and to his country people then with him, dwelling with strangers in another land, that continued so mindful of them and their speech, as we have been neglectful of ours. He by that means continued that tongue in use; we by his example might have regained ours, if the like care had been taken; but our people, as I have heard, in Queen Elizabeth’s time, desired that the Common Liturgy should be in the English tongue, to which they were then for novelty’s sake affected, not out of true judgment desired it. But, besides negligence, fatality is to be considered; fatality is a boundary beyond which nothing can pass; it hath been eminent in kingdoms and states, and those have had commonly fatal periods, as to a time determined five hundred years commonly. But more usual it is, that upon such mutations of kingdoms there have happened losses and mutations of tongues; it may therefore be the more wondered at, that this of the British, being none of the learned tongues to which the Lord had intrusted the writing of his Sacred Scriptures, should have here lasted so long through so many mutations, and that there is yet such a record thereof, as our old manuscript imports, with the purity of the doctrine therein contained, and some other small things in the Bodleian Library.

XV. The little or no help, rather discouragement, which the gentry and other people of our own have given in these latter days, who have lived in those parts where the tongue hath been in some use. In the time of the late unhappy civil war, we began to make some use of it upon the runnagates that went from us to the contrary part from our opposite works, and more we should have done if the enemy had not been jealous of them, and prevented us. This may be fit to be improved into somewhat, if the like occasion happen, for it may be talked freely and aloud to advantage, to which no other tongue hath reference. The poorest sort at this day, when they speak it as they come

abroad, are laughed at by the rich that understand it not, which is by their own fault in not endeavouring after it.

XVI. The want of writing it is the great cause of its decay; for, though there wanted a proper character for it, yet we might have written it in the character now in use, but I never saw a letter written in it from one gentleman to another, or by any scholar; which is to be wondered at, and blamed as a thing unbecoming such as ought to be studious in every thing that is ancient: but since I began to set about this work, I prevailed upon those that translated it to write me several letters, which they at first found very hard to be done; but after some practice it seemed easier.

Here I cannot but lament the want of such persons, books, records and papers, which were late in being, and not now to be had, and my misfortune in not having translated them, that most unhappily escaped me; one was the manuscript of Anguin, who had translated out of Cornish into English —— his relations, after his decease, (having suits before me as Vice-Warden of the Stanneries for tin bounds) promised me the favour of those translations, but before their return to their houses, their people tearing all about for their controverted goods, had torn to pieces all those papers. In another place I was promised the sight of a Cornish Accidence; but that by another such-like accident was totally spoiled by children before it could be brought me. I have heard also that a Matins in Cornish was amongst the books of Dr. Joseph Maynard, but I could never attain to it. But besides the no helps by which I lie in this labyrinth, I have likewise had discouragements amongst ourselves at home. I have been often told that, besides the difficulty of the attempt, it would be thought ridiculous for one to go about the restoring of that tongue which he himself could not speak nor understand truly when spoken, to which I have made answer with these two following instances: one is of a countryman of ours, Langford by name; who being blind was yet able to teach others the noble science of defence, only he desired to know still the length of the weapon of his fellow combatant, with a guess of his posture, and this he practised with good success. The other is of one Grizling, of whom Mr. Camden says, that he being deaf could see words; that is, that notwithstanding his deafness he could answer any man’s

question that set at table with him by the motion of his lips. This man I have seen also, and he would complain of such men as in those days wore great munchadoes, as they then called them, i. e. nourishing of much hair, by which he was hindered somewhat of the observation of their lips.

I may place these two men, one blind, the other deaf, for these qualities among the observable things of the county, knowing them to be true,—if the mentioning these examples in their comparison do not excuse me from being laughed at by those men that have censured me for my attempt.

Hic facit Adam et dicit Deus.

Dol ony onen ha try, Tas ha Sap yn Trynyte

Ny ad eura ty then abry, haual dagan fare whare

Ny a euhyth yn the vody sperys sans hylly beene

Han been nans pan yn kylly, then dozty a del arte

Adam saf yn van yn clor, ha tryt the gyk ha the woys

Preder my theth wull a dor, haual theym an pen then troys

Myns us yntryr hag yn mor, evarnethe kemer halloys

Yn bysma rag dry astor ty a veea bys mafy toys.

Adam del of Den aras, bos guythys a uronty af thys

Kybar Paradys myathas saen gara un dra a govys

War bup, frut losoen ha has, avo hynny hy teays

Sacu yn frut ny fyth kymmyas, yea proen askyens hyulkis.

Nara tybbryth a henna, yen hyneuis pren askyens

Ynnes a lena tya, hag a fyth marroeu vernens.

In English thus:

So are we one and three, Father and Son in Trinity,

We make thee to us of clay like to our face anon,

We will breath in thy body spirit holy, and ointment on his head,

And life when lost to the earth thou must again.

Adam rise thou up in strength, and turn to flesh and blood;

Think I came all of earth like me from head to foot;

All that’s on land and sea upon them take thou authority,

In this world from bring forth thou shalt have thee allowed.

Adam so of God’s grace but keep what’s granted thee;

Take Paradise I appoint, only leave the thing thou ought.

On each fruit herb and seed that in it is growing,

Except the fruit thou shalt not take —that’s the tree of knowledge forbidden.

Do not eat of that’s named the tree of knowledge,

Out from thence thou must and shalt die the death.

By this small part of a greater piece given (as I conceive) for Welsh, by a Welsh gentleman, it appears how near the Cornish and Welsh tongues are affined.

Anglick.Cornwalleck.
Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name, thy kingdom come, thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven; give us this day our daily bread; and forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil.Ny Taz oz yn neau, bonegas yw tha hanaw, tha gwtakath doaz, tha bonogath bo gwrez en nove porarag en neau, roe thenyen dythma gon dyth bara giuians ny gan cabu ura chen; ledia ny ara idn tentation, buz diluer ny thact deog.

I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth; and in Jesus Christ his only son our Lord, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried. He descended into hell; the third day he rose again from the dead; he ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty, from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.
Mea greez en du Taz olgologack y wrig en neu han noare. Ha yn Jesu Crest y vabe hag agan arlyth avy, conseviys daz an Speriz Sanz, geniz thurt an voz Mareea, sufferai dadn; Pont Pilatt, ve gocis dan vernans ha bethis, ha thes kidnias the yffarn, y sauas arta yn trysa dyth, ha deriffians da neau ha seth war deghow dornyndue taz olgologack Thurt ena eu za doaz tha juga yn braw han vazaw.

I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholic Church, the forgiveness of sins, the resurrection of the body, and the life everlasting.
Me a greez yn Spiriz Sanz, Sanz Cathalick Eglis, yn Communion yn Sanz, yn geiyanson pegh, yn derivyans yn corff, han bowians ragnuera andellazobo.

[25] Dr. Hammond’s Exposition to the Apocalypse.

[26] Tit. Dij et Homines, 1. 3. p. 457, cap. 163.

[27] Gr. Naz. in Trag.

[28] Here passing down the river, I would willingly have given by the way an account of the antient Cornish name of that eminent place now called Mount Edgcombe, but by reason that the present, and some other generations, have been so much inclined to the name it now bears, and the other generations before them had given it the name of West Stonehouse, as in relation to that on the eastern side of the river East Stonehouse, where the mansion of those gentlemen formerly was, (according to which I have seen an entry of it, Cum Perco et Passagio, in an antient Ouster le main) I could not attain to it.

[29] Off from Seaton, a valley between Ramehead and Loo, there is to be seen in a clear day in the bottom of the sea, a league from the shore, a whole wood of timber on its side, uncorrupted.

[30] Cæsar de Bello Gallico, lib. VI. ch. 14. Neque fas esse existimant, ea literis mandare cum in reliquis Græcis utantur literis. Id mihi duabus de causis instituisse videntur; quod neque in vulgum disciplinam efferi velint; neque eos, qui discant literis, confisos minus memorise studere.—Ed.

[31] The two first lines are from Lib. VII. Ep. 88. The last line from Lib. XI. Ep. 3.—Ed.

[32] Signification of which word in Cornish is “speeches great.”

[33] And so were the other devotions exercised, sub Dio, as you may see by the discourse of Ed. Jones.

[34] Gualterius, mentioned by Archbishop Laud in a speech in the Star Chamber.

[35] These bones must evidently have been found in a Cavern, the nature of which has been most ably ascertained and described by Doctor Buckland; and the Rev. Richard Hennah has examined another cavern of precisely the same nature, comprising bones of various large Mammalia, in the limestone formation, not far from Plymouth.—Ed.

[36] At St. German’s, the place of the author’s nativity, endowed by King Etheldred with lands, liberties, and privileges, but what or where non patet.

[37] Archbishop Usher, in Primordiis. Bishop of St. Asaph. Dr. Stillingfleet, Orig. Britt.

[38] Bishop Hall, in his Mystery of Godliness, says, that a cripple, who for sixteen years together was fain to walk upon his hands, by reason the sinews of his legs were contracted, upon monitions in his dreams to wash in St. Mardren’s Well, was suddenly so restored to his limbs, that he saw him both able to walk and get his own maintenance.

[39] Godolanac, in the Phœnician, is a place of tin.

[40] So Molenneck, signifying Goldfinches, a chevron Sable, between three goldfinches Proper.

[41] Lord Scroope.

[42] Amongst which, as one of the fresh antiquities of Cornwall, let not the old woman be forgotten, who died about two years since, who was 164 years old, of good memory, and healthful at that age, living in the parish of Gwithian, by the charity mostly of such as came purposely to see her, speaking to them (in default of English) by an interpreter, yet partly understanding it. She married a second husband after she was 80, and buried him after he was 80 years of age. Her maiden name no one could remember, nor perhaps she herself. She was usually called after her two husbands’ several names severally and sometimes together, as it is usual for the meaner sort of people to do. As for her maiden name, she might say with a wench in Petronius, “Junonem meam iratam habeam si unquam meminerim me virginem fuisse.”

APPENDIX.
VI.

WILLIAM OF WORCESTER’S ITINERARY.

As no account of William of Worcester is to be found in the common Biographical Dictionaries and Encyclopedias, it has been thought proper to prefix a short notice of his life and character to the following extract from his Itinerary:

William was the son of William of Worcester, and of Elizabeth, the daughter of Thomas Bottoner. His surname he took indifferently from either; and he is consequently sometimes denominated William Worcester, and William Bottoner. Bishop Tanner describes him as descended of a knightly family, but upon what evidence is not known; yet from certain passages in the Itinerary his father would seem to have been a substantial householder.

He was born in the parish of St. James at Bristol in the year 1415; and as he speaks of a stone vault in that city as having been built in 1428, at his own expense, it is probable that he lost his father, and came to his inheritance at a very early age. Of his childhood nothing is known; but there is some reason to suppose that he was taught the rudiments of learning by Robert Lane, whom he has commemorated as a very eminent schoolmaster at Bristol when he was a youth. In 1432 he first went to Oxford, where he was admitted of Hart Hall, now Baliol College.

It is said, that he was supported at the University by the celebrated Sir John Fastolf; the same who, in his own day, had great renown for his valour and munificence, and

who was afterwards exposed to dishonour by Shakspere, with a trifling variation of his name, and a considerable distortion of his character. But it may be presumed that Worcester was indebted not so much to his bounty as to his protection; for if we may judge of Worcester’s patrimony from the few notices he has given us of his father’s property in Bristol, it is not likely that his own means would have been inadequate to the small expense of a collegiate course in those simple times; and we may therefore believe, that the connection which subsisted between Worcester and Fastolf, was merely a compliance with the general custom of the age, when youths of gentlemanly birth and competent fortune sought the patronage and entered the household of wealthy and powerful men. But, however this might have been, it is certain that he afterwards lived with Sir John at Caister, in Norfolk, where he acted as the knight’s secretary and confidential friend, and subsequently as one of his executors.

At Oxford Worcester prosecuted his studies with great diligence and success; and we are informed that he became eminent for his knowledge of history, medicine, and astronomy. On these subjects he is said to have written many books: yet it is likely that they were rather extracts and memorandums, than original and formal compositions. Besides these, he executed some translations from the classics; and we learn from his Itinerary, that on the tenth of August 1473, he presented the Bishop of Winchester with a translation of Cicero on Old Age. He tells us, however, that this gift was not sufficient to conciliate the good prelate’s regard; but he seems to insinuate, that the failure was owing less to the faults of the performance, than to the intervention of an enemy. Yet, whatever he might have suffered from the malice of his neighbours, it is possible, that the offering itself was considered of small value; and it might have been the less esteemed, if it be true, that the same treatise had been already rendered into English by John Tiptoft, the accomplished and unfortunate Earl of Worcester.

But it is on very slender evidence that this nobleman is said to have translated Cicero on Old Age. He had left in manuscript a translation of Cicero on Friendship; and when Caxton printed it, many years after his death, with an anonymous version of the essay on Old Age, in the same volume, he was at once supposed to have been the

author of both; but the translation, thus published without a name, was professedly executed in honour of Sir John Fastolf, the friend and patron of William of Worcester; and as it is well known that many of his dependant’s literary performances were undertaken expressly for his sake, and, as at the same time William of Worcester might have been easily confounded with the Earl of Worcester, there is considerable probability that William, and not the Earl, was the author of the translation in question, and consequently William could not have suffered on a comparison with him in the manner suggested. Nor is it sufficient objection to this inference, that the productions of a writer, whose style has been chosen as an example of the barbarous taste of the age in which he lived, were not likely to be imputed to one whose extraordinary attainments had won the admiration of the polished and fastidious scholars of Italy; for whatever might have been the Earl’s superiority in classical knowledge, it does not appear that he had cultivated his native tongue with greater care than his contemporaries; and William of Worcester might not have fallen below him in the rude and unsettled English of that time.

Of William’s writings, of whatever kind, very little is now extant; and though for a few things the credit which he deserved has been given to others, it has been reasonably conjectured, that he has enjoyed in return the merit of some performances of which he was not the author; but however he might have laboured in the promotion of learning, he loved the acquisition of it so well, that he was accustomed to say, he found more pleasure in his books than some men derived from their estates; and to the attainments which he had made at the University, he added, by the help of one Giles, a Lombard, some acquaintance with French and Poetry.

Yet study was insufficient to satisfy him without observation: τὸ εἰδέναι δίττον ἔλεγεν εἶναι· τὸ μὲν ἐπιστήμῃ, τὸ δὲ τῇ πείρᾳ. He consequently sought to enlarge his knowledge by travelling; and he has been considered worthy of respect as the earliest topographer of England, “Primum Angliæ perlustratorem ne flocci facias;” but however this may be, he is certainly the first traveller who has left us any memorials of a journey into Cornwall; and the interest and value which his observations derive from this

circumstance, have made them worthy of a place in the present Appendix.

The book, in which these notices are found, is entitled Itinerarium, sive Liber Rerum Memorabilium Willelmi Botoner dict. de Worcester. It had existed in manuscript only, till the year 1778, when it was published at Cambridge, from the original autograph in the Library of Corpus Christi College, by James Nasmith, formerly a Fellow of that Society. Besides this, indeed, there is another manuscript of the journal in the same library, but it is only a copy of the former, made by the procurement of Archbishop Parker; and as it is very incorrect, it is of no value in itself, and could have been of little use to the editor.

This Itinerary seems to have been a memorandum book, which the author kept with him on his journeys, not only into this county, but to other parts of this kingdom; and accordingly we find it stored with desultory notices of separate facts, and distant places, and abounding with trifling and unconnected observations, which seem to have been associated on the same page, only as the book was accidentally opened, and recorded rather from some present impulse, than with any settled and ultimate design. Nothing can be more rude than the style, or more worthless than many of the statements; and whatever might have been the writer’s real intention, it is very certain that his remarks, in the condition which they have actually come down to us, could not have been meant for publication. It might have been his purpose, when leisure and opportunity should serve, to arrange and expand the hasty and unconnected notes thus made by the way; but the brevity of the greater number would have insufficiently secured him against perplexities and mistakes; and as he might have erred occasionally through the acknowledged failure of his memory, or the unconscious influence of his imagination, it is possible that a careful and regular composition subsequently made, might have been less useful, than even the confused and scanty memorandums we possess.

Worcester came into Cornwall in the year 1478. Mr. Whitaker says, that it was in 1440. How he could have committed such a mistake, it is difficult to conceive, as the date is expressly recorded in the Itinerary itself. Mr. Polwhele, indeed, appears to have erred likewise; for,

according to him, William’s journey was performed in 1473; but this is evidently nothing more than a misprint. In one of our county histories, the journey is stated to have occurred in 1460: it is probable, however, that the writer had never seen the Itinerary.

He set out from Norwich, on Monday the 17th of August, and reached London on the Thursday following. On the first of September he came to Bristol, and took his departure for Cornwall on the next day. He arrived at Launceston on Sunday the 13th, and on Monday pursued his journey towards the west. Near Bodmin his horse fell with him, but it does not appear that he received any injury. On Tuesday night he slept at Polwhele; and having visited the preaching friars at Truro on Wednesday, he came in the evening to Marazion. The next morning, Thursday 17th of September 1478, he attended mass in the chapel on the Mount. In the afternoon of the same day, he departed for Penryn; and going thence to Bodmin, he returned eastward, through the towns on the south coast. The towns and villages on the north coast of Cornwall he did not visit; and the statements which he makes respecting them, were merely the result of his inquiries. He seems, indeed, to have been as diligent in seeking information from others, as in making observations of his own; and no persons, whether smiths, ropers, or ferrymen, were considered unfit to furnish him with the knowledge which he wanted for his journal. Amongst those in Cornwall, from whom he learned most, was his cousin, Robert Bracey, at Fowey; but it is likely that he depended mainly upon the secular and regular clergy, who entertained him on the road, and gave him access to their chronicles and registers.

With regard to the nature and purpose of this journey, from the manner of the record itself, it would not be easy to conjecture, whether it was undertaken with feelings of devotion or of curiosity. The coldness of the whole narrative, and the careless brevity with which the accomplishment of the acknowledged object is related, were scarcely consistent with a fervid and lively devotion; and the insertion of so many facts and observations, which must have been useless when they were written, and now owe their value to their subsequent antiquity, while the documents of early times, and the traditions of the people, were almost wholly neglected, could not have happened

under the influence of an active and judicious curiosity. And besides this, when William of Worcester was in Cornwall, it was impossible for an intelligent visitor to overlook the state of our ecclesiastical architecture. Many of our present churches had been recently built, and others were then building; and some account of their style and condition, of their founders and builders, and of the circumstances attending their erection, would have been far more amusing to his contemporaries than what he wrote, and of unspeakable interest in after times. And any other man, we may suppose, would have found something to say of the manners and habits of the people, and of their mines and fisheries; but from William of Worcester we know only by implication or accident, that he travelled in an inhabited country.

Yet without devotion he would not have visited the Mount, and without curiosity he would have made no observations by the way. The shrine of St. Michael, which had been the resort of superstitious people in remote times, had lately recovered its ancient reputation, after an interval of some accidental obscurity; and pilgrims were again attracted by the privileges conferred on it in the eleventh century, and were coming even from distant places in considerable numbers. William of Worcester was one of these; and as his penitence had brought him so far, it might be thought that his admiration would have delayed his return.

But the hospitalities of a place so ‘kind to strangers,’ the natural beauties of the Mount, and the venerable antiquity and romantic traditions of the castle and monastery, were not enough to detain him for a day; and with scarcely any regard to such things, he stayed but a few hours. In that short space he could not occupy himself with many inquiries; and we have received from him only a few bare facts, which he appears to have recorded rather as the justification of his pilgrimage, than with any precise knowledge of their value.

His subsequent pursuits, and the time of his death, are not known, nor have we any account of the number and the fortunes of his children. It is certain, however, that he was married; and he is reported to have taken a wife in opposition to the wishes of his patron. For Sir John Fastolf had designed for him some ecclesiastical preferment, and had consequently advised him to obtain orders

in the church. Tanneri Biblioth.—Paston Letters.—Lelandus de Script. Brit.—Henry’s Hist. of Engl.

Incipiunt notabilia per W. Worcestre scripta in viagio de Bristolia ad Montem Sancti Michaelis in anno Christi 1478.

*  *  *  *  *

Itinerarium Cornubiæ ad occidentalissimum finem.

Finis Cornubiæ.

Sylla vocata Islond continet in longitudine 1111 miliaria et latitudo 4.

Seynt Mary island continet in longitudine 4 miliaria et latitudine 4 miliaria; pertinet abbati Tavystock.

Insula Rascow pertinet abbati Tavystock, continet in longitudine 3 miliaria et in latitudine 3 miliaria, inculta, cum cuniculis et avibus vocatis pophyns [puffins].

Insula Seynt Lyda (fuit filius regis ——.) continet in longitudine et latitudine 1 miliare.

Insula Rat Island continet in longitudine 1 miliare et dimidium et in latitudine tantum.

Insula vocata le Blak-rok continet ex omni parte unum miliare, et ibi sunt cuniculi et aves, sed antea culta.

Insula septima vocata ——.

1239. Ecclesia fratrum ordinis Sancti Francisci villæ de Bodnam fundatur per Edmundum primum comitem Cornubiæ 13 kalend. jullii; et ibi isti obitus inveniuntur.

1299. Obiit dominus Thomas de Cancia die 12 Januarii.

Obitus dominæ Johannæ de Kaermynaw.

1329. Richardus Rex Alemaniæ obiit 3 die Aprilis.

1314. Jacobus Penerell obiit.

1349. Johanna de Carmynaw obiit.

1342. Elizabet Peuerell obiit.

Johannes filius Radulphi domini de Kayryshays, primus fundator ecclesiæ fratrum, obiit 3 die junii.

1346. Margeria de Treverbyn obiit 9 die junii.

1372. Dominus Hugo Peuerelle miles obiit 21 die junii.

Innocentius papa tercius obiit 16 die jullii.

1349. Margaretta Sergeaux obiit primo die augusti, et hic est sepulta.

Johannes Manne et Isabella consors ejus die 2 augusti obiit.

Johanna mater Ricardi Regis Angliæ. obiit die 8 augusti.

1369. Dominus Thomas de Carmynaw.

[These obits are more fully extracted again in [p. 239.]]

Longitudo Ecclesiæ monalium postea canonicorum Sancti Petroci, quondam Regis Cumbrorum gencium, de Bodmania, continet 57 passus, et latitudo ejusdem continet 30 steppys.

Latitudo capellæ Beatæ Mariæ continet circa 24 steppys.

Longitudo ecclesiæ parochialis de Bodman cum choro continet 90 steppys. Latitudo vero ejusdem continet 40 steppys.

Abbathia ecclesiæ canonicorum de Bodman fundata primo per Athelstanum regem, et secunda vice per ——. Warwast episcopum Excestriæ, qui fuit filius sororis Willelmi conquestoris, et 3ᵃ vice per Graundson episcopum.

Sanctus Petrocus, rex patriæ Cumbrorum, id est partis borialis regni Angliæ, reliquit regnum fratri suo juniori; jacet in pulchro scrinio apud Bodman ecclesiam coram capella Beatæ Mariæ.

Fons principalis fluminis de Falmouth and Peryn incipit apud montem de Nevyle per duo miliaria ex parte orientale de villa de Trewrew, id est per 8 miliaria de Peryn et Falmouth.

Ecclesiam prioratus de Trewardreth prope Fowey, monachorum —— fundavit.

Flumen fontis portus Falmouth vocatus Sowker incipit juxta Seynt Stevyns ——. Zugher per 6 miliaria ex parte occidentali de Trewrew: et aliud flumen incipit apud villam Seynt Stevyn per 8 miliaria de Trewrew ex parte orientali, et vadit per Trurew usque Penryn.

Universis sanctæ matris ecclesiæ presentes litteras inspecturis vel audituris salutem: noverit universitas vestra quod sanctissimus dominus papa Gregorius, anno ab incarnatione domini millessimo septuagessimo, ad

ecclesiam montis Sancti Michaeli in tumba in comitatu Cornubiæ gerens eximæ devocionis affectum, pie concessit ecclesiæ predictæ, quæ ministerio angelico creditur et comprobatur consecrari et sanctificari, omnibus fidelibus, qui illam ecclesiam cum suis beneficiis et elemosinis exepecierunt seu visitaverint, tertiam partem penetenciarum suarum eis condonari. Et ut inconcussum et inviolabile fine tenus permaneat; ex autoritate Dei patris omnipotentis et Filii et Spiritus sancti omnibus successoribus suis interdixit, ne quid contra hoc decretum usurpare presumant. Ista verba in antiquis registris de novo in hac ecclesia repertis inventa, prout hic in valvis ecclesiæ publice ponuntur. Et quia pluribus istud est incognitum, ideo nos in Christo Dei famuli et ministri hujus ecclesiæ universitatem vestram, qui regimen animarum possidetis, ob mutuæ vicissitudinis obtentum requirimus et rogamus, quatenus ista publicetis in ecclesiis vestris, ut vestri subditi et subjecti ad majorem exortacionem devocionis attencius animentur, et locum istum gloriosius perigrinando frequentent ad dona et indulgencias predicta graciose consequenda.

Apparicio Sancti Michaelis in monte Tumba, antea vocatale Hore-rok in the wodd; et fuerunt tam boscus quam prata et terra arabilis inter dictum montem et insulas Syllye, et fuerunt 140 ecclesiæ parochiales inter istum montem et Sylly submersæ.

Prima apparicio Sancti Michaelis in monte Gorgon in regno Apuliæ fuit anno Christi 391.

Secunda apparicio fuit circa annum domini 710 in Tumba in Cornubia juxta mare.

Tertia apparicio Romæ fuit, tempore Gregorii papæ legitur accedisse: nam tempore magnæ pestilenciæ, &c.

Quarta apparicio fuit in ierarchiis nostrorum angelorum.

Spacium loci Montis Sancti Michaelis est ducentorum cubitorum undique oceano cinctum, et religiosi monachi dicti loci, Abrincensis antistes Aubertus nomine, ut in honore Sancti Michaelis construeret ——; predictus locus opacissimâ primo claudebatur sylvâ, ab oceano miliaribus distans sex, aptissimam prebens latebram ferarum, in quo loco olim comperimus monachos domino servientes.

Memorandum, longitudo ecclesiæ Montis Sancti Michaelis continet 30 steppys.

Latitudo continet 12 steppys.

Longitudo capellæ novæ edificatæ continet 40 pedes, et est 20 steppys;

Latitudo continet circa 10 steppys.

Ab ecclesia usque pedem montis ad aquam maris continet 14 tymes 60 steppys.

Longitudo maris inter villam Markysyoo usque pedem montis Sancti Michaelis continet per estimacionem mille CC id est 700 steppys, Anglice x tymes lxx steppys.

Nomina principalium fluminum in Cornubia.

Thamar aqua famosissima in Cornubia.

Tavy incipit a —— et vadit per Tavystok.

Plym incipit in Dertmore per 14 miliaria in parte boriali, et vadit usque portum vilæ Plymton.

Erm, magnum flumen incipit in Dertmore, et currit usque villam —— de le south see.

Yalm water incipit in Dertmore, et vadit ad villam —— per 18 miliaria —— le more super montem villæ Terwent juxta Camelford valde altum.

Avyn water incipit in Dertmore, et vadit per —— in portum ——.

Dert aqua magna incipit in Dertmore, et est major flumen omnium fluminum, et currit per Toteness per spacium xx miliariorum de fonte, et. deinde currit usque Dertmouth havyn.

Tengmouth, id est Kenton, aqua incipit in Dertmore, et currit per xx miliaria, per ——, et cadit in mare apud Tengmouth.

Exwater incipit apud Exmore per 30 miliaria ex parte boriali Excester, currit per Bamton, qui distat usque Kyrton per spacium 15 miliariorum, a villa Kyrton usque civitatem Excetyr currit per spacium 7 miliariorum, et ab Excetyr currit usque Topsam, sunt 3 miliaria, et de Topsam currit usque villam Exmouth-havyn per spacium vi miliariorum et ibi cadit in mare meridionale.

Sancta Norwinna virgo jacet in ecclesia, [quæ] stat per ii miliaria de Seynt Nichtons, ubi deo fontes duorum fluminum oriuntur, viz. Thamar flumen qui seperat Cornubiam et Devoniam, et terminat apud le havyn de Saltash juxta Plymouth per tria miliaria, et dictum flumen Thamar currit per Lanceston prope tria miliaria dictæ villæ, et de Ferywater vocat. Calstokyath per tria miliaria de Tavystok usque Kaenrrovn, et deinde usque

portum Salt-ash, ubi cadit in portu maris, in toto currit circa 40 miliaria: et alterum flumen vocatur Torge et currit per Haderlee Toryton Bydyford; et cadit in mare apud portum sive Hamonem de Appuldore-port, et sic currit per terram in circuitu per estimacionem 40 miliaria ex parte boriali.

Flumen aquæ de Newbrygge per 5 miliaria ultra Tavystock vocatur Lyner et ejus fons incipit ——.

Tavy aqua sub monasterio Tavystoke currit; incipit in forest Dartemore scita per duo miliaria ex parte orientali villæ de Tavystoke; sed dicta aqua sive fons incipit in dicta foresta ultra 8 miliaria villæ Tavystoke, et vadit per abbathiam de Bokelond per 4 miliaria de Tavystok, et inde per parochialem ecclesiam de Beereferrys ubi les sylver mynes fodiuntur, et abinde cadit in aquam de Tamar infra spacium miliaris supradicti portus.

Pons aquæ Lyners vocat Newbryge distat ex parte meridionali et orientali de Tavystoke per 5 miliaria, id est, a villa de Lescard eundo versus monasterium Tavystoke.

Okyhampton.

Stykylpath distat a Okynton 3 miliaria, et ibi est fons vocatus Tow-water, et incipit per tria miliaria ex parte meridionali, et vadit per mare septemtrionale per Ydy usque Barstaple.

Zeele villa sequitur prope Stykylpath per unum miliare.

Crokornwylle distat per 10 miliaria de Okynampton inter dictam villam et Crokyniwelle, et distat ab Excestre 10 miliaria.

Excestre civitas.

Informacio Thomæ Peperelle de Tavystoke notarii publici.

Sanctus Ramonus episcopus Hiberniæ jacet in scrinio in ecclesia abbathiæ de Tavystoke inter chorum et capellam

Beatæ Mariæ; et ejus dies translacionis agitur 5 die januarii, vigiliæ epiphaniæ, et ejus dies obitus agitur die 28 Augusti.

Sanctus Barnocus, anglice Barnoc, heremita, jacet apud Bramton per 4 miliaria ex parte norwest de Berstaple; fuit filius regis Calabriæ; ejus dies agitur 7 die januarii.

Sanctus Herygh, frater Sancti Vuy, episcopus, jacet in quadam ecclesia scita sub cruce ecclesiæ Sancti Pauli Londoniarum; ejus dies agitur in vigilia omnium sanctorum, id est ultimo die octobris.

Sanctus Vuy, frater Sancti Herygh, jacet in ecclesia parochiali Sancti Vuy prope villam Lalant super mare boriale per tria miliaria de Mont-Myghell; ejus dies agitur die primo februarii.

Sancta Hya, id est Seynt Hy, soror Sancti Herygh et soror Sancti Vuy, virgo jacet in ecclesia parochiali villæ Seynt Hy super mare boriale circa 12 miliaria ab ultimo fine occidentalis regni Angliæ; et ejus dies agitur tertio die februarii.

Castrum quadratum de Lydiford fundatum fuit antiquis annis preteritis per primores Cornubiæ tum conver ——.

Pons profundissimus tocius Angliæ sub ponte et strictus ——.

Flumen pontis altissimi sub castro de Lydyford per sex miliaria de Tavystoke, et 6 usque Tokynton; currit de Dertmore fons ejus per 10 miliaria ex parte boriali maris prope villam Seynt Nyghtow, et currit usque aquam portus de Plymouth.

Castrum prenobile de Okehampton prope villam Okehampton per 12 miliaria de Tavystoke versus orientem et Excestriam, quondam Thomæ Curteny comitis Devoniæ, edificatum per Thomam primum comitem.

Fons fluminis de Okehampton currit sub castro supradicto, incipit apud Cremere in Thertmore, et currit usque Lydiford villam et ad Barstaple, incidens in mare boriale portus Barnstaple.

Sancti Michaelis archangeli apparicio in castello Angeli Romæ die 8 Maii.

Sancti Michaelis in monte die 16 Octobris.

Sanctus Gyermocus episcopus, dies ejus agitur die Sancti Johannis in festo natalis: per tria miliaria de monte Sancti Michaelis.

Sancta Branca virgo, dies ejus agitur die primo ——

jacet in ecclesia prædictæ sanctæ per IIII miliaria montis Michaelis.

Sancta Matheriana virgo jacet in ecclesia parochiæ de Mynstre per dimidium miliare de Botreaux castelle, et per III miliaria de Camelford: fecit unum miraculum de quodam homine extra sensum, ac una muliere et quadam puella in festo Sancti Jacobi, uno anno preterito, et ejus festum agitur circa 9 diem aprilis, secundum relacionem —— rectoris parochiæ villa de Mynster.

In libro Kalendarii principalis libri Antiphaner ecclesiæ Thomæ prioris canonicorum de Bodman inveni scriptum de bona manu.

Memorandum quod villa Lawnceston est principalis et major latititudo tocius comitatus Cornubiæ, quia distat a mare boriali per 9 miliaria ex parte orientali, 20 miliaria de

mare Severn ex parte boriali, et similiter decem miliaria a mare ex parte meridionali.

Flumen aquæ de Bodman incipit in prioratu Sancti Petroci de Bodman; le Carn-Water nominatur a quodam homine vocato Carn, qui fecit pontem in villa Bodman; et cadit in aquam vocatam Dynmere per unum miliare versus boriale mare de Bodman; et sic vadit per villam Pascow per 12 miliaria de Bodman versus mare boriale, ubi capit in portu maris borialis post transitum super Dynmerbrygge [qui] continet 6 archuatas, et per Wadebrygge qui continet 12 archuatas de lapidibus constructas.

Memorandum de ortu foncium et aquarum fluminum in comitatu Cornubiæ et Devoniæ.

Excestre aqua incipit ——.

Tyngmouth flumen, aqua proxima versus Myghellmont, incipit apud ——.

Flumen Deerso, quod vadit ad hamonem villæ Totenese, et sic usque Dartemouth.

Flumen Plymouth.

Flumen Tavystoke incipit circa 3 miliaria ex parte boriali Tavystoke, cadit in Ashwater.

Flumen Plinmouth.

Flumen pontis Riale incipit in parte boriali Launceston per tria miliaria, cadit in Ashwater; prima aqua Tamar, ubi est passagium per decem miliaria ad mare meridionale.

Flumen aquæ vocatæ Low-log incipit in le mere ex parte boriali Lyscard et Lascydialle-brigge, et cadit in mari apud portum Low.

Flumen aquæ de Fowey vadit per Reppynbrygge per 6 miliaria citra Fowey; incipit apud fontem vocatum Few per IIII miliaria ultra Lascidyelle.

Flumen aquæ Trywardreth prope Fowey incipit in parochia villæ Seynt Austell et cadit in Trewardreth bay.

Flumen aquæ Trywoodreth vadit per Valemouth portum.

Flumen portus Barleford.

Insula de Greef scita est in Cornubia juxta prioratum monachorum de Trewdreth, juxta villam de Fowey per tria miliaria ex parte occidentali; et dicta insula jacet ex opposito patriæ Britanniæ vocatæ le Foorne. Et insula Ushand jacet in le seebord, anglice south et north, per distanciam latitudinis de le narrow see vocatum aliter le channel de Flaunders per spacium v kennyngys, et quilibet

kennyng continet VII leucas, id est 21 miliaria, unde sunt cv miliaria; hæc habentur per informacionem Roberti Bracey consanguinei mei apud Fowey.

Insula Camber est ex opposito Wynchelsea et Rye, distat a firma terra de Wynchylsee per 3 miliaria, et continet ex omni parte circa duo milliaria, et est in media dictæ insulæ capella Sancti Antonii.

Insula parva, anglice a rok, vocata Edestone, scita sowth et north ex opposito Plymouth, aliter dicta le forland de Raume opyn upon Plymmouth, et jacet in le narrow-see per circa 15 miliaria.

Insula Sancti Michaelis de Loo jacet anglice opyn upon villæ Loo, videlicet per 5 miliaria ex parte orientali de Fowey, et a firma terra in mari per unum miliare, et continet in circuitu per 4 miliaria, et in latitudine ex omni parte per 1 miliare.

Insula montis Sancti Michaelis continet in circuitu circa unum miliare, et distat a firma terra per jactum unius sagittæ; et insula Ushand in Britannia est in meridionali parte insulæ de Mont-Myghelle.

Pentybers-rok, maximus scopulus, in aqua Severn scita, ex parte occidentali portus de Padistow ac castri Tyntagelle per 4 miliaria, et distat a firma terra per unum miliare, et ibi nidificant aves vocatæ ganettys, gullys, seemowys, et cæteræ aves marinæ.

Insula Sancti Nicholai in portu de Plymouth scita continet in longitudine —— et latitudine ——.

Et ibi est capella Sancti Nicholai fundata.

Bodman Villa.

Longitudo ecclesiæ prioratus canonicorum Bodman continet 64 virgas.

Latitudo ejus continet 17 virgas.

Companile continet in latitudine 7 virgas.

1239. Ecclesiam fratrum Sancti Francisci de Bodman Richardus comes Cornubiæ, filius fratris Henrici tercii, fundavit; et anno Christi 1352 dedicata est ecclesia per Johannem de Grandissono Exoniensem episcopum.

In martirologio fratrum minorum Bodman.

Scriptum est, lex gratitudinis requirit, ut beneficia beneficiis recompensentur, unde Beatus Augustinus libro soliloquiorum dicit, beneficium accepisti, et auctorem ejus

non agnoscis; dominus in manifesto, et largitor in occulto, ista arguunt ingratitudinem: et quia labilis est humana memoria, ne multiplicia beneficia facta in ecclesia monasterii Sancti Benedicti de Hulmo, diocesis Norwicensis, per Johannem Fastolf chevalier, ideo dignum duxi dicta hic in scripto redigere ut patebit inferius.

Nobiles et generosi in kalendario fratrum Sancti Francisci de Bodman.

In registro apud Bodman ecclesiam fratrum minorum.

Magna pestilencia per universum mundum inter Saracenos, qui pagans, et postea inter christianos; incepit primo in Anglia circa kalend. Augusti, et parum ante Nativitatem Domini intravit villam Bodminiæ, ubi mortui fuerunt circa mille quingentos per estimacionem; et numerus fratrum defunctorum a capitulo generali Lugduniæ celebratum anno Christi 1351, usque ad aliud sequens capitulum generale, fuit de fratribus tresdecim milia octingenti octaginta tres, exceptis sex vicariis.

Informacio Roberti Bracey apud Fowey.

Sancta Kynburga virgo, 25 die Junii, in Kalendario Bodman.

Sanctus Vylloc, heremita et martir, natus de Hibernia, de parochia Lanteglys, ubi Walterus episcopus Norwicensis fuit natus in dicta parochia per unum miliare villæ de Fowey, et dictus sanctus habet festum ejus custoditum die jovis proxime ante festum pentecosten.

Polrewen villasunt in parochia Lanteglys scitæ super aquam de Fowey.
Bodennek villa
Lanteglys villa

Memorandum quod Walterus episcopus Norwicensis fuit natus in dicta villa, et fuit filius molendinarii.

Sanctus Wyllow fuit decapitatus per Melyn ys kynrede prope locum ubi episcopus Norwici Walterus fuit natus, et portavit usque pontem Sancti Wyllow per spacium dimidii miliaris ad locum ubi dicta ecclesia fundatur in suo honore.

Sanctus Barnic episcopus, callid Anglice Seynt Barre, sepelitur in ecclesia de Fowey, et ejus festum per III dies proxime ante festum sancti Michaelis, id est per XIII septimanas proxime ante festum Natalis Domini.

Sanctus Hyldren episcopus jacet in parochia Lansalux juxta parochiam Lanteglys; ejus festum agitur primo die Februarii, id est vigiliæ purificationis Beatæ Mariæ.

Sanctus Sirus presbiter jacet in ecclesia prioratus religiosorum Sancti Keryk per unum miliare villæ de Fowey, et cella pertinet prioratui de Montague.

Sanctus Mancus episcopus jacet in ecclesia Lanretho prope villam de Fowey infra duo miliaria; ejus festum agitur die jovis proxime ante festum pentecosten.

Sanctus Juncus jacet in ecclesia de Plynt prope villam de Loo, per 6 miliaria de Fowey, et 14 miliaria de Plynton.

1457 circa, Nicholaus Radford, manens apud Pogh-hylle circa 4 miliaria de Kyrton, juris peritissimus de concilio domini Bonevyle contra Thomam Corteney comitem Devoniæ, fuit occisus per Thomam filium comitis seniorem, in loco seu domo dicti Radulphi [sic, qu. Radford]; et dictus Thomas filius postea comes fuit, et fuit capitaneus apud Wakefeld, ubi Ricardus dux Ebor, Georgius comes de Richmond —— fuere occisi.

Versus in tabula ecclesiæ Tavystok.

Cum sine spe timor, mox desperatio torquet,

Et nisi spes timeat, subita presumpcio damnat,

Ergo timor sine spe, nec spes valet absque timore,

Sic inferre potest, hic amat, ergo timet,

Est amor ergo timor, sed non convertitur inde.

Ordulphus dux Cornubiæ tempore Edgari regis fundavit monasterium de Tavystoke.

Versus in kalendario ecclesiæ Tavystoke.

Quo quis a dextris te percute sive sinistro.

Hic perempti sunt pirati sine numero et 12 apud Sulham.

In kalendario ecclesiæ monasterii Tavistoke.

Longitudo ecclesiæ monasterii Tavystoke continet preter

capellam Beatæ Mariæ 126 steppys; et ejus latitudo continet cum 14 steppys latitudinis navis ecclesiæ 21 steppys.

Longitudo navis dictæ ecclesiæ tantum usque ad chorum continet 60 steppys.

Longitudo chori 42 steppys; longitudo capellæ cum transitu circa 36 steppys.

Longitudo ecclesiæ parochialis Tavystoke continet 90 steppys; et ejus latitudo continet 26 steppys.

Longitudo ecclesiæ parochialis Lyscard continet 74 steppys.

Latitudo ejus continet 34 steppys.

Longitudo claustri novi 45 steppys.

Insulæ de Sully sunt sub approtasmento Pii papæ anno 1462, 6 idus Julii anno 3o pontificatus Pii papæ, ad instanciam abbatis Tavystoke, et domini Johannis Colfylle militis, domini principalium insularum, et dictus abbas est rector dictarum insularum.

*  *  *  *  *

Memorandum quod comes de Oxford per V annos preteritos die Martis in crastino Sancti Michaelis, tempore quo Fortescue armig. fuit vicecomes Cornubiæ, applicuit ad castrum Mont. Mychelle cum LCCC hominibus. Et contra XI millia hominum armatorum ex parte domini regis E. quarti dictum comitem obsedebant per XXIII septimanas, videlicet usque diem sabbati proxima ante diem martis carniprivii voc. le clansyng days pro —— cum domino rege demittebat fortalicium eundo ad dominum regem.

De fundatione Collegii Penryn.

1471. Die jovis, vigilia parascheven, obiit Magister Trewynnard, natus in villa Seynt Ives, quondam socius collegii Exoniensis Oxfordiæ, postea prepositus collegii Sancti Thomæ villæ de Penryn per —— annos continuavit.

Locus Collegii predicti in Penryn ab antiquo vocabatur Glasneyth in lingua Cornubiæ, anglice Polsethow, aliter dictus puteus sagittarii.

Falmouth havyn pertinet villæ Penryn.

Fundacio collegii predicti per Walterum episcopum Excestriæ in anno Christi 1265.

In anno millesimo domini ducenteno.

Atque sexagesimo post cum quinto pileno.

Mem. quod dominus Johannes Anger fuit vicarius magistri Michaelis Trewynnard.

Mem. quod longitudo eeclesiæ videlicet navis continet 36 steppys meos; et longitudo chori continet circa 60 steppys.

Inceptio tabulæ fundacionis Collegii Penryn.

Placet mihi dicere vel stanti scriptura,

Res auditas ponere pro gente futura.

Itinerarium.

Memorandum de lez havyns Cornubiæ.

Hinc finit les havyns de Cornewayles.

Sanctus Justus martir jacet in parochia Sancti Yoest, distat a Pensans versus occidentem per 5 miliaria super litus occidentalissimæ partis Angliæ, et de villa Mousehold ultra versus insulas Syly per IIII [xxx] miliaria.

Sanctus Borianus martir est in parochia Sancti Boriani, distat ultra villam Pensansper 4 miliaria super littus maris.

Castrum Restormel est scitum inter villam Lastydielle et Lanceston.

Lanceston villa est per 16 miliaria ex parte north-west.

A Excestre ad Montem Michaelis, prima villa Baytyns, ad Crocornwell 10 miliaria.

A Crokornwell to Okynton-castell 10 miliaria.

De Okynton usque Launceston 15 miliaria.

A Launceston usque Bodman per —— more 20 miliaria.

A Bodman usque Machell 14 miliaria.

A Machell usque Rydryth citra Helleston 12 miliaria.

A Redryth usque Montem Sancti Michaelis 12 myles.

Memorandum quod Truro scita est citra Rytheryth versus orientem per 7 miliaria.

1. Mount Mygell ultra Excestre 100 miliaria.

2. Seynt Mychel de Rock per 30 miliaria ultra montem Sancti Michaelis et per 5 miliaria ultra Bodman.

3. Seynt Mychel Rowtor per tria miliaria de Camelforth, per 8 miliaria de Bodman.

4. Sanctus Mychaelis de Brenton, ibi est capella per 2 miliaria ultra Tavystoke versus Lanceston.

5. Sanctus Mychels borough per 7 miliaria de Taunton citra.

Sanctus Michaelis de Montague prope Yevell, et per 2 miliaria de Crokehorn, altissimus mons.

Sanctus Myghell prope Glastynbery voc. de Torre.

6. Sanctus Michaelis Trewin per 5 miliaria ultra Lastendon super altum montem.

Fycetyr xx m. to

Okynton, and 15 m. to

Lanceston, et est pons voc. Polston bryge per unum miliare citra Lanceston, ubi Cornubia incipit.

Bodman 20 m. and to Metshald [Mitchel] 16.

Metshow 16 myle, and 16 m.

to Redryth, and to the (?) 10 myle, and to

Mount Myghell 16 myles, Markysowe.

Calstoketrach proper per unum miliare voc. Howtesbrygge per 4 miliaria de Kellyngton.

Fowey moor per 12 miliaria longitudinis, et infra 8 miliaria est Trewynt villagium.

Plymouth 20 miliaria to Okyngton.

Plymton est castell, ys 3 miliaria de Plymton citra Plymouth.

In ecclesia fratrum predictorum villæ Truro.

Sanctus Vincentius frater ordinis predicti 5 Aprilis.

Sanctus Illugham de Cornubia jacet prope Redruth prope villam Truro burgagium.

1465. Rad’s Reskymer arm. obiit.

Radulphus de Albo Monasterio chevalier.

Johannes Ardell chevalier.

Johannes Beaupre chevalier.

Radulphus de Bello-prato chevalier obiit 1329.

Dominus Otho de Godrygan.

1464. Matilda Ardelie, obiit die 5 Novembris.

1264. Penryn villa prope Falmouth. Ecclesia collegii, ubi magister Michaelus fuit principalis prepositus canonicorum et vicariorum ibidem, fundata fuit per Walterum le goode episcopum Excestriæ; et episcopum cognomine

Graundson [qui] fuit alter ejus fundator in beneficiis dictæ post dictum Walterum.

Longitudo dictæ ecclesiæ, navis videlicet ejusdem, continet circa 50 steppys.

Latitudo brachiorum ecclesiæ continet per estimationem tantum 50 steppys.

Longitudo chori ecclesiæ cum circuitu ejusdem continet circa 50 steppys ultra per estimacionem.

Apud Mount Myghylle.

Memorandum Mountes-bay lyeth froe le setre yn the est party to the poynte of Moushole yn the west party; and the chef rode of the bay for see men that comyth thes way ys called Gooveslake cum a yense neekly.

In kalendario ecclesiæ Mont Myghell.

Sanctus Wilfridus episcopus in crastino Sancti Georgii.

Sanctus Petrocus confessor 4 die Junii.

Sancta Hylda virgo 25 die Augusti.

Sanctus Hermes confessor —— Cornubia 28 die Augusti.

Translacio Sancti Berini episcopi 4 die Septembris, id est die Sancti Cuthberti.

S ——. Majore martir die XI Novembris.

Sanctus Nonnita mater Sancti David jacet apud ecclesiam villæ Alternoniæ per 6 miliaria de Lanceston, ubi natus fuit Sanctus David.

Brokannus in partibus Walliarum regulus fide et morum etc. per Gladewysam uxorem ejus genuit 24 filios et filias, et hiis nominibus vocabantur.

Nectanus.

Johannes.

Sudebrent.

Menfrede.

Delyan.

Tetha.

Maben.

Wentu.

Wensent.

Marwenna.

Wenna.

Julliana.

Yse.

Morwenna.

Wymip.

Wenheden.

Cleder.

Kery.

Jona.

Heley.

Lanant.

Rerhender.

Adwenhelye.

Tamalant.

Omnes isti filii et filiæ postea fuerunt sancti et martires vel confessores, et in Devonia vel Cornubia heremeticam vitam ducentes; sicut enim inter omnes quorum vitæ meritis et virtutum miraculis Cornubiensis vel Devoniensis irradiatur ecclesia, beatus Nectanus primo genitus fuit, ita cæteris omnibus honestate vitæ major fuit, et prodigiorum choruscitate excellentior extitit.

Fuit in ultimus Walliarum partibus vir dignitate regulus, fide et morum honestate preclarus, nomine Brokannus, a quo provincia ipsa nomen sortita nuncupatur Brokannok usque in presentem diem; hic itaque Brokmannus, antequam ex uxore sua Gladewysa filium vel filiam genuisset, in Hiberniam profectus est, uxorem suam et omnia sua relinquens; timuerat enim, ne si cum uxore sua remaneret, generacionem ex ea procrearet, qua impediretur ne libere Domino servire potuisset. Mansit igitur in Hibernia 24 annis, bonis operibus intendens; postea autem visitare patriam suam volens, rediit in Walliam, ubi uxorem suam adhuc viventem invenit. Post aliquantulum autem temporis sicut Deus preordinaverat, licet ipse homo non proposuisset, uxorem suam cognovit, ex qua postea 24 filios et filias genuit. Videns Dei virtutem cui nemo resistere potest, ait, “Jam Deus in me vindicavit quod contra disposicionem voluntatis ejus venire frustra disposui; quia enim 24 annis ab uxore mea ne sobolem procrearem illicitè effugi, dedit mihi pro quolibet anno illicitæ continentiæ sobolem unam quia jam 24 filios et filias post 24 annos ab eadem uxore suscepi.” Prædicti autem 24 filii et filiæ, quos predictus Brokannus ex uxore sua Gladewysa genuit, hiis nominibus vocabantur, Nectanus et cætera.

Et venerandus vir Nectanus per quæque nemorosa dispendia investigando querere ab hiis repertus latronibus in loco, qui adhuc hodie dicitur Nova Villa; ibi jam ecclesia in ejus honore construitur. 15 kal, Julii capite truncatus est,

et caput suum propriis accipiens manibus per medium ferme spacii stadium usque ad fontem quo morabatur detulerit, ibique sanguine circumlinitum sudori cuidam lapidi imposuit, cujus adhuc cædis et miraculi sanguinolenta in eodem lapide remanent vestigia.

1189. Pridie nonas Julii obiit Henricus rex secundus Angliæ, sepultus est in Normannia.

Henricus rex —— dedit maritagium Isabellæ filiæ Ricardi Strangbow Willelmo Mariscallo primo, et sic factus est comes tocius Pembrochiæ, et dominus tocius hereditatis.

1200. Abbathia de Voto in Hibernia; Willelmus Marescallus fundavit.

1175. Ricardus comes de Strangbow obiit.

1148. Gilbertus Strongbow obiit.

1287. Conventus ecclesiæ Beatæ Mariæ de Tynterna intravit dictam ecclesiam ad celebrandum in nova ecclesia.

Et quinto nonas Octobris in anno sequenti conventus intravit in choro, et prima missa celebrata fuit ad magnum altare.

Mem. quod in Anglia sunt 52,080 villas per Domesday invent.

Item, sunt in Anglia XV milia XI ecclesiæ parochiales.

1242. Gilbertus Marescallus obiit et sepultus est apud novum templum London 5 kalend. Julii, et obiit in quodam torneamento apud Warewyk; et eodem anno Walterus quartus filius Willelmi Marescalli successit in hereditatem antecessorum suorum, et factus est comes Pembrochiæ.

Et obiit anno Christi 1246, videlicet 5 kalend. Decembris apud castrum Godrici.

1246. Ancelinus quintus frater obiit, et apud Tynternam sepultus decimo kalend. Januarii.

1438. Die jovis voc. Maundy-Thursday magister Johannes Benet rector de Pytney obiit.

Viagium Thomæ Clerk de Waar, incipiendo octavis Sancti Johannis Baptistæ circa annum Christi 1476, equitando ad Montem infra 10 dies, et revertendo ad Waare per alios 10 dies.

Waare.

Watford.

Bekynfeld.

Henely.

Redyng.

Kyngyslere.

Andever.

Salisbery.

Sheftysbery.

Shyrborn.

Yevylle.

Crokehorn.

Cherd.

Honyton.

Excetyr.

Crocornwille.

Okynton.

Lanceston.

Bodman.

Machehole.

Rooderyth.

Marchew. Margew distat per unum quartum miliaris de Monte Michaelis.

*  *  *  *  *

Longitudo ecclesiæ canonicorum regularium Sancti Augustini villæ de Allaunston continet 100 de steppys meis.

Et in latitudine continet 24 de steppis meis.

Mem. Episcopus Warwaste fundavit ecclesiam canonicorum regularum de Launceston.

Ecclesiam Seynt Germyns.

Ecclesiam ——.

1236. Henricus rex Angliæ duxit Elianoram filiam comitis Provinciæ apud Cantuar. idibus Januarii die dominica.

In ecclesia de Lanceston.

Sanctus Nectanus martir die Junii ut ibidem et Lanson.

Sancta Monnetta 3 die Jullii.

Sancta Elena mater Constantini imperatoris.

Sanctus Pyranus episcopus de Cornubia 18 die Novembris.

In Hibernia. Translacio Sancti Genesii Lesmorensis archiepiscopi 6 vel 5 nonas Maii.

Translacio capitis Sancti Genesii martiris 14 kal. Augusti.

Villa de Launceston, in ecclesia canonicorum de Launceston.

Natale Sanctæ Satinolæ virginis 4 nonas Augusti.

In Britannia, natale Sancti Genesii martiris, qui ob. capitis truncationem —— in ecclesiæ canonicorum Lancesdon.

Castrum de Morteyn in Lancesdon fundatum per comitem de Morteyng.

Et fuerunt III fratres sub nomine Sancti Genesii, et unusquisque caput suum portabat; unus archiepiscopus Lismore.

Nomina liberorum tenentium in Acle,[43] tempore comitis Rogeri Bygod, qui est dominus manerii et patronus ecclesiæ, circa annum Christi ——.

Johannes tenet I mesuagium, XII acras terræ, r. per annum IIs.

Hugo le Ris t. IX acras terræ, r. XVIIId.

Willelmus de Burgo tenet I mesuagium, r. VIs.

Thomas de Burgo r. pro communi habendo IIIId.

Rogerus Plantyng t. XXXVI acras I rod, r. IXs. VId.

Ricardus Stywar et Robertus de Ecclesia tenent X acras terræ, r. XVIId. ob.

Hugo de Caylly tenet ——.

Willelmus de Monte Caviso tenet ——.

Godwynus Segge r. ad festum Sancti Martini per certam convencionem IIs.

Edūs Oberdam t. —— et reddit per annum XVIs. VId. ob. q.

Willelmus Cosus t. X acras terræ I rod. r. IIs. Id. ob.

Placita et perquisita valent per annum Cs.

Est ibi forum quod affirmatur ad XLs.

Est ibi columbare, valet per annum VIIIs.

Turbaria per estimacionem per annum IIIIl.

Item duo molendina valent per annum IIIIl.

Item possunt sustentare L averia in manerio tempore hiemali, et per totum annum LX porcos.

Item herbagium castri valet IIIl.

Item valor III mariscorum per annum XXXVl.

Item valor gardini per annum Xs.

Item valor prati et pasturæ per annum XIXs. XId.

Item redditus assis’ valet VIIIl. IXs. VId. q.

Item valor tocius terræ arabilis de dominico valet per annum XXIIIl. XIXs. VId.

Item est ibidem consuetudo, quod quilibet habitans in villa, non habens terram nec domum dabit comiti per annum id. et estimatur per annum IVs.

Item sunt ibidem in dominico CCIX acræ et XII pertic. terræ arabilis in diversis culturis dominii.

Item sunt III marisci viz. de Holm, mariscus de Hesty, et mariscus de Hallycote.

Est ibidem parcus, in quo possunt sustentare CXX averia per annum, et valet pastura cujuslibet VId.

*  *  *  *  *

Sanctus Mybbard heremita, filius regis Hiberniæ, aliter dictus Colrogus, ejus corpus jacet in scrinio ecclesiæ de Kardynan, distat per duo miliaria de Bodman, ex parte orientali et meridionali, et per 4 miliaria de Lastydyelle ex parte boriali et per 7 miliaria de Lescard ex parte occidentali, secundum relacionem uxoris —— ecclesiæ, qui fuit natus in parochia; et ejus dies agitur die jovis proxima ante festum pentecostes.

Sanctus Mancus, consodalis ejus, heremita jacet in parochia de Lanteglas; at villa vocata Bodennek est in dicta parochia, et ejus festum agitur die jovis proxima ante festum pentecostem.

Sanctus Wyllow heremita fuit consocius Sancti Manii et Sancti Mydbard et ejus festum tenetur die jovis proxima ante festum pentecosten, et ipse jacet in parochia Alleretew [Lanteglos] per unum miliare de Bodennek.

*  *  *  *  *

Die lunæ 16 Augusti incepi viagium de Norwico usque Myghell-mont in Cornubia.

Martis 18.

Mercurii 19.

Jovis 21 die Augusti applicui Londoniis hora meridionali.

Veneris 21 London.

Sabbato 23 London.

Dominica 23.

Lunæ 24.

Martis 25.

Mercurii 26, hora quinta post meridiem equitavi de

Londoniis versus episcopum Wyntoniensem apud Waltham et Wynchester, et reposui apud Wandesworth.

Jovis.

Veneris 28 die applicui ad dominum episcopum hora prandii, et post meridiem equitavi usque Southampton cum Thoma Danvers.

Veneris predicto applicui Southampton et ibi pernoctavi.

Sabbato 29 Augusti, applicui apud Romsey-abbey in meridie, post repastum meum cum magistro North apud Nusselyng.

Dominica 30 die Augusti fui apud Salysbery per medietatem diei ante meridiem.

Dicto die fuit apud Wylton-abbey ad missam Sanctæ Edithæ.

Dicto die dominica applicui apud villam Cheverelle per duo miliaria citra le Vyes, ubi quidem homo vocatus Philippus Pur pernoctavit me sua curtesia.

Lunæ applicui ——.

Lunæ ultimo die Augusti equitavi per villam de Vyes, Yakysbery, et ultimo apud Manerium de Crofton, quondam Katermayno in parochia de Helmerton, ubi feci negotium Thomæ Danvers armigeri.

Postea equitavi per villas de Stanley-abbey et Chypenham, et applicui usque Castelcombe.

Martis die primo Septembris, Sancti Egidii, equitavi per Mershfelde versus Bristolliam, applicando ibi hora circa 6 post meridiem.

Mercurii primo Septembris, Bristolliæ.

Jovis 2 Septembris, incepi equitare de Bristollia primo per aquam usque —— et postea equest. usque Aust-clyf ibidem pernoctando.

Veneris 3 die Septembris de Aust-clyff per aquam usque Chepstow navigando, ad prandium applicando usque abbathiam de Tyntern.

Sabbati 4 die Septembris, fui ibidem.

Dominica 5 die Septembris fui Tyntern-abbey tota die.

Lunæ 7 die Septembris equitavi de Tyntern in mane.

Lunæ predicto fui apud Chepstow.

Lunæ predicto applicui ultra aquam per Aust-clyff usque Westbery.

Martis 7 die Septembris nativitatis Beatæ Mariæ apud Westbery audivi divina servicia.

Martis predicto post meridiem applicui Bristolliæ.

Mercurii 9 Septembris, de Bristollia hora meridionali applicui usque Wells pernoctando.

Jovis 10 Septembris, applicui Glastynbery, et applicui post meridiem usque Chedsey villam per duo miliaria de Bryggewater.

Veneris 11 Septembris, applicui Bryggewater.

Veneris predicto, jantavi apud Taunton —— et applicui ad noctem ad villam de —— per 12 miliaria de Taunton.

Sabbati 12 die Septembris jantavi apud Kyrton, ubi est collegium.

Sabbati prædicto applicui ad villam Okenton, ubi est castellum comitis Devoniæ, pernoctando ibidem.

Dominica 13 die Septembris de Okenton usque villam de Launceston cum castro, et pernoctavi tota die et nocte.

Locutus fui de doctore Ewen et certis cronicis.

Lunæ 14 die Septembris, exaltationis sanctæ crucis, de prioratu Launceston equitavi per le Moore post meridiem, ubi equus meus occidet, applicando ad Bodman, loquendo cum fratre Mowne etcet.

Martii 15 die Septembris apud Bodman loquendo cum —— Bernard, et equitavimus per villam Trewro, pernoctando cum Otys Philip valetto coronæ regis.

Mercurii 16 die Septembris fui apud Trewro, et apud fratres predicantes videndo martilogium, et applicavimus usque villam Markysew prope Montem Michaelis ad noctem.

Jovis 17 die Septembris Sancti Lamberti, audivi missam apud Myghell-mont.

Jovis predicto, post meridiem reequitavi usque villam Penryn.

Veneris 18 Septembris, pernoctavi usque villam Penryn, ubi est collegium, et applicui ad Bodman.

Dominica 20 Septembris, equitavi de Bodman usque villam Lastidyelle, et applicui usque villam Bokehenney et —— et Fowey, loquendo et pernoctando cum Roberto Bracey.

Lunæ 21 equitavi per Lyscard apud Ferram, et applicui per le moore vocat. Dertmore, et per aquam vocatam le Hach —— et applicui usque abbathiam Tavystoke, pernoctando.

*  *  *  *  *

Sanctus Cradokus est honoratus in ecclesia capellæ

prope Patistow in comitatu de Cornewaylle propter vermes destruendos bibendo aquæ fontis ibidem.

*  *  *  *  *

Castrum Restormalle prope villam prope Lastudielle, et Castrum Lastudielle in Cornubia, ambo fundantur per Ricardum regem Alemaniæ fratrem regis Henrici tertii per relationem Benedicti Bernard armigeri.

Il port de argent, ung lion de gulys rampand armee de azur.

The felde argent, le baton zable, le lyon gulys.

Le champ de azur, et ung egle displayed de argent, oveque ung test le beke de rouge.

*  *  *  *  *

Pontes Cornubiæ a villa Excestre transeundo versus usque le Mount.

*  *  *  *  *

Lowbrygge ut maximus pons circa vi arcuum sita est inter Plymouth et Fowey, scilicet in villa de Low, qui est estward.

[43] Acle is in Norfolk, and this portion of the extracts from Worcestre’s very indigested collections, together with some other passages, ought to have been omitted, but they were not noticed in time. Edit.

APPENDIX.
VII.

THE ITINERARY OF JOHN LELAND,
SO FAR AS RELATES TO CORNWALL.

(Hearne’s Edition, vol. II. fol. 69.)

From Depeford to Lanstoun a xij miles by hilly and much morisch groude baren of wodde. Or ever I cam to Lanstoun by a mile I passid over a bridge of stone, having 3 arches and a [one] smaul, caullid New Bridge; thorough the which the ryver of Tamar rennith, that almost from the hed of it to the mouth devidith Devonshir from Cornewaule. This New Bridge was of the making of the Abbates of Tavestok, and mainteinyd by them; for Tavestoke Abbay had fair possessions thereaboute.

The Ryver of Tamar risith a 3 miles by north-est from Hertelande and thens cummith to Tamerton, a village on the est ripe yn Devonshire; and ther is a bridg over Tamar of stone: and from this bridg to Padestow xx miles. Yalme Bridge of stone 2 miles lower. New Bridge 2 miles lower. Pulstun Bridge 2 miles lower. Greistoun Bridge a 2 miles or more lower. Tavestoke about a 4 miles from Greston Bridg; and Grestoun Bridg, being about a 3 miles from Launston, is the way from Launston to Tavestok. Hawte Bridg. Another bridg caullid New Bridg. Caulstoke Bridg next the se, begon by Sir Perse Eggecumbe. Lideford Bridge is not on Tamar.

After that I had enterid a litle into the suburbe of Launstoun, I passed over a brooke caullid Aterey, that rennith yn the botom of the stepe hil that Launstoun

stondith on. This water, as I there lernid, riseth a x miles of by west-north-west towards Bodmyne; and, passing by Launstoun, goith in Tamar by est, as I did gather, a litle above Pulston Bridg. After that I had passid over Aterey, I went up by the hille thorough the long suburbe, ontylle I cam to the toun waul and gate, and so passid thorough the toun, conscending the hill ontylle I cam to the very top of it, wher the marketplace and the paroche chirch of S. Stephane, lately reedified, be. The large and auncient Castelle of Launstun stondith on the knappe of the hill, by south a litle from the paroche chirch. Much of this castel yet stondith; and the moles that the kepe stondith on is large and of a terrible highth, and the arx of it, having 3 severale wardes, is the strongest but not the biggest that ever I saw in any auncient worke in Englande. Thir is a litle pirle of water that servith the high parte of Lanstoun.

The Priorie of Launstoun stondith in the south-west parte of the suburbe of the toun, under the rote of the hille, by a fair wood side; and thorowgh this wood rennith a pirle of water, cumming out of an hil therby, and servith al the offices of the place. In the chirch I markid 2 notable tumbes, one of Prior Horton, and another of Prior Stephane. One also told me there, that one Mabilia, a Countes, was buried ther in the Chapitre House. One William Warwist, Bishop of Excestre, erected this Priorie, and was after buried at Plymtoun Priory that he also erected. Warwist, for erection of Launston Priory, suppressid a collegiate Chirch of S. Stephan having Prebendaries, and gave the best part of the landes of it to Launstoun Priory, and toke the residew hymself. There yet standith a Chirch of S. Stephan, about half a mile from Launstoun on a hille, wher the Collegiate Chirch was. Gawen Carow hath the custody of the Priory. There is a Chapelle by a west-north-west a litle without Launstowne, dedicate to S. Catarine; it is now prophanid.

From Launston to Botreaux Castelle, vulgo Boscastel, first a 2 miles by enclosid ground having sum woodde and good corne. Thens an 8 miles by morisch and hilly ground and great scarsite of wood, insomuch that al the countery therabout brennith firres and hethe. And thens a 2 miles to Boscastel by enclosid ground metely fruteful of corne, but exceding baren of wood, to the which the bleke northern se is not there of nature favorable. The

toun of Boscastelle lyith apon the brow of a rokky hille by south-est, and so goith doun by lenght to the northe toward the se, but not even ful hard to it. It is a very filthy toun and il kept. There is a chirch in it, as I remembre of S. Simpherian. The Lorde Botreaux was lord of this town, a man of an old Cornish linage, and had a manor place, a thing, as far as I could —— of smaul reputation, as it is now, far onworthe the name of a castel. The people ther caulle it the Courte. Ther cummith down a little broke from south-est out of the hilles therby, and so renning by the west side of the towne, goeth into Severn se betwixt 2 hylles, and ther maketh a pore havenet, but of no certaine salvegarde. One of the Hungrefordes maried with one of the heires generale of Botreaux, and so Boscastel cam to Hungreford. Then cam Boscastelle, by an heir generale of the Hungrefords, unto the Lord Hastinges. Hastinges Erle of Huntendune and the late lord Hungreford had a lordship of the Botreaux in partition, caullid Parke; and ther is a manor place or castelet. It is a vi miles from Botreaux by south.

Ther is no very notable toun or building from Botreaux by est-north-est, along apon the shore upper on Severn to Hertland point, but Strettoun, and that is a xij miles from Botreaux, and ther is a praty market. It stondith about a mile from the se. There is a place near to Stretton caullid Ebbingford, but now communely Efford, wher John Arundale of Trerise was borne, and hath a fair manor place, in the which Syr John Chaumon now dwellith, that maried the mother yet lyving of John Arundale of Trerise.

Olde Treviliane, a man of pratie land, but cumming of a younger brother of the chife house of that name, dwellith toward Stretton, at a place caullid ——. Hertland Point is a x miles upper on Severn from Strettoun.

From Botreaux to Tredewy village, on the shore about a mile, and ther cummith downe a broke rising in the gret rokky hilles therby.

From Tredewi to Bossinny, on the shore about a mile. This Bossinny hath beene a bygge thing for a fischar town, and hath great privileges grauntid onto it. A man may se there the ruines of a gret numbre of houses. Here also cummith down a broke, and this broke and Tredewy water resort to the se at one mouth betwyxt ij hilles,

wherof that that is on the est side, lyith out lyke an arme or cape, and maketh the fascion of an havenet or pere, whither shippelettes sumtime resorte for socour. A frere of late dayes toke apon hym to make an haven at this place, but he litle prevailid theryn. There ly 2 blake rokkes as islettes at the west-north-west point or side of this creeke; the one, saving a gut of water, joyning to the other. And yn these brede gulles, be al lykelihod.

From Bossinny to Tintagel Castel on the shore a mile. This castelle hath bene a marvelus strong and notable forteres, and almost situ loci inexpugnabile, especially for the dungeon, that is on a great and high terrible cragge, environid with the se; but having a drawbridge from the residew of the castelle onto it. There is yet a chapel standing withyn this dungeon of S. Ulette, alias Uliane. Shepe now fede within the dungeon. The residew of the buildings of the castel be sore wether-beten and yn ruine; but it hath beene a large thinge. This castelle stondith in the paroche of Trevenny; and the paroch therof is of S. Simphorian, ther caullid Simiferian.

Passing a mile from the chirch of S. Symphorian by hilly and hethy ground, I cam over a brooke that ran from south-est-north to Severn se, and about half a mile beyound the mouth of this brook lay a great blak rok like an islet yn the se not far from the shore.

Porthissek, a fisschar village, lyith about a 3 miles from the mouth of th’afore sayd brook, lower by west on Severn shore. There resortith a broke to Porthissek, and there is a pere and sum socour for fisschar botes.

Porthguin, a fisschar village, lyith a 2 miles lower on the shore, and there is the issue of a broke and a pere. And a 3 miles lower is the mouth of Padestow Haven. From Dindagelle to S. Esse village a 4 miles; meately good ground about S. Esses selfe. From S. Esse to Trelille village 2 miles. From Trelille to —— wher Master Carniovies, alias Carnsey, hath a praty house, fair ground, and praty wood about it.

Thens 3 miles by good corne grounde, but no wood, to Wadebridge. Wher as now Wadebridge is, ther was a fery a 80 yeres syns, and menne sumtyme passing over by horse, stoode often in great jeopardie.

Then one Lovebone, vicar of Wadebridge, movid with pitie, began the bridge, and with great paine and studie, good people putting their help thereto, finishid it with

xvij fair and great uniforme arches of stone. One told me that the fundation of certein of tharches was first sette on so quick sandy ground that Lovebone almost despairid to performe the bridg ontyl such tyme as he layed pakkes of wolle for fundation.

The ryver of Alawne rennith thorough Wadebridge, evidentley seen at lower.

The first memorable bridge on Alane is caullid Helham Bridge —— miles lower then Camilforde, but Alane is almost a mile from Camilford Toun.

Dunmere Bridge of 3 arches a 2 miles lower. Here doth Alaune ryver ren within a mile of Bodmyn.

Wadebridge a 3 miles lower by land and 4 by water. This is the lowest bridg on Alane.

Ther cummith a broke from S. Esse 5 myles from Wadebridge, and a litle above Wadebridge goith into Alane by the est side of the haven. This broke risith a 2 miles above S. Esse by est-north-est. There cummith a brooke from Mr. Carnsey’s house, and goith into Alane, by the est side of the haven a 3 miles lower than Wadebridge: and here is a creeke at the mouth of this brooke that ebbith and flowith up into the land.

In the way passing from Dunmere Bridge toward Bodmyn, there rennith a praty broket thoroug a bridge of one stone arche, a very litle way beyond Dunmer Bridge: and a litle lower goith into Alane bynethe Dunmer Bridge by the west ripe of Alane. This litle broke servith the milles, and rennith by the est ende of the town of Bodmyn.

There cummith a brooke into Alaune about a 2 miles byneth Dunmere bridg on the west ripe. This brooke riseth by south-est: and at S. Lawrence, scant a mile owt of Bodmyn, I passid over a bridge on this water in the way to Michale.

From Wadebridge to Padestow, a good quick fischar toun but onclenly kepte, a 4 miles. This toun is auncient, bering the name of Lodenek in Cornische, and yn Englisch, after the trew and old writinges, Adelstow, Latine Athelstani locus. And the toune there takith King Adelstane for the chief gever of privileges vnto it. The paroch Chirch of Padestow is of S ——. There use many Britons with smaul shippes to resorte to Padestow with commoditees of their countery and to by fische. The toun of Padestow is ful of Irisch men. Padestow is set on the weste side of the haven. Padestow toun is a ——

miles from the very haven mouth. From the mouth of Padestow Haven to S. Carantokes a —— miles.

From Wadebridge to Dunmere a 3 miles, and thens a mile to Bodmyn. Bodmyn hath a market on every Saturday, lyke a fair for the confluence of people. The showe and the principale of the toun of Bodmyn is from west to est along in one streate. There is a chapel of S —— at the west ende of the toune. The paroch chirch standith at the est end of the town and is a fair large thyng. There is a cantuarie chapel at th’est ende of it. The late Priory of Blake Chanons stoode at the est ende of the paroch chirchyard of Bodmyne. S. Petrocus was Patrone of this, and sumtyme dwellyd ther. There hath bene monkes, then nunnys, then seculare prestes, then monkes agayn, and last canons regular, in S. Petrokes chirch. Willyam Warlewist, Bishop of Excestre, erectid the last fundation of this Priory; and had to hymself part of th’auncient landes of Bodmyn monasterie. I saw no tumbes in the Priory very notable, but Thomas Vivianes, late Prior ther, and Suffragane by the title of the Bishoprike of Megarensis.[44] The Shrine and Tumbe of S. Petrok yet stondith in th’est part of the chirche. There was a good place of Gray Freres in the south side of Bodmyn town. One John of London, a merchaunt, was the beginner of this house. Edmund Erle of Cornewaul augmentid it. There lay buried in the Gray Freres Sir Hugh and Sir Thomas Peverelle, knightes, and benefactors to the house. There is another Chapel in Bodmyn beside that in the west ende of the toune, and an Almose House, but not endowid with landes.

From Bodmyn to S. Laurence, wher a poor Hospital or Lazar House is, about a mile. One of the Peverelles gave a litle annuitie onto this house. Here I passid over a stone bridge, and under it rennith a praty broke that cummith out of the hylles from south-este, and goith into Alane a 2 miles above Padestow by the weste ripe, and by the meanes of the se and creke it ebbith and flowith up into the creke of this river. From S. Laurence I passed by morisch ground al baren of woodde a vj m[iles], leving about this vj miles ende S. Columbes, about a 2 miles off on the right hond.

And ther about I left Castelle an dinas on the same hand, a good mile of. But I saw no building on it, but an hille bering that name.

Thens to Michel, a litle thorough fare, a 2. or 3. miles, by morisch ground, all baren of wood.

Thens a 5 miles to a litle village and paroch church, callid Alein. And hereabout there is very good corne.

And so a myle to Gwernak, Master Arundale’s house. This Arundale gyveth no part of the armes of great Arundale of Lanheran, by S. Columbes; but he told me that he thought that he cam of the Arundales in Base Normandy, that were lordes of Culy Castelle, that now is descended to one Mounseir de la Fontaine, a Frenchman, by heir generale. This Arundale ys caullid Arundale of Trerise, by a difference from Arundale of Lanheron. Trerise is a lordship of his, a 3 or 4 miles from Alein chirch. Arundale of Trerise had to his first wife one of the 2 doughters and heires of Boville, alias Beville, and Graneville had the other; and they had betwixt them litle lak of 400 markes of landes by the yere in partition.[45] The house that John Arundale of Trerise dwellith yn was Bovilles, and this Boville gave the Ox in Gules in his armes. There is yet one of the names of the Beviles, a man of a c. li land purchased by the grandfather of —— Beville now living. This Beville hath —— [ed] —— [brother of Sir John] Arundale of Trerise ——.

Armes in Castel Cairden.

Sir William Godolchan and Strowdes daughter his wif, of Pernham in Dorsetshire.

Sir William Godolchan and Margaret Glynne his first wife. Margaret was one of the 3. heires of Glyn of Morevale, by Low [Looe] water toward S. Germans. Vivian of

Trelowarren[46] maried the second daughter and coheire of Glynne. Richard Kendale of Worgy had the 3.

William Godolchan the sunne, and Blanch Langdon his wife. Langdon dwellith at Keverel by S. Germanes.

S. Albine his stok cam out of Britaine. There is another house of the S. Albines in Somersetshire.

Grainville.

Milatun dwellith at Pergroinswik.

*  *  *  *  *

Campernulphus, alias Chambernon, d’n’s de Trewardreth, et fundator prioratus monachorum, qui post D’ni erant ejusdem manerii. Campernulphus nunc dominus de Modbyri in comitatu Devoniæ. He was lord of Bere toward Excestre.

Men of fair landes.{Carow of Mohuns Otery.
Carow of Hacham by Torbay.
Carow of Antony in Cornewaulle by Aisch.
al 3. in Menek of faire living.{Vivian.
Reskimer.
Erisi, at Erisi in Menek.

Cowlin at Treneglis.

Cavel, maried Sir William Godolcan sister.

Petite was a man of very fair landes in Cornewaulle; and among other things he was lord of the isle of Pryven that now descendith to Kiligrew.

Bewpray, id est, de Bello prato.

Archedecon.

Tresinny, at Penrine, a man of 40 mark landes; most part of it lyith about Padestow.

Ex vita Sanctæ Breacæ.

Barricius socius Patritii, ut legitur in vita S. Wymeri. S. Breaca nata in partibus Lagoniæ et Ultoniæ.

Campus Breacæ in Hibernia in quo Brigida oratorium construxit, et postea Monaster. in quo fuit et S. Breaca.

Breaca venit in Cornubiam comitata multis Sanctis, inter quos fuerunt Sinninus Abbas, qui Romæ cum Patritio fuit, Maruanus monachus, Germmochus rex, Elwen, Crewenna, Helena.

Breaca appulit sub Revyer cum suis, quorum partem occidit Tewder.

Breaca venit ad Pencair.

Breaca venit ad Trenewith.

Breaca ædificavit eccl. in Trenewith et Talmeneth, ut legitur in vita S. Elwini.

Pencair, an hille in Pembro paroche, vulgo S. Banka.

Trenewith, a little from the paroch [church] of Pembro, wher the paroch church [was] or ever it was set at Pembro.

Talmeneth, a mansion place in [Pembro].

Cairdine, an old mansion of the Cowlines, wher now William Godolcan dwellith.

Carne Godolcan, on the top of an hille, wher is a diche, and there was a pile and principal habitation of the Godolcans. The diche yet apperith, and many stones of late time hath beene fetchid thens; it is a 3. miles from S. Michael’s Mont by est-north-est.

Cair Kinan, alias Gonyn and Conin, stoode in the hille of Pencair. There yet apperith 2 diches. Sum say that Conin had a sun caullid Tristrame.

S. Germocus, a chirch 3 miles from S. Michael’s Mont, by est-south-est, and a mile from the se; his tumb is yet seene ther. S Germoke’s chair in the chirch yard. S. Germoke’s welle a litle without the chirch yard.

Garsike, alias Pengarsike, nere the shore a 3. miles by est from S. Michaeles Mont.

Milatun hath part of Mewis landes in Devonshire, by one of the heires generall of Mewis, of Mewis Urth, a daughter and heire of the Godalcans, married to Henry Force. Yonge Milatun hath sir Godalcan’s daughter to his wife. One of the Worthes wives gave a late this land with a daughter of hers to one of the Milatuns of Devonshire.

Markesju,[47] a great long toun, burnid 3 aut 4 anno Henr. 8 a Gallis. The paroch chirch a mile of. A pere by the Mount. Markjue and the Mount be both S. Hillaries paroche. There was found of late yeres syns spere heddes, axis for warre, and swerdes of coper, wrappid

up in lynin scant perishid, nere the Mount in S. Hilaries paroch in tynne works.

Comes Moritoniæ et Cornubiæ made a celle of monkes in S. Michel Mont. This celle was ons gyven to a college in Cambridge. Syns given to Syon. A fair spring in the Mont.

Ludewin, alias Ludevaulles, wher, as sum suppose, was a castel, a mile by west from Markesju; it longid to the Lord Brooke.

Pensandes, 2 miles of by west; there is a litle peere.

Newlin, a mile lower on the shore; there is a peere. Newlin is an hamlet to Mousehole. Mousehole a mile lower. There is a peer. Mousehole in Cornish Port-enis (Portus insulæ). A bay from Newlin to Mousehole, caullid Gnaverslak. A litle beyond Mousehole, an islet and a chapel of S. Clementes in it. There hath bene much land devourid of the sea betwixt Pensandes and Mousehole. An old legend of St. Michael speaketh of a tounelet in this part now defaced, and lying under the water.

King Ethelstane, founder of S. Burien’s College, and giver of the privileges and sanctuarie to it. S. Buriana, an holy woman of Ireland, sumtyme dwellid in this place, and there made an oratory. King Ethelstane goyng hens, as it is said, onto Sylley, and returning, made ex voto a College wher the Oratorie was.

Tredine Castel ruines at the south-west point of Penwith; manifesta adhuc extant vestigia. I hard say that one Myendu was lord of it. Myendu signifieth blak mouth or chimne.

Ryvier Castel, almost at the est part of the mouth of Hayle River on the north se, now as sum think drounid with sand. This was Theodore’s castle.

Combe Castelle, ubi tm (?) loci vestigia, and Pencombe a little foreland, about a mile upper than Kenor on Severn. Basset hath a right goodly lordship caullid Treheddy by this Cumb. There cummith a good brooke down by Combe.

Cayl Castelle a mile by est from River in S. Filake’s Paroche.

Nikenor,[48] a 2 miles from Ryvier, sumtyme a great toun now gone. 2 paroche chirchis yet seene a good deale several one from the other, sumtyme in the towne, but it

is now communely taken to be in S. Guivian’s paroch; and there cummith a broket to the sea.

Carnbray, on a hil, a castelet or pile of Basset’s, a mile west of Revier town. There was sumtyme a park, now defacid.

SCYLLEY.

There be countid a 140 Islettes of Scylley, that bere gresse exceding good pasture for catail. S. Mary isle is a 5 miles or more in cumpace; in it is a poore toun, and a meately strong pile: but the roues [roofs] of the buildinges in it be sore defacid and woren. The ground of this ile berith exceeding good corn: insomuch that, if a man do but cast corn wher hogges have rotid, it wyl cum up.

Iniscaw longid to Tavestoke, and ther was a poore celle of monkes of Tavestoke. Sum caulle this Trescaw: it is the biggest of the Islettes, in cumpace a 6 miles or more.

S. Martines isle.

S. Agnes isle, so caullid of a chapel theryn. The isle of S. Agnes was desolated by this chaunce in recenti hominum memoria. The hole numbre almost of v. housoldes that were yn this isle cam to a mariage or a fest into S. Mary isle, and goinge homewarde were al drownid.

Ratte islande.

Saynct Lides isle; wher yn tymes past at her sepulchre was gret superstition.

There appere tokens in diverse [of] the islettes of habitations now clene doun.

Gulles and puffinnes be taken in diverse of these islettes, and plenty of conyes be in diverse of these islettes. Diverse of these islettes berith wyld garlyk. Few men be glad to inhabite these islettes, for al the plenty, for robbers by the sea that take their catail of force. These robbers be French men and Spaniardes. One Davers, a gentilman of Wilshir, whos chief house is at Daundesey, and Whittington, a gentleman of Glocestreshire, be owners of Scylley; but they have scant 40 markes by yere of rentes and commodites of it.

Scylley is a kenning, that is to say, about an xx miles from the very westeste pointe of Cornewaulle.

Petites principal house was at Ardeverauian in Falmouth Haven by the peninsula, caullid Ardeverameur. Petites landes be now descended to Arundale of Trerise, Granville, knight, and Killigrew.

Thomas Levelis about S. Burianes.

Kiwartun at Newlin by Mousehole.

John Godolcan at Mousehole.

Cavelle is S. Cua paroch at Trearach.

Carnsew at Brokelly in S. Cua paroch.

Nicolle in S. Tedy paroch by Bokelly.

Trecarelle, at Trecarelle by Launston.

From Mr. Godolcan to Pembro, wher the paroch chirch is [i. e. appertains] to Mr. Godolcan. The personage impropriate to Heyles in Glocestreshir. The south se is about a mile from Pembro.

From Mr. Godolcan to Lanante a 4 miles. Passage at ebbe over a great strond, and then over Heyle river.

No greater tynne workes yn al Cornwall then be on Sir Wylliam Godalcan’s ground.

Heyle Haven shoken [choaked] with land of tynne works.

Heile ryver cummith of 4 principale heddes or brokes; one riseth by south, and other by south west; another by south-est; the 4 by north-est.

Mr. Mohun hath a fair lordship by S. Erthe’s, caullyd ——.

Trewinard, a gentilman dwelling at Trewinard yn S. Erth paroch. S. Erth, a good mile above Lenant. S. Erth bridge, a good mile from Lannante, of 3 archis a litle byneth the paroche [church?] that stondith on the est side of the haven. This bridge was made a 200 yeres syns, and hath a 3 arches. Afore ther was a fery. Ther cam to this place ons, the haven beyng onbarrid, and syns chokid with tynne workes, good talle shippes.

There was a castel caullid Carnhangives, as apperith, or manor place, now clene doun, not far from the bridg. Dinham, as sum say, was lord of this place, and to the court thereof be longging many knightes and gentilmens services.

The toune of Lannant [now Lelant] is praty. The church thereof is of S. Unine.

S. Fës [St. Ive’s] a 2 miles or more from Lannant. The place that the chief of the toun hath and partely dooth stonde yn, is a very peninsula, and is extendid into the se of Severn as a cape. This peninsula, to compace it by the rote, lakkith litle of a mile. Most part of the houses in the peninsula be sore oppressid or overcoverid with sandes, that the stormy windes and rages castith up there. This calamite hath continued ther litle above 20 yeres.

The best part of the toun now standith in the south part of the peninsula, up toward another hille, for defence from the sandes. There is a blok house and a fair pere in the est side of the peninsula; but the pere is sore chokid with sande. The paroch chirch is of Iva, a nobleman’s daughter of Ireland, and disciple of S. Barricus. Iva and Elwine, with many other, cam into Cornewaul, and landid at Pendinas. This Pendinas is the peninsula and stony rok wher now the toun of S. Ives stondith. One Dinan, a great lord in Cornewaul, made a chirch at Pendinas, at the requist of Iva, as it is written yn S. Ive’s legende.

Ther is now at the very point of Pendinas a chapel of S. Nicolas, and a pharos for lighte for shippes sailing by night in those quarters. The town of S. Ive’s is servid with fresch water of brokettes that rise in the hilles thereby. The late Lord Brook was lord of S. Ive’s, now Blunt lord Monjoy, and young Poulet.

S. Piranes in the Sandes, is an xviij. miles from S. Ive’s upward on Severne; and S. Carantokes is a 2 miles above that on the shore. Els litle or no notable thing on the shore for so farre. The shore from S. Ives is sore plagued to S. Carantokes with sandes. There dwellith a gentilman of a 50 markes land by yere, caullid Glynne, yn S. Ive’s.

From Mr. Godalcan’s to Trewedenek, about a 4 miles, wher Thomas Godalcan [yonger] sun to Sir Willyam, buildith a praty house, and hath made an exceding fair blo-house mille in the rokky valley therby.

Alle the brookes that cummith from the hilles thereabout gather to[ward] this botom, and go into Lo Poole a 2 [miles beneath.] Lo Poole is a 2 miles in lenght, and betwixt it and the mayn se, is but a barre of sand: and ons in 3 or 4 yeres, what by the wait of the fresch water and rage of the se, it brekith out, and then the fresch and salt water metyng makith a wonderful noise. But sone after, the mouth is barrid again with sande. At other tymes the superfluite of the water of Lo Poole drenith out thorough the sandy barre into the se. If this barre might be alway kept open, it wold be a goodly haven up to Hailestoun. The commune fisch of this pole is trout and ele.

Hailestoun, alias Hellas, stondith on an hill, a good market toun, having a mair and privileges; and coinage twis a yere for tynne blokkes. There hath bene a castelle. One paroch chirch at the north-west ende of the towne.

An hospital of S. John yet stonding at the west-southwest of the town, of the foundation of one Kylligrew. The fresch water that goith to Lo Poole cummith down on the west side of the toun, but not even hard by it. Wike Mille water cummith within about half a mile on the east side of the towne.

From Hailstoun to Mogun Bridge, about a 2 miles dim. Thorough this bridge rennith at ebbe a litle brooke that riseth a —— miles upper by weste. It ebbith and flowith aboute a mile above this bridge. I saw on the left hand, a litle beside this bridge, the principal arme of Hailford Haven, caullid Wike, the wich flowith about a 3 miles upland by north to Wike Mille; and this arme is beten[49] with 2 litle fresch brokes bering the name of Wyke. A flite shot beyond this bridge I cam to a causey of stone, in the midle whereof was a bridge having but one arche. It flowith above this bridge; and at the ebbe there resortith a broke thourough this bridge, that cummith down from south-weste. A litle beneth these bridges both thes brokes in one run into Wik water. These bridges be a 4 miles or more from the mouth of Heilford Haven. About a 2 miles beneth this confluence rennith up on the est side of the haven a creeke of salt water, caullid Poulpere, and hemmith in a peace of Mr. Reskymer’s Parke at Merdon, so that with this creke, and the main se water of the haven, upon a 3 partes the parke is strenkthyd [surrounded]. Poul Wheverel about half a mile lower, having a brooke resorting to it. There is on the same side half a mile [lower] another creke callid Cheilow, alias Chalmansak. There be 4 crekes, (eche of thes crekes hath a broket resorting to them,) on the south-west side of the haven thus named. Pencastel the first, from the mouth, 4 miles beneth the bridges, whither shipes do resorte; and here is a trajectus from the one side of the haven to the other. This is a mile from the haven mouth, and here the shippes cummunely do ly. [2.] Caullons, half a mile upward. Then [3.] Mogun, a 2 miles higher, wher the bridge is, with the broken stone. S. Mogun’s Chirch upon Mogun Creeke. [4.] Gaire, wher the bridge is, with the causey and one arch, so that this brekith as a creke out of Mogun.

S. Mawnoun chirch, at the very point of the haven on

the side toward Falmouth, a se marke. Gelling creeke, agayne S. Mawnoun’s on the other side, hard without the haven mouth. Gilling creke brekith at the hed into 2 crekes.

S. Piranes, alias Keverine, wher the sanctuarie was, a mile from S. Antonies, and not a mile from the main se.

The patronage of S. Antonies longid to Trewardreth. S. Antonies chirch or chapel beside at —— sand. S. Antonies standith in the point of the land of Gilling creke, and the mouth of Hailford haven. Mr. Reskimer hath a maner caullid by his own name a mile from Moreden. There hath bene a fair house, but it felle to ruine in tyme of mynde. Mr. Reskimer berith in his armes a wolphe. One of the Reskimers gave land to S. Keverines, for sustentation of certein poore folkes. S. Keverine’s, 2 miles from Gilling creeke, and not a mile from the se. S. Keverine’s longgid to Bewle Abbay in Hampshir, and had a sanctuarie privilegid at S. Keverin’s.

From Gaire bridg to Tremain, wher Mr. Reskimer now dwellith, a good mile. This litle house longgid to Tremain, and in tyme of mynde cam by heire general to one Tretherde. This Tretherde hath, beside, landes and a praty maner place at —— John Reskimer’s mother was Tretherth’s [daughter.] There is in Devonshir one of the Tremayns a man of fayre landes.

From Tremayn over Heilford Haven to Morden, where Mr. Reskimer hath a ruinus maner place, and a fair park well woddid; wherof 3 partes is within the principal streme of the haven, and a creke caullid Poole Penrith, hemmid yn. Morden [is] in Constentine paroch.

Then I rode half a mile and more from Morden over the fresch water, that riseth no far distance off yn the hilles, and goith strait into Poulpenrith creeke. About half a mile farther, I rode over an arme of the broke that cummith doun to Poulwitheral creeke; and sone after I rode over the greater arme of the same broke, the salt arme lying in the bottom hard under it.

Then I rode a 4 miles by morey and rokky ground. And then within the space of half a mile, I cam to S. Budocus church. This Budocus was an Irisch man, and cam into Cornewalle, and ther dwellid. A litle from the chirch there enterid betwixt ij hilles on the shore a short creke lyke an havenet, but it was barrid.

And a quarter of a mile farther I cam to Arwennak,

Mr. Keligrewis place, stonding on the brimme or shore within Falemouth Haven. This place has been of continuance the auncient house of the Killigrewes. There was another house of the Keligrewis descending out of this, and it was in the toun of Penrine. Now both these houses be joynid yn one.

The very point of the haven mouth, being an hille wheron the King hath builded a castel, is caullid Pendinant, and longgith to Mr. Kiligrewe. It is a mile in cumpace, and is almost environid by the se; and where it is not, the ground is so low, and the cut to be made so litle, that it were insulatid. From S. Mawnon to Pendinas by water a 4 miles.

There lyith a litle cape or foreland within the haven, a mile dim. almost again Mr. Kiligrewis house, called Penfusis. Betwixt this cape and Mr. Kiligrew’s house, one great arme of the haven rennith up to Penrine toun.

Penrine 3 good miles from the very entery of Falmouth haven, and 2 miles from Penfusis. There dwellith an auncient gentilman, callid Trefusis, at this point of Penfusis.

Levine Prisklo, alias Levine Pole, betwixt S. Budocus and Pendinas; it were a good haven but for the barre of sande.

The first creke or arme that castith out on the northwest side of Falemuth, goith up [to] Penrin, and at the ende it brekith into 2 armes, the lesse to the College of Glasenith, i. viridis nidus, or wag-mier, at Penrin; the other to S. Gluvias, the paroch church of Penrine therby.

Out of eche side of Penrine creke, breaketh out an arme or ever it cum to Penrin. Stakes and foundation of stone sette in the creeke at Penrine, afore the toun, a little lower than wher it brekith into armes. A gap in the midle of the stakes, and a chain.

Good wood about the south and west syde of Penrith. One Walter [Brounscombe], Bishop of Excestre, made yn a more caullid Glesnith, in the bottom of a park of his at Penrine, a Collegiate chirch, with a provost, xij prebendaries, and other ministers. This college is strongly wallid and incastellid, having 3 strong towers and gunnes at the but of the creke.

Betwixt the point of land of Trefusis, and the point of Restronget wood, is Milor creek, and there is S. Milor’s church, and beyond the church is a good rode for shippes.

Milor creke goith up a mile. Good wood in Restronget.

The next creek beyond the point in Stronget Wood is caullid Restronget, and going ij miles into the land, it brekith into 2 armes; and St. [Feock’s] Church standith in the land betwixt; and on the arme is a stone bridg caullid Carr Bridg in the way thens to Truru. Betwixt Restrongith Creke, and the creke of Truru, be two creekes. Truru Creeke is next, and goith up a 2 miles creking up from the principal streme. This creke brekith withyn half a mile of Truru, and castith yn a creke westward by Newham Wood. This creke of Truru, afore the very toun, is devidid into 2 partes, and eche of them hath a brook cumming doun, and a bridge, and the toun of Truru betwixt them both. The White Freres house was on the west arme, yn Kenwyn streate. Kenwen streat is severid from Truru with this arme; and Clementes streat by est is seperate on the est side from Truru with the other arme. One paroche church in Truru self. Kenwen and Clementes streates hath several chirches, and bere the name of the sainctes of the paroch chirches. Coynage of tynne at Midsomer and Michelmas at Truru. Truru is a borow toun and privilegid. Ther is a castelle a quarter of a mile by west out of Truru, longging to the Earl of Cornwale, now clene doun. The site therof is now usid for a shoting and playing place. Out of the body of Truru creke on the est side, brekith a crek estwarde a mile from Truru, and goith up a mile dim. to Tresilian Bridge of stone. At the entry and mouth of this creeke is a rode for shippes, caullid Maples Rode. Here faught a late xviij sail of Marchant Spaniardes, and 4 shippes of warre of Depe. The Spaniardes chac’d hither the French men.

A mile and a half above the mouth of Truro Creke, caullid La Moran Creke, of the church of S. Moran. This creke goith into the land a quarter of a mile from the maine streme of the haven. The mayne streame goith up 2 miles above Moran creeke, ebbing and flowing; and a quarter of a mile above is the toune of Tregony, vulgo Tregny. Here is a bridge of stone aliquot arcuum apon Fala ryver. Fala river riseth a mile or more off Rochehille, and goith by Granborrow, [“Pons grandis,” i. e. Granpound] wher is a bridge of stone over it. Graunpond, a 4 miles from [Roche,] and 2 litle miles from Tregony. Mr. Tregyon hath a maner place richely begon and amply, but not endid, caullid Wulvedon, alias Goldoun. Fala ryver, is betwixt Graunpond and Tregony.

From Tregony to passe doune by the body of the haven of Falamuth, to the mouth of Lanyhorne creeke or pille on the south-est side of the haven, is a 2 miles. This creke goith up half a mile from the principale streame of the haven.

At the hed of this creeke standith the castelle of Lanyhorne, sumtyme a castel of an 8 toures, now decaying for lak of coverture. It longgid as principal house to the Archedecons. Thes landes descendid by heires general to the best Corbetes of Shropshir, and to Vaulx of Northamptonshir. Vaulx part syns bought by Tregyon of Cornewaul. From Lanyhorne pille is a place or point of land of 40 acres or therabout as a peninsula, and is caullid Ardeuerameur, and is a mile from Lanyhorne creke; and the water or creke that cummith or rennith into the south-south-est part is but a litle thyng, as of an half mile. The creke that hemmith this peninsula up into the land, yn on the west-south-west side, is the mayn land betwixt Crameur creke and this.

From the mouth of the west creke of this peninsula to S. Juste creeke a 4 miles or more. From S. Juste pille or creeke to S. Mauditus creeke is a mile dim.

The point of the land betwixt S. Juste creke and S. Maws is of sum caullid Pendinas, and on this point stondith, as yn the entery of S. Maws creek, a castelle or forteres late begon by the king.

[Vol. iii. p. 46. Inscriptions made [by Leland] at the request of Master Trewry at the Castelle of St. Maw’s.

Henricus Oct. Rex Angl. Franc. et Hiberniæ invictiss. me posuit præsidium Reipubl. terrorem Hostib.

This creke of S. Maws goith up a 2 myles by est-north-est into the land, and so far it ebbith and flowith; and ther is a mylle dryven with a fresch brook that resortith to the creke. Scant a quarter of a mile from the castel on the same side, upper into the land, is a praty village or

fischar town with a pere, caullid S. Maw’s; and there is a chapelle of hym, and his chaire of stone a little without, and his welle. They caulle this Sainct there S. Mat —— he was a bishop in Britain, and [was] paintid as a scholemaster.

Half a mile from the hedde of this, downward to the haven, is a creke in a corner of a poole with a round mark, made in charte, on the which is a mille grinding with the tyde. A mile beneth that, on the south side enterythe a creke half a mile, and this is barrid by a smaul sand banke from the main sea. A mile beneth this, and almost agayn S. Maw, a creeke or poole goynge up a litle in —— at the but of this is a myle. And a celle of S. Antone longging to Plympton Priory, and here, of late dayes, lay 2 chanons of Plympton Priory.

All the crekes of Fala welle woddid.

From S. Antonies Point at the mayn se to Penare Point a 3 miles dim.

Grefe Islet lyith scant half a mile est of Penare, wherein breadeth gullis and other se foules. This Grefe lyith north from the Forne, a point or foreland in Britain, bytwene the wich is the entery of the sleve of the ocean. And betwixt Forne and Grefe is a v. kennynges; and here is breviss. trajectus by estimation from Cornewaulle into Britaines continent.

About a myle by west of Penare is a forte nere the shore in the paroch of S. Geron’s. It is a single dikyd, and within a but shot of the north side of the same apperith an hole of a vault broken up by a plough yn tylling. This vault had an issue from the castelle to the se. And a litle by north of the castelle a 4 or 5 borowes or cast hilles. A mile dim. from this there is another in the syde of an hille —— a quarter —— from the lordship of —— thy, sumtyme the Archdekens, now Corbettes and Tregions.

Dudeman Foreland or Point is about a 3 miles from Grefe. No wood on the very cost from S. Antonies Point to Dudeman. Inward yn the land is some woode ——. This chapelle land or point is in the park of Bodrugan; and yn this park was the house of Sir Henry Bodrugan, a man of auncient stok, atteyntid for takyng part with King Richard the 3 agayn Henry the 7; and after flying into Ireland, Syr Richard Eggecomb, father to Sir Pers Eggecombe, had Bodrigan and other parcelles of Bodrigan’s

landes. And Trevagnon had part of Bodrigan’s landes, as Restronget and Newham, both in Falamuth Haven.

From Chapel land to Pentowen, a sandy bay, witherto fischar bootes repair for a socour, a 2 myles. Here issuith out a praty ryver that cummith from S. Austelles, about a 2 miles dim. off. And there is a bridge of stone of the name of the town. This ryver rennith under the west side of the hille, that, the poore toun of S. Austelles stondith on. At S. Austelles is nothing notable but the paroch chirch.

From Pentowen to the Blake Hedd a mile. There is a fair quarre of whit fre-stone on the shore betwixt Pentowen and Blak Hed, whereof sum be usid in the inward partes of S. Mawe’s forteresse. The residew of morstone and slate. And Pendinas Castelle is of the same stone except the wallinge.

And in the cliffes between the Blak Hed and Tywartraith Bay is a certeyn cave, wheryn apperith thinges lyke images gilted. And also in the same cliffes be vaynis of metalles as coper and other.

There is, a mile from the entery of Tywartraith Bay up yn the land at the but ende of it, a paroch chirch of S. Blase, and ther is a new bridge of stone of the sainctes name over a broke that ther cummith into the bay.

Tywardreth, a praty toun but no market, lyith a quarter of a myle from the est side of the bay. Ther is a paroch chirch, and ther was a priory of blak monkes, a celle sumtyme to a house in Normandy. Sum say Campernulphus was founder of this priory. Sum say that Cardinham was founder. Arundale of Lanhern was of late taken for founder. I saw a tumbe in the west part of the chirch of the priori, with this inscription:

Hæc est Tumba Roberti filii Wilihelmi.

This Robert Fitz William was a man of fair landes tempore Edwardi 3. reg. Ang.

From Tywardreth toun to Fawey town a ij miles. The point of land on the est side of Tywardreth Bay is caullid Penarth Point. From Penarth to the haven mouth of Fawey is a 2 miles. Ther is at the west point of the haven of Fawey Mouth a blok house devised by Thomas Treury,[50] and made partely by his cost, partely by the town

of Fawey. A litle higher on this point of the hille is a chapel of S. Catarine. And hard under the roote of this hille a litle withyn the haven mouth, is a litle bay or creke bering the name of Catarine.

About a quarter of a mile upper on this the west side of Fawey haven is a square toure of stone for defence of the haven, made about King Edward the 4. tym; and litle above this tower on the same side is Fawey Town, lying alonge the shore, and builded on the side of a great slatey rokkid hille. In the midle of the toun apon the shore self is a house buildid quadrantly in the haven, which shadowith the shippes in the haven above it from 3 partes of the haven mouth, and defendith them from stormes. The name of the toun of Fawey is in Cornisch Conwhath. It is set on the north side of the haven, and is set hangging on a maine rokky hille, and is in length about a quarter of a mile. The towne longgid to one Cardinham, a man of great fame, and he gave it to Tywartraith Priorie, of the which sum say that Cardinham was founder; sum say Campernulph of Bere. But at this gift Fawey was but a smaul fischar toun. The paroch chirch of Fawey is of S. Fimbarrus, and was impropriate to the priorie of Tywartraith. The glorie of Fawey rose by the warres in King Edward the first and the thirde and Henry the v. day, partely by feates of warre, partely by pyracie, and so waxing riche felle al to marchaundice, so that the town was hauntid with shippes of diverse nations, and their shippes went to all nations. The shippes of Fawey sayling by Rhie and Winchelsey, about Edward the 3. tyme, wold vale no bonet beyng requirid; wherapon Rhy and Winchelsey men and they faught, when Fawey men had victorie, and therapon bare the armes mixt with the armes of Rhy and Winchelsey, and then rose the name of the ‘Gallaunts of Fawey.’ The French men diverse tymes assailid this town, and last most notably about Henry the vj. tyme, when the wife of Thomas Treury the 2. with her men repellid the French out of her house in her housebandes absence. Wherapon, Thomas Treury buildid a right fair and stronge embatelid tower in his house, and embateling all the waulles of the house, in a maner made it a castelle, and onto this day it is the glorie of the town building in Faweye. In Edwarde the 4. day, 2. stronge towers were made a litle beneth the town, one on eche side of the haven, and a chayne to be drawen over. When warre in Edward the 4 dayes seasid bytwene the

French men and Englisch, the men of Fawey, usid to pray [spoil], kept their shippes and asaillid the Frenchmen in the sea agayn King Edwardes commandement; wherapon the capitaines of the shippes of Fawey were taken and sent to London, and Dertemouth men commaunded to fetche their shippes away, at which tyme Dertmouth men toke them in Fawy, and toke away, as it is said, the great chein that was made to be drawen over the haven from towre to towre.

From Fawey town end by north in the haven is Chagha mille pille, a litle uppeward on the same side. A good mile above Chagha mille pille is on this west side Bodmyn pille, having

A quarter of a mile from Bodmyn creek mouth up into the haven on the same side is Gullant a fischar tounlet.

From Gullant to Lantian pille or creek about half a mile: it goith up but a litle into the land. Lantiant lordship longid to the Erle of Saresbyri. Barret, a man of mene landes, dwellith bytwixt Gullant and Lantient pille.

From Lantiant pille to Bloughan pille or creke nere a mile; it crekith up but a litle.

From Bloughan to Lostwithiel scant a mile on the principal streame of Fawey river. It hath ebbid and flowen above Lostwithiel; but now it flowith not ful to the toun. In Lostwithiel is the shir haul of Cornewaul. Therby is also the coynege haul for tynne. The town is privilegid for a borow; and there is wekely a market on Thursday. Richardus Rex Rom. comes Cornubiæ privilegid this town. The paroch chirch is of S. Barptolome. There comithe a broket from west throghe the side of Lostwithiel, and goith est into Fawey ryver, dividinge Penknek from Lostwithiel.

Penknek is yn Lanleverey paroch.

Carteis, a gentleman of almost an 100 mark land, dwellith betwyxt Bloughan and Penknek by Lostwithiel.

The park of Restormel is hard by the north side of the town of Lostwithiel. Tynne workes in this parke. Good woode in this parke. Ther is a castel on an hil in this park, wher sumtymes the Erles of Cornewal lay. The base court is sore defacid. The fair large dungeon yet stondith. A chapel cast out of it, a newer work then it, and now

onrofid. A chapel of the Trinite in the park, not far from the castelle.

The castel of Cardinham, a 4. miles or more by north from Lostwithiel. To this castelle longith many knightes services. Arundale of Lanherne. The Lord Souch, Compton and —— partith Cairdinham’s landes.

The ryver of Fawey risith in Fawey more about a 2. miles from Camilford by south, in a very wagmore in the side of an hil. Thens to Draynesbridge, of flat more stones. Thens to Clobham bridg, drownid with sand, ij miles and more. Thens to Lergen bridge of 2 or 3 arches, a mile lower. Thens to Newbridg of stone archid, a 2 miles. Thence to Resprin bridge of stone archid, alias Laprin, about 2 miles. Thens to Lostwithiel bridge of five arches, two miles. A litle above Lostwithiel bridge of stone, the ryver of Fawey brekith into 2 armes; wherof at this day the lesse goith to the ston bridge, the bigger to a wodde bridge even again[st] and but a litle way of from the stone bridge; and after a praty way lower the armes cum again to one botom. The great part of Fawey water is by policie turnid from the ston bridg for choking of it, and for to put the sande of from the botom of the toun. The stone bridge, in tyme of memorie of men lyving, was of arches very depe to the sight; the sande is now cum to within a 4 or 5 feete of the very hedde of them. The sande that cummith from tynne workes is a great cause of this, and yn tyme to cum shaul be a sore decay to the hole haven of Fawey. Barges as yet cum with marchanties within half a mile of Lostwithiel.

From Lostwithiel doun along Fawey ryver to S. Winnous, an abbate chirch, a good myle. By the wich chirch of old tyme enhabitid a gentilman, Joannes de S. Winnoco. After the Lordes Hastinges wer owners of it; and then sold to Guiliam Loures gret-grandfather now lyving. This Lower hath to wife one of the 2 daughters of Thomas Treury. By this chirch is a warfe to make shippes by. Much good wood at S. Ginokes, and on the other side of the haven agayn it. From S. Guinows chirch to the point of S. Winows wood, half a mile. Here goith yn a salt crek half a mile on the est side of the haven, and at the hed of it is a bridge caulled Lerine bridge, and the creke berith also the name of Lerine.

At the north side of this Lerine creke, almost at the

hedd, is Teuthey, Laurence Courteneis house. It longgid ons to Stonnard, sins to Cayle, and now last to the Courteneis of the house of Devonshir descendinge. From Lerine creke to S. Carac pille or creeke, about half a mile lower on the said est side of the haven; it goith a mile dim. up into the land.

In midle of this creke on the north side was a litle celle of Saint Cyret and Julette, longging to Montegue Priory. From the mouth of S. Carak pille to Poulmorlande pille about a mile. It goith scant a quarter of a mile up into the lande, and at the hedde goith into 2 armes.

From the mouth of Poulmorlande to Bodenek village half a mile, wher the passage is to Fawey, and from —— Mr. Mohun hath a maner place, caullid the Haul, on an hil above this village.

From Bodenek to Pelene Point a quarter of a mile, and here enterith a pille or creeke half a mile up into the land.

At the hed of this pille is a chapel of St. Wilow, and by it is a place caullid Lamelin, lately longging to Lamelin, now to Trelauny by heir general. Trelauny’s house is at Meneheneth by Liscard. On the south side of this creke is the paroch church, caullid Lanteglise juxta Fawey, being the paroch chirch of Bodenek and Poulruan. From the mouth of this creke to Poulruan, a good fischar town, a quarter of a mile. And at this Poulruan toun is a tower of force, marching again the tower on Fawey side. Ther was ons, as it is said, a chaine to go over the haven from tower to toure. The haven mouth of Fawey is a 2 bow shottes of.

The very point of land at the est side of the mouth of this haven, is caullid Pontus crosse, vulgo Paunch crosse.

From Lostwithiel to Castledour, now clene doun, 3 good miles by plentiful ground of corn and grasse. Castledour longgid to the Erle of Sarisbyri.

A mile of is a broken crosse thus inscribed, Conomor et filius cum Domina Clusilla.

From Pontus Crosse to Poulpirrhe about a six miles, wher is a little fischar toun and a peere, with a very litle creke and a broke. Ther is a crikket betwixt Poulpirrhe and Low. From Poulpirrhe to Low creke dry at half ebbe a 2 miles. On eche side of the entery of this creke is a toun, the one caullid Est Low, the other West Low.

Est Low is a praty market toun. There is a great bridge

of a 12 archis over Low creke, to go from the one toun of Low to the other. Good wood about Low creke.

Ther is a maner place caullid Trelaun about this Low creke, sumtyme Bonvilles, now the Marquise of Dorsetes. Salmon taken yn this creke. Kendale and Code, gentilmen, dwelle yn Morel paroche on the est syde of this creke.

From Low creeke to Seton bridge of stone of a 2 archis, and Setoun ryver a 3 miles.

From Seton to Ramehed, about a 9 miles.

From Fawey over the haven to Bodenek, a fischar town, wherby Mr. Mohun hath a manor place.

Thens a 5 miles by very pleasaunt inclosid ground prately wooddid, plentiful of corn and grasse.

Then a 3 miles by mory and hethy ground.

Then 2 miles by hilly and woddy ground to Liscard.

About half a mile or 1 cam to Liskard, I passid in a wood by a chapel of owr Lady, caullid “our Lady in the Park,” wher was wont to be gret pilgrimage. This chapelle of ease longgith to Liskard, and so doth 2 or 3 more.

Liskard stondith on rokky hilles, and is the best market town at this day in Cornwaul, saving Bodmin. In this toun the market is kept on Monday. The paroch chirch is of S. Martin, stondith on an hil, and is a fair large thing. The personage is impropriate to ——. Ther was a castel on an hille in the toun side, by north from S. Martin. It is now al in ruine. Fragments and peaces of waulles yet stond. The site of it is magnificent and looketh over al the toun. This castelle was the Erles of Cornwaul. It is now usyd somtym for a pound of cattell. This towne knowledgith fredom and privileges by the gift of Richard King of Romanes, and Erle of Cornewaul. Ther is a goodly conduct in the midle of the town very plentiful of water to serve the town.

Cumming out of Liskarde, about half a mile, I left Cortyder, a goodly lordship and an old maner place, on the right hond; it is a hunderith pounde by the yere. This is now fawllen onto heir-general in partition. Cotyder,

and the lordship of Tregelley, now caullid Minheneth lordship, longgid (as Mr. Trelawney told me) to one Heling or Eling. Cotyder cam after hime, therof named Cotyder —— had male —— and Cotyder, now Beket hath Cotyder self ——. Corington and another of them had ——.

From Liskard to Minheneth 2 miles, wher is a fair large old chirch. The personage of it is impropriate to ——. From Mynhenet to the ruines of Bodulcan’s place a 2 miles. The maner of Minheneth was sumtime caullid Tregelly, wherof the name and sum ruines yet remaine. Trelawney now lyving, is the 4. of that name that hath be lord of Minheneth. Ther was one Sir John Trelawney, sn auncient gentilman, father to the first Trelawney of Minheneth, but be likelihod he had an elder sun; for Trelawney now living hath none of the landes, but it is descendid to heires generales.

Half a mile off, a great brooke, after the course of a 4 miles, resorting to Liner and S. Germanes creke a this side S. Germanes.

Another broket a quarter of a mile beyond, that resortith to the other.

Thens to Natter Bridge of 2 or 3 archis, 4 miles. It stondith on Liner Ryver. This ryver, as far as I could lerne, riseth by north-est up towardes the quarters of Launstoun.

The soile betwixt Minheneth and Natter bridge very good and enclosid, and metely wel woddyd. From Natter bridge to S. Germanes about a 2 miles.

The town of S. Germanes on the side of Liner as I came to this bridge. S. Germanes is but a poore fischar town. The glory of it stoode by the priory. S. Germanes stondith about a 3 miles in Liner creke from the mayne strond of Tamar haven.

From Liner bridge to Asche aboute a 4 miles by much like grounde. Asche is a praty market toun, and is set from the toppe of a rokky hille, as by west to the roote of the same, and very shore of Tamar haven by este. The tounes men use boothe marchandise and fischar. Thir is a chapel of ease in Asche. The paroch chirch is caullid S. Stephan’s, about half a mile off by south, the personage wherof is impropriate to Windesore College.

By S. Stephanes, and in S. Stephanes paroch is the graunt and auncient castelle of Tremertoun, apon a rokky

hille, wherof great peaces yet stond, and especially the dungeon. The ruines now serve for a prison. Great libertees long to this castelle. The Valetortes, men of great possession, wer owners, and, as far as I can gather, builders of this castel, and owners and lordes of the toun of Aische.

These crekes I notid on the west side of Tamar. Fyrst, I markid in sight above Asche toun, a 2 miles or more, the principal arme of Tamar haven going up into the land about a 10 miles from that place to Caulstoke bridge, witherto it almost ebbith and flowith. And shippes cum up within a mile of this bridg to a place caullid Morleham. And this place is but a 3 miles from Tavestoke. Tavestoke is countid to be but 10 miles from Asche to go the next way. Betwixt the 2 miles from Asche to the mayne arme of Tamar in sight I markid, descending in the haven, 3 crekes breking out into the land, wherof the first lyith by north-west creking up into the land. The second lyith west-north-west. The 3 plaine west, and this crekid to the land scant half a mile. Scant a mile lower lyith Liner creke, goyng up onto S. Germanes.

The toune of Asch stondith bytween these 2 crekes. Then brekith a litle creke out caullid John’s or Antony. And at the mouth, about S. Nicholas, brekith in a creek goyng up to Milbrok, 2 miles up in land from the mayn haven. This Milbrok is a riche fischar toun.

Penle, a fore land, lyith 3 miles lower from this creke into the ——. And the promontorie of Ramehed a mile lower.

Morwel, the Abbat of Tavestok house, about a mile from Morleham.

Tamar a litle from Morwelle.

From Tavestok to Greston bridge a 6 miles, and then a 3 miles to Launston.

Tamar a 2 miles and more from Tavestok.

Calstok bridge, or New Bridge, two miles from Milbrok, the first creeke. S. John the next. Liner the 3. The 4 a litle above Aische. The 5 without fail is the maine streame of Tamar.

From Reddon the land lying south-west on S. Nicholas Isle to Cair Grene, wher Tamar turnith west a 6 miles. Tamar, going a mile west, for the most part after goith north.

Creekes from the mouth of Plym and Tamar upon the est side of the haven.—The Mylle bay. The Stone-house creke. Kaine place creke, wher is a maner place of Mr. Wise’s. The creeke —— having a mille at the hed, it is in lenght a 2 miles. A 4 mile upper, a creke going up to Mr. Budokes side, wher is his manor place, and S. Budok chirch. Ther dwellith by this creke also Copston of Warley, a man of xx C. markes of lande as it is saide. Then is the uppermost, wher Tave water cummith onto Tamar. And on the est side of this creeke is Bukland. And on the west side is Bere, wher the Lord Brokes house and park was. Bere is a mile from the creke mouthe. Bukland is a two miles from the creke mouthe. The towne of Plymmouth is about a 3 miles from the passage of Asche. The trajectus self at Asch half a mile.

The ground betwixt the Passage and Plymmouth hath good corn but litle wood. Perse Eggecombe had a manor by Ramehed. Perse Eggecombe hath a goodly house in Cornwalle on Tamar at the mouth of Plimmouth haven.

THE MYDDEL PART OF CORNEWALE. (Vol. vii. fol. 117.)

By the ryver of Tamar from the hedde north-north-est yssuyng owt towarde the sowthe, the contery being hilly, ys fertile of corne and gresse, with sum tynne warkes wrougth by violens of water.

Hengiston, beyng a hy hylle and nere Tamar, yn the est part, baryn of his self, yet is fertile by yelding of tynne both be water and dry warkes.

The myddel of Cornewale to the est part hy montaynes, rochel ground, very baren, with sum tynne warkes yn them.

Cornewal thoroughowt from the east part to the west, nerer to the north part then to the sowth, ys hy montaynes baren ground. Fruteful from Launston to Bodman, yn a drye somer good for pasturage for catel, wyth sum tynne werkes.

Looke for Dosmery Poole almost by S. Annes hille.

From Bodman to Redruthe village, nerer to the north se then to the sowth, be by montaynes, baren also, yelding bare pasture and tynne.

From Redruth to Carne Godolghan the contery ys hylly, very baren of gresse, and plenteful of tynne.

From Lanant to S. Juste, alias Justinian, beyng the

very west poynt of al Cornewayle, the north part ys montaynes and baren growne, but plenteful of tynne. The very west poynt, as yt is cawled now in Cornysch, ys Penwolase, id est infimum caput.

THE NORTH PART OF CORNEWALE.

Fro Stratton, not very far from the hedde of Tamar, to Padstow, the contery by the north se ys rather hylle then montaynenius, and is very fertile of gras and corne. And the clives of the sayd northe se, betwne the places aforesayd, hath good fyne blew slates, apt for howse kyveryng, and also hath diverse vaynes of leade and other metalles not yet knowen.

Also abowt Camelford ar certen old mynes, wrought yn tymes past, but of what metalle yt ys now onknowen. Withyn a myle above that poore village sowth, runneth the ryver that goyth ynto the Severn Se at Paddistow, and it is the greatest ryver on the north side of Cornewale, and ys cawled yn the commune spech there Dunmere, and yn the Kyngges grawnt of privilege to the Chanons of Bodmynne, and the burgeses of the same towne, Alan, yt may fortune for Alaune. Sum historyes cawl it Cablan. By this ryver Arture fawght his last field, yn token whereof the people fynd there yn plowyng, bones and harneys.

Wythyn iiii. myles of the sayd Camylford, apon the north clif ys Tintagel, the which castel had be lykekod iii. wardes, wherof ii. be woren away with gulfyng yn of the se, insomuch that yt hath made ther almost an isle, and no way ys to enter ynto hyt now but by long elme trees layde for a bryge; so that now withoute the isle rennith alonly a gate howse a walle, and a fals braye dyged and wallid. In the isle remayne old walles, and in the est part of the same, the ground beyng lower, remayneth a walle embateled, and men alyve saw theryn a postern dore of yren. Ther is in the isle a prety chapel, with a tumbe on the left syde. Ther ys also yn the isle a welle, and ny by the same ys a place hewen owt of the stony grownd to the length and brede of a man. Also ther remayneth yn the isle a grownd quadrant-walled as yt were a garden plot. And by this walle appere the ruines of a vault. The ground of this isle now nuryshyth shepe and conys.

Paddistow, a haven towne of one paroch of fysscher men, wher shyppes cum not yn but at the flowyng water. The grownd by the se cost from Paddestow to Saynct Anne’s Hille, wheron ys no maner of buylding, the ground sumwhat hilly ys fruteful of corn and gresse, but with lytle tynne.

In the est part of Paddestow haven be ii —— [ro]kketes that —— yth se ——. The est —— ys cawled —— tyre, and so ys the land that lyeth agaynst yt.

Apon an viii myles from Paddestou ys a lytle howse of canons secular, cawled Crantoke.

Fro Sainct Anne’s Hil to Lanant, a village, the contery by the north se ys sumwhat hilly, sanday, and baren, and yn sundery places of the same, wel replenyshed with tynne.

By Conarton cummith a rywer, cawllid Dour Conor, and goith to the se, not far from Lanant ryver mouth.

From Lanant by the north se to S. Just, alias Justinian, wher ys no thyng but a paroch chirch and divers sparkeled [i. e. scattered] howses at the west poynt of the shore, cawlid ——.

In the mouth of the ryver that cummyth by Lanant ys the rokket Godryve, wheryn bredith se fowle.

The ground ys but baren, but yt hath yn divers places good tynne warkes.

By al the north se yn Cornewale be sundry crekes, wher as smawle fisshers’ bootes be drawne up to dry land, and yn fayr wether the inhabitans fysche with the same.

At Paddestow Haven, Lanant, and S. Ives, the balinggars and shyppes ar saved and kept for al weders with keyes or peres.

Dosmery Poole, stonding yn the east part of the same, sumwhat toward the sowth, is of lenght by estimation ii. arow shottes, and of bredth one, stonding on a hille, yn the est part of the which poole ys a vale of xiiii. or xv. fadome depe by estimation, and owt of this poole issueth a ryver, the which runnyng by the space of a myle and a dim. ys of ii. fadome deep, and is cawled Depe Hatche. Looke wher he issueth ynto the se.

Also yn the sayd hilly grownd and mooresch be redde deere, the wich when they be schafed take the sayde poole for soyle.

Ther be of the Isles of Scylley CXLVII, that bare gresse (besyde blynd rokkettes) and they be by estimation a xxx

myles from the west part of Cornewale. In the byggest isle of the Scylleys, cawled S. Nicholas Isle, ys a litle pyle or fortres, and a paroch chyrche, that a monke of Tavestoke yn peace doth serve as a membre to Tavestoke Abbay. Ther be yn that paroch abowt a lx. howseholdes. Ther is one isle of the Scylleys cawled Rat Isle, yn the which be so many rattes, that yf horse or any other lyving beast be browght thyther they devore hym. Ther is another cawled Bovy Isle. Ther is another cawled Inisschawe, that is to sey the Isle of Elder, by cause it berith stynkkyng elders. There be wild bores or swyne.

From S. Just to Newlin eastward the grownd ys sumwhat hilly and fertyle of gresse, with tynne werkes both weete and dry, without havyn or creeke, savyng yn dyvers places ther remayne capstaynes, lyke engins as shyppes doth way ther ancres by, wherwith they draw ther bootes up to dry land, and fisch but yn fayr wether.

Also yn the sowth-west poynt betwyxt S. Just and Newlyn ys a poynt or a promontory almost envyronid with the se, wheryn ys nothyng but as yt were a hil enclustered with rokkes as yt had bene yn tymes past a castel, (Castel Treuyne) and for the declaration therof there remayne yet toward the land ii. wardes clene fawllen downe, but the stones of them remayne ther very fayre and well quadrated. The ruine of the fortelet yn the poynt ys at thys day a hold irrecuperable for the fox.

Ther lyith betwixt the sowth west and Newlyn a myle or more off the se, S. Buryens, a sanctuary, wherby, as nere to the chyrch, be not above viii. dwellyng howses. Ther longeth to S. Buryens a deane and a few prebendarys, that almost be nether [never?] ther. And S. Buryens ys a iiii. myles fro the very sowth-west poynt.

Newlin ys a poore fischar towne, and hath alonly a key for shippes and bootes, with a lytle socur of land water. Within a arow shoot of the sayd key or pere, lyith directly a lytle low island, with a chapel yn yt. And this lytle islet bereth gresse.

Mowsehole ys a praty fyschar town yn the west part of Montes-bay, lying hard by the shoore, and hath no savegarde for shyppes, but a forced pere. Also yn the bay be est the same towne ys a good roode for shyppes, cawled Gnaves Lake.

Pensants, abowt a myle fro Mowsehole, stonding fast in the shore of Mont-bay, ys the westest market towne of

al Cornwayle, and no socur for botes or shyppes, but a forsed pere or key. Ther is but a chapel yn the sayd towne as ys yn Newlyn. For theyr paroche chyrches be more then a myle off.

Marhasdeythyou, [Marketjew,] alias forum Jovis, ys a fischar towne, with a market, and standeth fast apon the shore of the bay, directly agaynst the foote of S. Michael’s Mont northward.

In Marhasdeythyow ys but a poore chapel yn the mydde of the poore town, and a lytle chapel yn the sand nere by the towne toward the Mont. Be the west end of the towne ys a lake, or a rivulus, the hedde wherof risith withyn a myle of Lanant northwordde fro Marhesdeythyou. Betwyxt the hedd of this rivulus and the nerest part of the ryver of Heyle, that cummeth yn to the se at Lanant is not a myle. And the grownd of bred [breadth] betwene the ful se marke at forum Jovis, and the ful se marke of Lanant ryver, is not ii. myles.

The cumpace of the roote of the mont of S. Michael is not dim. myle abowt. The sowth-sowth-est part of the mont is pasturable and breedith conys. The resydue hy and rokky. In the north-north-est ys a garden with certen howses with shoppes for fischar men. The way to the chyrche enteryth at the north syd from half heb to half fludde to the foote of the mont, and so ascendeth by steppes and greces westward, and thens returneth estward to the utter ward of the chyrch. Withyn the sayd ward is a court strongly walled, wheryn on the sowth syde is the chapel of S. Michael, and yn the east syde a chapel of our Lady. The capytaynes and prestes lodginges be yn the sowth syde, and the west of S. Mich. chapel. The Mont is enclosid with the se fro dim. flud to dim. ebbe; otherwyse men may cum to the Mont afoote. Ther be found from the inward part of the —— yvers —— re stones —— wes and —— ois v miles —— the se. In the bay betwyxt the Mont and Pensants be fownd neere the lowe-water marke rootes of trees yn dyvers places, as a token of the grownde wasted. The cumpace of the bay ys from Lyzart poynt to Newlyn abowt a xx. myles.

Wythyn iii. myles of Lyzart Poynt ys a lytle isle withyn the bay, cawled Inispriuen, and conteyneth ii. acres of grownd, wheryn be byrddes and conies. The ground fro Newlin to Loo Poole by the sowth se ys not very fertile, but hath good tynne workes. Fro the poynt of Lyzart to

Hayleford haven the grownd is fertile of corn and gresse by the sowth se. Also wythyn iii. myles of the sowth se betwene Haylford and the est syde of Montes-bay is a wyld moore, cawled Gunhilly, i. e. hilly hethe, wher ys brood of catayle. Also yn the west syde of the poynt of Hayleford haven, and withyn the land of Meneke or Menegland, is a paroch chirch of S. Keveryn, otherwis Piranus; and ther is a sanctuary with x. or xii. dwelling howses, and therby was a sel [cell] of monkes, but now goon home to ther hed hows. The ruines of the monastery yet remenith.

Wythyn ii myles of the hedde of the ful se marke of Heyle ryver ys Heylston, a market town, withyn the which ther is a cowrt for the coynage of tynne kept twys yn the yeer. Yn the town is both a chapel and a paroch, and yet apperith in the town vestigia castelli yn the west part. And a ryver runnyng under the same vestigia of the castel yssueth toward the sowthe see, stopped ther with sowth-est wyndes casting up sandes maketh a poole cawled Loo, of an arow shot yn brede, and a ii. myle in cumpas yn the somer; in the wynter, by reason of fluddes, flowing to Heylston toun; wherby the mylles ner Heylston beyng stopped, men be constrayned to cut the sandy banke betwyxt the mowth of the poole and the se, wherby the water may have yssne, and the mylles grynd, by the which gut so opened, the se floweth and ebbeth yn to the poole, wherby se fysch enteryng with a sowth-est winde ys closed yn the poole, the gut beyng agayn choked and fylled with sand, and so after taken with trowtes and eles drawen yn the same poole.

The cowntery fro Newlyn to Heylston ys meetely fertyle of gresse and corn, and plentuus of tynne by the sowth se. Fro the mowthe of Heylford to Falemuth be water ys iiii. myles.

Falemuth ys a havyn very notable and famose, and yn a maner the most principale of al Britayne; for the chanel of the entre hath be space of ii. myles ynto the land xiiii. fadum of depes, which communely ys caullyd Caryk-rood, by cawse yt ys a sure herboro for the greatest shyppes that travayle be the ocean. At the entre of the haven lyith a blynd roke covered at ful see nerer the west side of the haven then the east, cawled Caregroyne, i. e. Insula vel rupes potius vitulorum marinorum, alias Seeles. Seles when they cast theyr calves, they cum to lond, and lay theyr fœtum in a dry banke, the which they may com to,

and ther they suffer theyr fœtum to tary a whyle or they bring hym to the se. In the est syde of the sayde haven entereth a creek flowing by the space of ii. myles ynto land, and ys fed at the hedde with fresche water. Apon the sowthe syde of this creke ys a selle longing to the howse of Plymton, cawled S. Antony’s, having but ii. chanous. On the very north shoore of the sayd creeke towardo the havyn’s mowth ys a poor fischar village, called S. Mausa, alias la Vausa; and nygh to this village toward the same haven ys a fortelet lately buylded by the contery for the defens of the haven. In the west syde of the haven is a creeke that flowith up fro the haven’s mowth ynto the land above iii. myles, at the very hedd of the which standeth a prety town of marchandyse and vytayle market. Withyn the towne ys a colleg wel walled and dyked defensabley cawled S. Thomas, wher be seculer chanons and a provost. Also yn the towne ys a chapel, and a quarter of a myle owt of the town ys the paroch chyrch; also viii. myles and more above the sayd haven’s mowth is a market towne est-north-est, cawled Trureu, wheryn is a mayre, and also coynag for tynne, with a paroch chyrch and a blake freers. Also on the sowth-est syde, at the hedde of the olde ful-se marke of Falemuth, is a market toune xii myles. and more up ynto land, cawled Tregoney, wheryn is an old castel and a paroch chyrch of S. James, standing in a more by the castel, also a ch[apel?] standing yn the myddes of the towne; and at the est end of the town a paroch chyrche.

S. Austol’s, a poore village with a paroche chyrch, is vi. myles east fro Tregoney.

Trewardreth Bay hath at the hedde on the est side a poore village with a paroche chyrch, and a priory yn the same town of Cluny monkes.

From Falemuth to Trewardreth by the sowth se the ground is metely fertyle of corn and gresse, and no tyn werkes from Falemuth to Dudman Foreland.

In the mydde way betwene Falemuth and Dudman is an islet or roke beryng gresse, cawled Grefe, a ii. acres about, but standyng yn the myddes torring upright. Ther bredeth yn the isle se fowle.

Fro Dudman Foreland to Trewardreth, the contre sumwhat baren of gresse and corne, and replenishid with tynne werkes, with vaynes yn the se clyves of coper. From Trewardreth to Fowey town ys ii. myles. Bytwene thes

townes by the sowth se ther is plenty of corn and gresse, but no tynne werkes.

The town of Fowey ys a market town, walled defensably to the se cost, and hath gates also. Yn the town is but one chyrche, but the howses of the towne be well buylded of stone and yl enhabited. Also at the entery of the haven on the west syd is a blokke howse and a chapel of S. Catarine, be the same. Also ther is on the same syd a towre with ordenans for defens of the haven.

On the west syde, a ii. myles up yn the haven, ys a fyssher towne cawled Gullant.

At the hedd of the ful se marke of this haven, and a quarter of a mile more, is the toune of Lostwhythyel, havyng a market, and ys the shyre towne of Cornewal. For ther the shyre is kept by the shryfe ons yn the moneth. Also at this town is quynag of tynne twys a yere. And by the shyre hawle appere ruines of auncyent buyldinges. It is evydently knowen that yt hath flowed to Lostwhythiel; but the spuing of the sandes of the tynne werkes hath stoppe yt now. The litle rownd castel of Restormel standith in the kinges parke ny to Lostwithiel. At the est syde of the haven’s mowth of Fowey stondith a towr for the defens therof, and a chapel of S. Savyor a lytle above the same. Ny by the sayd towr standith a fysshar village, cawled Polruan.

A myle beyond Polruen on the est syde of the same haven, stondith a poore fisshar village, caullid Bodennek, Ther is the passage or trajectus to Fowey.

ii. myles above Bodennek ynto the land northward is a creke apon the north syde, wheryn ys a sel of ii. blake monkes of Montegu, and is dedicat to S. Sirice and Julit.

By est the haven of Fowey apon a iiii. myles ys a smawle creke, cawled Poul Pier, and a symple and poore village apon the est syde of the same, of fisshar men, and the bootes ther fishing by, saved by a peere or key.

In the est syde also of this Poul Pyrre, ii. myles of, is another creke cawled Loow, being but a tyde creke. For at low water benethe the bridge a man may both wade and ryde over in the somer. Ther is on eyther side of this smaule creke a smaule fissher villag hard on the se shore, the one cawlled Est and the other West Loow, Est Loowe being a market towne, and yn eyther of them a chapel. Also yn the sayde creekes mouth, neere sumwhat to the sowthe-west, is a lowe isle cauled S. Nicholas Isle, not a

quarter of a myle far the mayn shore, and conteyneth a vi. or viii. acres in cumpace, and fedeth shepe and conies, nurishing also broode of se byrdes. Ther is a bridg sumwhat above thes ii. vyllages of x. or xii. stone arches, over the which men passe when the se ys yn.

Fro Fowey haven to Lowe creeke the grownd ny the see syde ys very fertile of corne and gresse, and no tynne werkes.

From Loowe Creke to Tamar ys a xii. myles toward the towne of Plymmuth. Yn the west syde of Tamar, withyn iii. myles of the haven muth of Tamar, is a symple fisshar towne called Mylbrooke. Also apon another creke west of the sayd ryver, and nerer up, is a towne cawled S. Germayns, wherin is now a priori of Blake Chanons, and a paroche chirche yn the body of the same. Beside the hye altare of the same priory on the right hand ys a tumbe in the walle with an image of a bishop; and over the tumbe a xi. bishops paynted with their names and verses as token of so many bishoppes biried there, or that ther had beene so many bishoppes of Cornwalle that had theyr seete theer. And at this day the bishop of Exceter hathe a place cauled Cudden Beke, joyning hard apon the sowth-est side of the same toun.

North-est of S. Germaynes, vi. myles apon the ryver of Tamar, is a market town cawled Asshe. And neere to the same, westward withyn ii. myles, ys a rownd castel of the kinges, cawled Trematon, as a man showld say the secund forteres on Tamar. At the towne of Asshe is a passage or fery of a quarter of a myle over.

Also ii. myles fro Asshe northward ynto the land is a smaul village cawled Caregrin. Est of this is Bere Parke and hous in Devonshire, dividid from Caregrin tantum Tamara.

From Low to Tamar by the sowth se the grownd is fertile of corn and gresse, but withowt tynne warkes.

Launston, otherwys cawlled Lostephan, yn old tyme cawlled Dunevet, stondith ii. myles beyownd Powlston Bridge on Tamar westward. The sayde town Dunevet, otherwise Lawnston, is a walled towne ny yn cumpas a myle, but now ruinus. On the north side of the towne a castel stonding on a hye hille withyn the sayd towne, hath iii. rownde wardes. Part of the castel stonding northwest, ys parcel of the walle of the town. Ther be withyn this town iii. gates and a postern; also a gate to go owt

of the castel ynto the old parke. Sum gentelmen of Cornewal hold ther landes by castel-gard, that ys to say for reparation of this castel and towne; and withyn this castel ys a chapel, and a hawle for syses and sessions, for a commune gayle for al Cornwayle is yn this castel. Withyn this towne is a market, a mayre and burgesses, with a chapel of Mary Magdalen to theyr uses.

In a vale at the foote of the hil of the sayde town, abowt an arow shot fro the castel northward, is a priory of chanons regular dedicate to St. Stephan.

North-est, almost half a myle of the sayde priory, is a lytle village apon a hille, and a paroche chirche of S. Stephen yn yt. The opinion is that the chanons first dwelled on this hille, and cam thens downe to a better and a warmer site. In the priory chirche yarde standeth also a paroche chyrche.

The wall of Dunevet ys hy, larg, and strong, and defensably set.

By the north side of the priory runneth a litle ryver.

In Dunevet be ii. conduites of derived water.

[44] Again noticed thus: “Ther lay buryed before the high altare in a high tumbe of a very darkesche gray marble, one Thomas Veviane, Prior of Bodmyn and Suffragane Megarerutis Episcopus. He dyed not long sins,” Vol. iii. fol. 1.

[45] In the margin are the following notes on the Arundells:

“Humfre Arundale, a man of mene landes, brother to old Arundale of Lanheron.

“Humfre Arundale, a man of mene landes, nephew to Arundale.

“Sir John Arundale, sun and heir to Arundale of Lanheron.

“Syr Thomas Arundale, brother to Sir John.

“—— Arundal, brother to Syr John and Thomas, hath land of his father’s ——e.

“Arundale, of —— in Falmuth haven, cum out of the house of Lanheron. Cariehayes, where Trevagnion now dwellith, was once the Arundalles.”

[46] In the margin are the following notes on the Vivians:

“Vivian’s grandfather was a man of mene land.

“Vivian’s father was a galant Courtier set forth by Somerset Lord Herbert.

“Vivian now being heir, hath sum more land then his father had, and yet he hath scant an hunderith markes by yere.

“This Vivian hath an uncle, a lawier, a man of mene landes.

“The heir of the eldest house of the Vivians is now lord of Tredine Castelle at the southe-west pointe of Cornewal.

“There was found, in hominum memoria, digging for the fox, a brase [pot] ful of Roman mony.”

[47] Market-jew or Marazion.

[48] In a side note “Cenor, and of sum caullid Kenor, ubi pauca vel nulla vestigia.”

[49] That is, fed or supplied: as a fire was fed with betars.

[50] Leland repeats this statement: “Thomas Treury now living made a blocke house on S. Catarine’s Hill bottome.” Hearne’s edit. vol. iii. p. 34, note.

APPENDIX.
VIII.

DRAYTON’S POLY-OLBION.—CORNWALL.

Michael Drayton was born of a gentleman’s family in Warwickshire in the year 1563. His ancestors are said to have migrated from Drayton in Lancashire.

Michael exhibited a strong genius for poetry at an early age. He studied at Oxford, but without taking a degree. In 1588 he appears to have served in a military capacity; as he describes the glorious victory over the Invincible Armada, as seen by himself, from the shore near Dover. He died in 1631, and was buried in Westminster Abbey.

Mr. Drayton was a very voluminous writer of Poetry. We have from him —

But his greatest work is the Poly-Olbion, in twenty Cantos or Songs, of which the first is here given, with the Author’s Notes or Illustrations, as it contains a description of Cornwall, commencing with a Dialogue between St. Michael’s Mount and the Bar of Hayle, which

must have passed immediately over Tredrea the Editor’s House.

The singular title of his great work is derived from the Greek Πόλυς many and also very; and Ολβιὸς happy; some neuter substantive understood, perhaps the Latin Regnum; and founded on one of the idle fancies current in the middle ages, which derived Albion (a name of this island) in some way or another from Ολβιὸς.

Michael Drayton commences his national poem with the western point of the Country, and his First Song is as follows:

THE ARGUMENT.

The sprightly Muse her wing displays,

And the French islands first surveys;

Bears up with Neptune, and in glory

Transcends proud Cornwal’s promontory;

There crowns Mount-Michael, and descries

How all those riverets fall and rise;

Then takes in Tamer, as she bounds

The Cornish and Devonian grounds.

And whilst the Devonshire nymphs relate

Their loves, their fortunes, and estate,

Dert undertaketh to revive

Our Brute, and sings his first arrive:

Then northward to the verge she bends,

And her first song at Ax she ends.

Of Albion’s glorious isle the wonders whilst I write,

The sundry varying soils, the pleasures infinite,

(Where heat kills not the cold, nor cold expells the heat,

The calms too mildly small, nor winds too roughly great,

Nor night doth hinder day, nor day the night doth wrong,

The summer not too short, the winter not too long,)

What help shall I invoke to aid my muse the while?

Thou Genius of the place (this most renowned isle)

Which lived’st long before the all-earth-drowning flood,

Whilst yet the world did swarm with her gigantic brood,

Go thou before me still thy circling shores about,

And in this wand’ring maze help to conduct me out:

Direct my course so right, as with thy hand to show

Which way thy forests range, which way thy rivers flow;

Wise Genius, by thy help that so I may descry

How thy fair mountains stand, and how thy vallies lie;

From those clear pearly cliffs which see the morning’s pride,

And check the surly imps of Neptune when they chide,

Unto the big-swoln waves in the[51] Iberian stream,

Where Titan still unyokes his fiery-hoofed team,

And oft his flaming locks in luscious nectar steeps,

When from Olympus’ top he plungeth in the deeps:

That from[52] th’ Armoric sands, on surging Neptune’s leas,

Through the Hibernic gulf (those rough Vergivian seas)

My verse with wings of skill may fly a lofty gait,

As Amphitrite clips this island fortunate,

Till through the sleepy main to[53] Thuly I have gone,

And seen the frozen isles, the cold[54] Deucalidon,

Amongst whose iron rocks grim Saturn yet remains,

Bound in those gloomy caves with adamantine chains.

Ye sacred[55] bards, that to your harps’ melodious strings

Sung th’ ancient Heroes’ deeds (the monuments of Kings)

And in your dreadul verse ingrav’d the prophecies,

The aged world’s descents and genealogies;

If, as those[56] Druids taught, which kept the British rites,

And dwelt in darksome groves, there counselling with sprites

(But their opinions fail’d, by error led awry,

As since clear truth hath shew’d to their posterity)

When these our souls by death our bodies do forsake,

They instantly again do other bodies take;

I could have wisht your spirits redoubled in my breast,

To give my verse applause to time’s eternal rest.

Thus scarcely said the Muse, but hovering while she hung

Upon the[57] Celtic wastes, the sea-nymphs loudly sung:

‘O ever-happy isles, your heads so high that bear,

‘By nature strongly fenc’d, which never need to fear

‘On Neptune’s watry realms when Eölus raiseth wars,

‘And every billow bounds, as though to quench the stars:

‘Fair Jersey first of these here scatter’d in the deep,

‘Peculiarly that boasts thy double-horned sheep:

‘Inferior nor to thee, thou Guernsey, bravely crown’d

‘With rough-embattled rocks, whose venom-hating ground

‘The hard’ned emeril hath, which thou abroad dost send:

‘Thou Ligon her belov’d, and Serk, that doth attend

‘Her pleasure every hour; as Jethow, them at need,

‘With pheasants, fallow deer, and conies that dost feed:

‘Ye seven small sister isles, and Sorlings, which to see

‘The half-sunk sea-man joys; or whatsoe’er you be,

‘From fruitful Aurney, near the ancient Celtic shore,

‘To Ushant and the Seams, whereas those nuns of yore

‘Gave answers from their caves, and took what shapes they please:

‘Ye happy islands set within the British seas,

‘With shrill and jocund shouts, th’unmeasur’d deeps awake,

‘And let the Gods of sea their secret bowr’s forsake,

‘Whilst our industrious muse Great Britain forth shall bring,

‘Crown’d with those glorious wreaths that beautify the spring;

‘And whilst green Thetis’ nymphs, with many an amorous lay

‘Sing our invention safe unto her long-wisht bay.’

Upon the utmost end of Cornwal’s furrowing beak,

Where[58] Bresan from the land the tilting waves doth break;

The shore let her transcend, the[59] promont to descry,

And view about the point th’ unnumbred fowl that fly;

Some rising like a storm from off the troubled sand,

Seem in their hov’ring flight to shadow all the land;

Some sitting on the beach to prune their painted breasts,

As if both earth and air they only did possess;

Whence climbing to the cliffs, herself she firmly sets

The bourns, the brooks, the becks, the rills, the rivulets,

Exactly to derive; receiving in her way

That streightned tongue of land, where at Mount-Michael’s bay,

Rude Neptune cutting in, a cantle forth doth take;

And on the other side, Hayle’s vaster mouth doth make

A[60] chersonese thereof, the corner clipping in;

Where to th’industrious Muse the Mount doth thus begin:

‘Before thou further pass, and leave this setting shore,

‘Whose towns unto the saints that lived here of yore

‘(Their fasting, works and pray’rs, remaining to our shames)

‘Were rear’d, and justly call’d by their peculiar names,

‘The builders honour still; this due and let them have,

‘As deign to drop a tear upon each holy grave;

‘Whose charity and zeal, instead of knowledge stood:

‘For surely in themselves they were right simply good.

‘If credulous too much, thereby th’ offended heaven,

‘In their devout intents yet be their sins forgiven.’

Then from his rugged top the tears down trickling fell;

And in his passion stirr’d, again began to tell

Strange things, that in his days time’s course had brought to pass:

That forty miles now sea, sometimes firm fore-land was;

And that a forest then, which now with him is flood,

Whereof he first was call’d the Hoar-rock in the wood;

Relating then how long this soil had laid forlorn,

As that her Genius now had almost her forsworn,

And of their ancient love did utterly repent,

Sith to destroy herself that fatal tool she lent,

To which th’ insatiate slave her intrails out doth draw,

That thrusts his gripple hand into her golden maw;

And for his part doth wish, that it were in his pow’r

To let the ocean in, her wholly to devour.

Which Hayle doth overhear, and much doth blame his rage;

And told him (to his teeth) he doated with his age.

For Hayle (a lusty nymph, bent all to amorous play,

And having quick recourse into the Severn sea,

With Neptune’s pages oft disporting in the deep;

One never touch’d with care, but how herself to keep

In excellent estate) doth thus again intreat;

‘Muse, leave the wayward Mount to his distemper’d heat,

‘Who nothing can produce but what doth taste of spight,

‘I’ll shew thee things of ours most worthy thy delight.

‘Behold our diamonds here, as in the quarrs they stand,

‘By nature neatly cut, as by a skilful hand,

‘Who varieth them in forms, both curiously and oft;

‘Which for she (wanting power) produceth them too soft,

‘That virtue which she could not liberally impart,

‘She striveth to amend by her own proper art.

‘Besides the sea-holm here, that spreadeth all our shore,

‘The sick-consuming man so powerful to restore,

‘Whose root th’ eringo is, the reins that doth inflame,

‘So strongly to perform the Cytheræan game,

‘That generally approv’d both far and near is sought;

‘And our Main-Amber here, and Burien trophy, thought

‘Much wrong’d, nor yet prefer’d for wonders with the rest.’

But the laborious muse, upon her journey prest,

Thus uttereth to herself; ‘To guide my course aright,

‘What mound or steddy mere is offered to my sight,

‘Upon this out-strecht arm, whilst sailing here at ease,

‘Betwixt the southern waste, and the Sabrinian seas,

‘I view those wanton brooks, that waxing still do wane;

‘That scarcely can conceive, but brought to bed again;

‘Scarce rising from the spring, (that is their natural mother)

‘To grow into a stream, but buried in another.’

When Chore doth call her on, that wholly doth betake

Herself unto the Loo; transform’d into a lake,

Through that impatient love she had to entertain

The lustful Neptune oft; whom when his wracks restrain,

Impatient of the wrong, impetuously he raves:

And in his rageful flow, the furious King of waves

Breaks foaming o’er the beach, whom nothing seems to cool,

Till he have wrought his will on that capacious pool:

Where Menedge, by his brooks, a[61] chersonese is cast,

Widening the slender shore to ease it in the waste;

A promont jutting out into the dropping south,

That with his threatning cliffs in horrid Neptune’s mouth,

Derides him and his pow’r: nor cares how him he greets.

Next Roseland (as his friend, the mightier Menedge) meets

Great Neptune when he swells, and rageth at the rocks

(Set out into those seas) inforcing through his shocks

Those arms of sea that thrust into the tinny strand,

By their meandred creeks indenting of that land,

Whose fame by every tongue is for her minerals hurl’d,

Near from the mid-day’s point, thro’ out the western world.

Here Vale a lively flood, her nobler name that gives

To[62] Falmouth; and by whom it famous ever lives,

Whose entrance is from sea so intricately wound,

Her haven angled so about her harb’rous sound,

That in her quiet bay a hundred ships may ride,

Yet not the tallest mast be of the tall’st descry’d;

Her bravery to this nymph when neighbouring rivers told,

Her mind to them again she briefly doth unfold:

‘Let[63] Camel of her course and curious windings boast,

‘In that her greatness reigns sole mistress of that coast

‘Twixt Tamer and that bay, where Hayle pours forth her pride,

‘And let us (nobler nymphs) upon the mid-day side

‘Be frolic with the best. Thou Foy, before us all,

‘By thine own named town made famous in thy fall,

‘As Low amongst us here; a most delicious brook,

‘With all our sister nymphs, that to the noonsted look,

‘Which gliding from the hills, upon the tinny ore,

‘Betwixt your high-rear’d banks, resort to this our shore;

‘Lov’d streams, let us exult, and think ourselves no less

‘Than those upon their side, the setting that possess.’

Which Camel over-heard: but what doth she respect

Their taunts, her proper course that loosly doth neglect?

As frantic, ever since her British Arthur’s blood,

By Mordred’s murtherous hand was mingled with her flood.

For as that river best might boast that conqueror’s breath,

So sadly she bemoans his too untimely death;

Who after twelve proud fields against the Saxon fought,

Yet back unto her banks by fate was lastly brought:

As though no other place on Britain’s spacious earth

Were worthy of his end, but where he had his birth:

And careless ever since how she her course doth steer,

This mutt’reth to herself, in wand’ring here and there:

‘Even in the aged’st face, where beauty once did dwell,

‘And nature (in the least) but seemed to excell,

‘Time cannot make such waste, but something will appear,

‘To shew some little tract of delicacy there,

‘Or some religious work, in building many a day,

‘That this penurious age hath suffer’d to decay;

‘Some limb or model dragg’d out of the ruinous mass,

‘The richness will declare in glory whilst it was:

‘But time upon my waste committed hath such theft,

‘That it of Arthur here scarce memory hath left.’

The Nine-ston’d trophy thus whilst she doth entertain,

Proud Tamer swoops along with such a lusty train,

As fits so brave a flood, two countries that divides:

So to increase her strength, she from her equal sides,

Receives their several rills; and of the Cornish kind,

First taketh Atre in; and her not much behind

Comes Kensey: after whom, clear Enjan in doth make,

In Tamer’s roomthier banks, their rest that scarcely take.

Then Lyner, tho’ the while aloof she seem’d to keep,

Her sovereign when she sees t’ approach the surgeful deep,

To beautify her fall, her plenteous tribute brings;

This honours Tamer much, that she whose plenteous springs

Those proud aspiring hills, Bromwelly and his friend

High Rowtor, from their tops impartially commend,

And is by[64] Carew’s muse the river most renown’d,

Associate should her grace to the Devonian ground,

Which in those other brooks doth emulation breed.

Of which, first Car comes crown’d with ozier, segs and reed:

Then Lid creeps on along, and taking Thrushel, throws

Herself amongst the rocks; and so incavern’d goes,

That of the blessed light (from other floods) debarr’d,

To bellow underneath she only can be heard,

As those that view her tract, seems strangely to affright:

So Toovy straineth in; and Plym, that claims by right.

The christning of that bay, which bears her nobler name.

Upon the British coast[65] what ship yet ever came

That not of Plymouth hears, where those brave navies lie,

From cannons thund’ring throats that all the world defy?

Which to invasive spoil, when th’ English list to draw,

Have check’d Iberia’s pride, and held her oft in awe.

Oft furnishing our dames with India’s rar’st devices,

And lent us gold, and pearl, rich silks, and dainty spices.

But Tamer takes the place, and all attend her here,

A faithful bound to both; and two that be so near

For likeliness of soil, and quantity they hold,

Before the Roman came; whose people were of old

Known by one general name, upon this point that dwell,

All other of this isle in wrestling that excell:

With collars be they yok’d to prove the arm at length,

Like bulls set head to head, with meer deliver strength;

Or by the girdles graspt, they practise with the hip,

The[66] forward, backward, falx, the mar, the turn, the trip,

When stript into their shirts, each other they invade

Within a spacious ring, by the beholders made,

According to the law. Or when the ball to throw,

And drive it to the goal, in squadrons forth they go;

And to avoid the troops their forces that fore-lay,

Through dikes and rivers make, in this robustious play;

By which the toils of war most lively are exprest.

But, Muse, may I demand, Why these of all the rest,

(As mighty Albion’s eld’st) most active are and strong?

From[67] Corin came it first, or from the use so long?

Or that this fore-land lies farth’st out into his sight,

Which spreads his vigorous flames on every lesser light?

With th’ virtue of his beams, this place that doth inspire,

Whose pregnant womb prepar’d by his all-powerful fire,

Being purely hot and moist, projects that fruitful seed,

Which strongly doth beget, and doth as strongly breed:

The well-disposed heaven here proving to the earth

A husband furthering fruit, a midwife helping birth.

But whilst th’ industrious Muse thus labours to relate

Those rillets that attend proud Tamer and her state,

A neighbourer of this nymph’s, as high in fortune’s grace,

And whence calm Tamer trips, clear Towridge in that place

Is poured from the spring, and seems at first to flow

That way which Tamer strains; but as she great doth grow,

Rememb’reth to foresee what rivals she should find

To interrupt her course; whose so unsettled mind

Ock coming in perceives, and thus doth her perswade:

‘Now Neptune shield, bright nymph, thy beauty should be made

‘The object of her scorn, which (for thou can’st not be

‘Upon the southern side so absolute as she)

‘Will awe thee in thy course. Wherefore, fair flood, recoil,

‘And where thou may’st alone be sov’reign of the soil,

‘There exercise thy pow’r, thy braveries and display:

‘Turn, Towridge, let us back to the Sabrinian sea,

‘Where Thetis’ handmaids still, in that recourseful deep,

‘With those rough Gods of sea continual revels keep;

‘There may’st thou live admir’d, the mistress of the lake.’

Wise Ock she doth obey, returning, and doth take

The Taw; which from her fount forc’d on with amorous gales,

And eas’ly ambling down through the Devonian dales,

Brings with her Moul and Bray, her banks that gently bathe;

Which on her dainty breast, in many a silver swathe,

She bears unto that bay where Barstaple beholds

How her beloved Taw clear Towridge there enfolds.

The confluence of these brooks divulg’d in Dertmoor, bred

Distrust in her sad breast, that she so largely spread,

And in this spacious shire the near’st the center set

Of any place of note, that these should bravely get

The praise from those that sprung out of her pearly lap:

Which, nourish’d and bred up at her most plenteous pap,

No sooner taught to dade, but from their mother trip,

And in their speedy course strive others to outstrip.

The Yalm, the Awn, the Aum, by spacious Dertmoor fed,

And in the southern sea b’ing likewise brought to bed;

That these were not of power to publish her desert,

Much griev’d the ancient Moor; which understood by Dert

(From all the other floods that only takes her name,

And as her eld’st, in right the heir of all her fame)

To shew her nobler spirit it greatly doth behove.

‘Dear mother, from your breast this fear (quoth she) remove;

‘Defy their utmost force; there’s not the proudest flood,

‘That falls betwixt the Mount and Exmore, shall make good

‘Her royalty with mine, with me nor can compare:

‘I challenge any one to answer me that dare;

‘That was, before them all, predestinate to meet

‘My Britain-founding Brute, when with his puissant fleet

‘At Totness first he touch’d; which shall renown my stream,

‘(Which now the envious world doth slander for a dream:)

‘Whose fatal flight from Greece, his fortunate arrive

‘In happy Albion here whilst strongly I revive,

‘Dear Harburn, at thy hands this credit let me win,

‘Quoth she, that as thou hast my faithful handmaid been,

‘So now, my only brook, assist me with thy spring,

‘Whilst of the godlike Brute the story thus I sing.

‘When long-renowned Troy lay spent in hostile fire,

‘And aged Priam’s pomp did with her flames expire,

‘Æneas (taking thence Ascanius, his young son,

‘From shoals of slaughtering Greeks) set out from Simois’ shores,

‘And through the Tyrrhene sea, by strength of toiling oars,

‘Raught Italy at last; where King Latinus lent

‘Safe harbour for his ships, with wrackful tempests rent:

‘When in the Latin court, Lavinia young and fair,

‘Her father’s only child, and kingdom’s only heir,

‘Upon the Trojan Lord her liking strongly plac’d,

‘And languish’d in the fires that her fair breast embrac’d:

‘But Turnus (at that time) the proud Rutulian King,

‘A suitor to the maid, Æneas malicing,

‘By force of arms attempts his rival to extrude:

‘But by the Teucrian power courageously subdu’d,

‘Bright Cytheræa’s son the Latin crown obtain’d;

‘And dying, in his stead his son Ascanius reign’d.

‘Next Sylvius him succeeds, begetting Brute again:

‘Who in his mother’s womb whilst yet he did remain,

‘The oracles gave out, that next-born Brute should be

‘His parents’ only death: which soon they liv’d to see.

‘For, in his painful birth his mother did depart;

‘And ere his fifteenth year, in hunting of a hart,

‘He with a luckless shaft his hapless father slew:

‘For which, out of his throne their King the Latines threw.

‘Who wand’ring in the world, to Greece at last doth get,

‘Where whilst he liv’d unknown, and oft with want beset,

‘He of the race of Troy a remnant hapt to find,

‘There by the Grecians held; which (having still in mind

‘Their tedious ten years’ war, and famous heroes slain)

‘In slavery with them still those Trojans did detain;

‘Which Pyrrhus thither brought, and did with hate pursue,

‘To wreak Achilles’ death, at Troy whom Paris slew,

‘There by Pandrasus kept in sad and servile awe:

‘Who when they knew young Brute, and that brave shape they saw,

‘They humbly him desire, that he a mean would be,

‘From those imperious Greeks his countrymen to free.

‘He, finding out a rare and sprightly youth, to fit

‘His humour every way, for courage, power, and wit,

‘Assaracus, (who though that by his sire he were

‘A Prince among the Greeks, yet held the Trojans dear;

‘Descended of their stock upon the mother’s side,

‘For which he by the Greeks his birth-right was deny’d)

‘Impatient of his wrongs, with him brave Brute arose,

‘And of the Trojan youth courageous captains chose,

‘Rais’d earth-quakes with their drums, the ruffling ensigns rear,

‘And gath’ring young and old that rightly Trojan were,

‘Up to the mountains march, thro’ straits and forests strong:

‘Where taking-in the towns pretended to belong

‘Unto that[68] Grecian Lord, some forces there they put:

‘Within whose safer walls their wives and children shut,

‘Into the fields they drew, for liberty to stand.

‘Which when Pandrasus heard, he sent his strict command

‘To levy all the power he presently could make:

‘So to their strengths of war the Trojans them betake.

‘But whilst the Grecian guides (not knowing how or where

‘The Teucrians were intrench’d, or what their forces were)

‘In foul disorder’d troops yet straggled, as secure,

‘This loosenees to their spoil the Trojans did allure,

‘Who fiercely them assail’d: where staunchless fury rap’d

‘(The Grecians in so fast, that scarcely one escap’d;

‘Yea, proud Pandrasus’ flight himself could hardly free.

‘Who, when he saw his force thus frustrated to be,

‘And by his present loss his passed error found,

‘As by a later war to cure a former wound,

‘Doth reinforce his power, to make a second fight;

‘When they, whose better wits had over-matcht his might,

‘Loth what they got to lose, as politicly cast

‘His armies to intrap, in getting to them fast

‘Antigonus as friend, and Anaclet his peer

‘(Surpriz’d in the last fight) by gifts who hired were

‘Into the Grecian camp th’ insuing night to go,

‘And feign they were stol’n forth, to their allies to show

‘How they might have the spoil of all the Trojan pride;

‘And gaining them belief, the credulous Grecians guide

‘Into th’ ambushment near, that secretly was laid:

‘So to the Trojans hands the Grecians were betray’d;

‘Pandrasus self surpriz’d; his crown who to redeem

‘(Which scarcely worth their wrong the Trojan race esteem)

‘Their slavery long sustain’d did willingly release:

‘And (for a lasting league of amity and peace)

‘Bright Innogen, his child, for wife to Brutus gave,

‘(And furnisht them a fleet, with all things they could crave

‘To set them out to sea. Who launching at the last

‘They on Lergecia light, an isle; and, ere they past,

‘Unto a temple built to great Diana there,

‘The noble Brutus went; wise[69] Trivia to enquire,

‘To shew them where the stock of ancient Troy to place.

‘The Goddess, that both knew and lov’d the Trojan race,

‘Reveal’d to him in dreams, that farthest to the West,

‘He should descry the isle of Albion highly blest;

‘With giants lately stor’d; their numbers now decay’d:

‘By vanquishing the rest, his hopes should there be staid:

‘Where from the stock of Troy, those puissant Kings should rise,

‘Whose conquests from the West, the world should scant suffice.

‘Thus answer’d; great with hope, to sea they put again,

‘And safely under sail, the hours do entertain

‘With sights of sundry shores, which they from far descry:

‘And viewing with delight th’ Azarian mountains high,

‘One walking on the deck, unto his friend would say

‘(As I have heard some tell) so goodly Ida lay.

‘Thus talking ’mongst themselves, they sun-burnt Afric keep

‘Upon the leeward still and (sulking up the deep)

‘For Mauritania make: where putting-in, they find

‘A remnant (yet reserv’d) of th’ ancient Dardan kind,

‘By brave Antenor brought from out the Greekish spoils

‘(O long renowned Troy! of thee and of thy toils,

‘What country had not heard?) which to their General then

‘Great Corineus had, the strong’st of mortal men:

‘To whom (with joyful hearts) Diana’s will they show.

‘Who eas’ly being won along with them to go,

‘They all together put into the watry plain:

‘Oft times with pirates, oft with monsters of the main

‘Distressed in their way; whom hope forbids to fear.

‘Those Pillars first they pass which Jove’s great son did rear,

‘And cuffing those stern waves which like huge mountains roll

‘(Full joy in every part possessing every soul)

‘In Aquitain at last the Ilion race arrive;

‘Whom strongly to repulse when as those recreants strive,

‘They (anchoring there at first but to refresh their fleet,

‘Yet saw those savage men so rudely them to greet)

‘Unshipt their warlike youth, advancing to the shore.

‘The dwellers, which perceiv’d such danger at the door,

‘Their King Groffarius get to raise his powerful force:

‘Who must’ring up an host of mingled foot and horse,

‘Upon the Trojans set; when suddenly began

‘A fierce and dangerous fight; where Corineus ran

‘With slaughter thro’ the thick-set squadrons of the foes,

‘And with his armed ax laid on such deadly blows,

‘That heaps of lifeless trunks each passage stopt up quite.

‘Groffarius, having lost the honour of the fight,

‘Repairs his ruin’d powers; not so to give them breath:

‘When they, which must be freed by conquest or by death,

‘And conquering them before, hop’d now to do no less

‘(The like in courage still) stand for the like success.

‘Then stern and deadly war put on his horrid shape;

‘And wounds appear’d so wide, as if the grave did gape

‘To swallow both at once; which strove as both shall fall,

‘When they with slaughter seem’d to be encircled all:

‘Where Turon (of the rest) Brute’s sister’s valiant son

‘(By whose approved deeds that day was chiefly won)

‘Six hundred slew outright through his peculiar strength:

‘By multitudes of men yet over-prest at length,

‘His nobler uncle there, to his immortal name,

‘The city Turon built, and well endowed the same.

‘For Albion sailing then, th’ arrived quickly here

‘(O! never in this world men half so joyful were,

‘With shouts heard up to heaven, when they beheld the land!)

‘And in this very place where Totness now doth stand,

‘First set their Gods of Troy, kissing the blessed shore;

‘Then foraging this isle, long promis’d them before,

‘Amongst the ragged cliffs those monstrous giants fought,

‘Who (of their dreadful kind) t’ appall the Trojans brought,

‘Great Gogmagog, an oak that by the roots could tear:

‘So mighty were (that time) the men who lived there:

‘But, for the use of arms he did not understand

‘(Except from rock or tree, that coming next to hand

‘He raz’d out of the earth to execute his rage,)

‘He challenge makes for strength, and offereth there his gage.

‘Which Corin taketh up, to answer by and by,

‘Upon this son of earth his utmost power to try.

‘All doubtful to which part the victory would go,

‘Upon that lofty place at Plimmouth call’d the Hoe,

‘Those mighty wrestlers met;[70] with many an ireful look

‘Who threatned, as the one hold of the other took:

‘But, grappled, glowing fire shines in their sparkling eyes,

‘And, whilst at length of arm one from the other lies,

‘Their lusty sinews swell like cables, as they strive:

‘Their feet such trampling make, as tho’ they forc’d to drive

‘A thunder out of earth, which stagger’d with the weight:

‘Thus, either’s utmost force urg’d to the greatest height,

‘Whilst one upon his hip the other seeks to lift,

‘And th’ adverse (by a turn) doth from his cunning shift,

‘Their short-fetcht troubled breath a hollow noise doth make

‘Like bellows of a forge. Then Corin up doth take

‘The giant ’twixt the grains; and voiding of his hold

‘(Before his cumbrous feet he well recover could)

‘Pitcht headlong from the hill; as when a man doth throw

‘An axtree, that with slight deliver’d from the toe

‘Roots up the yielding earth; so that his violent fall

‘Strook Neptune with such strength, as shoulder’d him withal;

‘That where the monstrous waves like mountains late did stand,

‘They leapt out of the place, and left the bared sand

‘To gaze upon wide heaven: so great a blow it gave.

‘For which, the conquering Brute on Corineus brave

‘This horn of land bestow’d, and markt it with his name

‘Of Corin, Cornwal call’d to his immortal fame.’

Clear Dert delivering thus the famous Brute’s arrive,

Inflam’d with her report, the straggling rivulets strive

So highly her to raise, that Ting (whose banks were blest

By her beloved nymph dear Leman) which addrest

And fully with herself determined before

To sing the Danish spoils committed on her shore,

When hither from the east they came in mighty swarms,

Nor could their native earth contain their numerous arms,

Their surcrease grew so great, as forced them at last

To seek another soil, as bees do when they cast;

And by their impious pride how hard she was bested,

When all the country swam with blood of Saxons shed:

This river, as I said, which had determin’d long

The Deluge of the Danes exactly to have song,

It utterly neglects; and studying how to do

The Dert those high respects belonging her unto,

Inviteth goodly Ex, who from her full-fed spring

Her little Barlee hath, and Dunsbrook her to bring

From Exmore; when she hath scarcely found her course,

Than Creddy cometh in, and Forto, which inforce

Her faster to her fall; as Ken her closely clips,

And on her eastern side sweet Leman gently slips

Into her widen’d banks, her Sovereign to assist;

As Columb wins for Ex clear Wever and the Clist,

Contributing their streams their mistress’ fame to raise.

As all assist the Ex, so Ex consumeth these;

Like some unthrifty youth, depending on the court,

To win an idle name, that keeps a needless port;

And raising his old rent, exacts his farmers’ store

The landlord to enrich, the tenants wond’rous poor:

Who having lent him theirs, he then consumes his own,

That with most vain expense upon the Prince is thrown:

So these, the lesser brooks, unto the greater pay;

The greater, they again spend all upon the sea:

As, Otrey (that her name doth of the otters take,

Abounding in her banks,) and Ax, their utmost make

To aid stout Dert, that dar’d Brute’s story to revive.

For when the Saxon first the Britons forth did drive,

Some up into the hills themselves o’er Severn shut:

Upon this point of land for refuge others put,

To that brave race of Brute still fortunate. For where

Great Brute first disembark’d his wand’ring Trojans, there

His offspring (after long expulst the inner land,

When they the Saxon power no longer could withstand)

Found refuge in their flight; where Ax and Otrey first

Gave these poor souls to drink, opprest with grievous thirst.

Here I’ll unyoke awhile, and turn my steeds to meat:

The land grows large and wide: my team begins to sweat.

NOTES.

From which he first was call’d the Hoar-rock in the wood.

That the ocean (as in many other places of other countries) hath eaten up much of what was here once shore, is a common report, approved in the Cornish name of St. Michael’s mount; which is Careg Cowz in Clowz, i. e. the Hoar-rock in the wood.[71]

And our Main-amber here, and Burien trophy——

Main-amber, i. e. Ambrose’s stone (not far from Pensans) so great, that many men’s united strength cannot remove it, yet with one finger you may wag it. The Burien trophy is 19 stones, circularly disposed, and, in the middle, one much exceeding the rest in greatness: by conjecture of most learned Camden, erected either under the Romans, or else by King Athelstan in his conquest of these parts.

Were worthy of his end, but where he had his birth.

Near Camel about Camblan, was[72] Arthur slain by Mordred, and on the same shore, east from the river’s mouth, born in Tintagel castle. Gorlois Prince of Cornwal, at Uther-Pendragon’s coronation, solemnized in London, upon divers too kind passages and lascivious regards twixt the King and his wife Igerne, grew very jealous, in a rage left the court, committed his wife’s chastity to this castle’s safeguard; and to prevent the wasting of his country, (which upon this discontent was threatned) betook himself in other forts to martial preparation. Uther (his blood boiling in lust) upon advice of Ulfin Rhicaradoch, one of his Knights, by Ambrose Merlin’s magic personated like Gorlois, and Ulfin like one Jordan, servant to Gorlois, made such successful use of their imposture, that (the Prince in the mean time slain) Arthur was the same night begotten, and verified that[73] Νόθοι τε πολλοὶ γνησίων ἀμείνονες. altho’ Merlin by the rule of Hermes, or astrological direction, justified that he was conceived three hours after Gorlois’ death; by this shift answering the dangerous imputation of bastardy to the heir of a crown. For Uther taking Igern to wife, left Arthur his successor in the Kingdom. Here have you a Jupiter, an Alcmena, an Amphitryo, a Sosias, and a Mercury; nor wants there scarce any thing, but that truth-passing reports of Poetical bards have made the birth an Hercules.

Known by one general name upon this point that dwell.

The name of Dumnonii, Damnonii, or Danmonii, in Solinus and Ptolemy, comprehended the people of Devonshire and Cornwal; whence the Lizard promontory is called Damnium in[74] Marcian Heracleotes; and William of Malmesbury, Florence of Worcester, Roger of Hoveden and others, stile Devonshire by name of Domnonia, perhaps all from Duff neint, i. e. low valleys in British; wherein are most habitations of the countrey, as judicious Camden teaches me.

Or that this foreland lies furth’st out into his sight,

Which spreads his vigorous flames——

Fuller report of the excellence in wrestling and nimbleness of body, wherewith this western people have been and are famous, you may find in Carew’s description of his country. But to give reason of the climate’s nature for this prerogative in them, I think as difficult as to shew why about the Magellanic streights they are so white, about the Cape de Buon Speranza so black,[75] yet both under the same tropic; why the Abyssins are but tawny moors, when as in the East-Indian isles, Zeilan and Malabar, they are very black, both in the same parallel; or why we that live in this Northern latitude, compared with the Southern, should not be like affected from like cause. I refer it no more to the Sun, than the special horsemanship in our Northern men, the nimble ability of the Irish, the fiery motions of the French, Italian jealousy, German liberty, Spanish puft-up vanity, or those different and perpetual carriages of state-government, Haste and Delay, which, as[76] inbred qualities, were remarkable in the two most martial people of Greece. The cause of Æthiopian blackness and curled hair was long since judiciously[77] fetcht from the disposition of soil, air, water, and singular operations of the heavens; with confutation of those which attribute it to the Sun’s distance. And I am resolved that every land hath its so singular self-nature, and individual habitude with celestial influence, that human knowledge, consisting most of all in universality, is not yet furnish’d with what is requisite to so particular discovery. But for the learning of this point in a special treatise Hippocrates, Ptolemy, Bodin, and others have copious disputes.

Of Corin Cornwal call’d, to his immortal fame.

So, if you believe the tale of Corin and Gogmagog: but rather imagine the name of Cornwall from this promontory of the Land’s End, extending itself like a[78] horn, which in most tongues is Corn, or very near. Thus was a[79] promontory in Cyprus called Cerastes, and in the now Candy or Crete, and Gazaria (the old Taurica Chersonesus) another titled[80] Κρίου μέτωπον: and Brundusium in Italy had name from Brendon or[81] Brention, i. e. a Hart’s-head, in the Messapian tongue, for similitude of horns. But[82] Malmesbury thus: “They are called Cornwalshmen, because being seated in the western part of Britain, they lie overagainst a horn (a promontory) of Gaul.” The whole name is as if you should say Corn-wales; for hither in the Saxon conquest the British called Welsh (signifying the people rather than strangers, as the vulgar opinion wills) made transmigration: whereof an old[83] rhimer:

The vewe that wer of hom bileved, as in Cornwaile and Wailes,

Brutons ner namore ycluped, ac Waleys ywis.

Such was the language of your fathers between three and four hundred years since.

[51] The western or Spanish ocean.

[52] Bretagny coasts.

[53] The farthest isle in the British ocean.

[54] The sea upon the north of Scotland.

[55] The old British poets.

[56] Priests among the ancient Britons.

[57] The French seas.

[58] A small island upon the very point of Cornwall.

[59] A hill lying out as an elbow of land into the sea.

[60] A place almost surrounded by the sea.

[61] A place almost surrounded by the sea.

[62] The bravery of Falmouth haven.

[63] This is also called Alan.

[64] A worthy gentleman who wrote the Description of Cornwall.

[65] The praise of Plymouth.

[66] Terms of art in wrestling.

[67] Our first great wrestler, arriving here with Brute.

[68] Assaracus.

[69] One of the titles of Diana.

[70] Description of the wrestling betwixt Corineus and Gogmagog.

[71] Carew de Scrip. Corn. lib. 2.

[72] Dictus hinc in Merlini vaticinio, Aper Cornubiæ.

[73] Euripid. Andromach. Bastards are often times better than legitimates.

[74] Τὸ δάμνιον ἅκρον.

[75] Ortelius theatro.

[76] Thucydid. α et passim de Athen. et Lacedæm. et de Thæbis, et Chalcide. Vide Columell. i. de re rustic, cap. 4.

[77] Onesicrit. ap. Strabon. lib. ιε.

[78] Cornugallia dicta est H. Huntingdonio, aliis.

[79] Strabo lib. ζ. and ι. Stephan. Melan. Plin. Georg. passim.

[80] Ram’s-head.

[81] Seleucus apud Stephan. Βρεντησ. and Suidas in Βρενδ.

[82] De gest. reg. 2. c. 6.

[83] Robertus Glocestrens.

APPENDIX.
IX.

CORNISH NAMES.

(Communicated by T. Hingston, Esq. M.D.)

It is commonly understood, that those places in Cornwall, which have the word San or Saint as the antecedent component of their names, are so denominated after some martyr or confessor of early times. This is a very obvious and indisputable fact. But it is by no means certain, that in every instance of the kind, the saint conferred his name on the place: for in many cases, the converse seems to have been practised; and contrary to what is generally imagined, I believe that the place bestowed its name on the saint. Thus, for example, in St. Stephen, and St. Allan, two saints are equally commemorated; but Stephen, by his own name, which he possessed independently of accidental circumstances; and Allan, by a name, superseding that which he had received at his baptism, and subsequently derived from the place of his retirement.

The want of this distinction has occasioned unspeakable labour and perplexity in the investigation of Cornish antiquities. Books and documents have been examined, and enquiries made in vain, after names, of which no record exists; and which, even in their own day, were scarcely known beyond the narrow district, in which they were venerated. In some instances, indeed, the objects of such researches might have been illustrious before their retirement; but if, in that case, their acts and sufferings were chronicled, the history was in effect abolished, when their identity was lost in the assumption of a new name.

Thus many of our early saints took refuge here, from the persecutions, to which the Christian faith was exposed

in Ireland; and their history has been chiefly sought in the hagiographies of that country. But the greater number of them, on coming into Cornwall, complied with this custom, common, indeed, with all men at that time, of changing the name with the residence; and accordingly, instead of that, by which they had been formerly known, and might have been recorded, they adopted or received another, as choice or accident determined their settlement. Hence we have St. Hy, or St. Iä, the Island-saint; St. Uny, (or perhaps more correctly St. Unan) the Down-saint; St. Dennis, the Hill-saint; St. Allan, the Moor-saint.

But not only have these, and similar appellations, been erroneously regarded as the baptismal and proper names of the saints, whom they commemorate; but the accidental corruption of some of them has led to still greater mistakes; and from the mere coincidence of sound, the saint whose memory was to be preserved, has been identified with some other person, for whom that honour could not have been intended. Thus the town of St. I’s, or with the genitive at full length, as it was commonly written, St. Ies, has for many generations been called St. Ives, though the correct form was frequently used till the close of the seventeenth century. In consequence of this corruption, the place has been said to have derived its name from some bishop Ivo, either the Persian, who gave his name to St. Ives, in Huntingdonshire, or the celebrated Ivo, bishop of Chartres. But St. I was a female from Ireland.

The case of St. Dennis seems to be of the same kind; though in that instance the error is not owing to a corruption of the name, but to the similarity of the sound. St. Dennis signifies the Saint on the Hill, or more strictly, the Hill-saint; and the church stands at this day on the summit of a hill. But the good man, who lived there, has been considered the same person as St. Dionysius, or St. Dennis, the areopagite.

I cannot help suspecting, that some error of this sort has occurred in the case of Paul-parish near Penzance, which is reported to have taken its name from St. Paul de Leon. Now that portion of the Mount’s bay, by which this parish is bounded on the east, is called The Lake; and this lake, which might have been correctly so denominated in ancient times, is at the foot of the hill, on which the present church stands; and it is, therefore,

probable that some man of eminent piety once resided near it. In that case, he was called the Lake-saint, which rendered into Cornish, becomes St. Pol. For this reason, I believe that the common account is wholly untrue; and that, as in many other instances, the name of the saint, and through him, of the parish, originated entirely in a local accident.

I may state here, that some parishes have a popular name, arising not unfrequently from very trifling circumstances; and this name has, in some cases, entirely superseded the more legitimate denomination, under which the church was consecrated and registered. Thus, to give one example, the parish at the Lizard is called Landuwednac, which signifies the Black-and-white-church. This appellation was suggested by the peculiar appearance of the church and tower, which are built of black and white stones, arranged alternately, in the manner of a chessboard.

Amongst the names of our Cornish towns, there are three remarkable above the rest for having been very diligently examined, and very little understood. Upon these it may be proper to make a few observations.

Of Truro Tonkin says, that ‘it is so called from its three principal streets; for Tri, three, and Ru, a street, have been turned to Truro merely euphoniæ gratia.’ Tonkin ought to have suspected, that Tri, occurring as the first syllable in the name of a town, was not likely to mean three, because Tri or Tre signifies a dwelling place, or an assemblage of dwellings, and therefore, a town. He might have supposed too, that the place was called Truro, before its three principal streets were built, or designed; since it does not appear to have ever had any other name, and we cannot believe, that it was so denominated by anticipation. For in those rude times, towns were not commonly laid out upon a definite plan: but the houses were erected according to the taste or convenience of the builders; and the streets seem to have been formed, almost as accident might determine.

But Whitaker says, that Tonkin’s etymology, which was adopted from Camden, is altogether absurd; and he consequently undertakes to find a better. For this purpose he assumes, that Truro takes its name from its castle. Now he imagines, that the castle was denominated Trevereu, and that the name was subsequently familiarized to Treuro. In that way, he thinks, the etymon at once presents

itself; and we are accordingly informed, that Truro signifies the castle on the Uro. This, however, is to take a course the reverse of that pursued by etymologists in general: for they seek the meaning of a word in its primitive form, but Mr. Whitaker in its corruption. There is also another objection, which may be considered equally conclusive; for, as Mr. Polwhele says, we have no such river in Cornwall as the Uro.

Mr. Polwhele himself has proposed a third explanation, which, however ingenious, I think equally unsatisfactory. He suggests, that Truro may be a town of Roman origin; and that the name is a corruption of Trevorou, the town-on-the-ways. But if it were so, we should not be wholly without any evidence of the fact. Proof would be found in some obscure tradition, some historical record, or some local circumstance; and the name itself, upon which alone this opinion is grounded, would be more completely consistent with it. When the Romans founded a town, it was not their custom to give it a name exhibiting no trace of their own language; but Trúro is unquestionably Cornish; and besides that, as persons skilled in such matters would easily see, it is no very natural corruption of Trevórou. Polwh. Hist. of Cornwall, vol. I, p. 189; vol. II, p. 215.

Yet that it is a corruption, is certain. In the charter granted by Reginald Fitzroy, in the reign of Henry II. the name of the town is written Trivereu. It is of this word, therefore, that Truro is a corruption; and if we can determine its signification, we shall ascertain the etymon of Truro. Now nothing can be better known, than that Rivereu, or Riverô, in the ancient language of this county, had the same meaning as the kindred word rivers, in English: and with regard to the initial T, it can be scarcely necessary to say, that it stands for Tre, or its archaic form Te, a town. The word, therefore, in the primitive and proper mode of writing it, is Trerivero; and consequently, the name as it appears in Reginald’s charter, is itself an example of that liability to change, by which the same word was subsequently converted to Truro. But the alteration in that case was so slight, that the composition of the word was scarcely obscured; and so natural, that its corruption could not have been prevented. For it was hardly possible in common speech to avoid the elision, which turns Trerívero into Trívero; as

this again has been contracted to Trúro. The word Truro, then, signifies the Town-on-the-rivers, or as we should now say, Riverton. And this interpretation is illustrated and confirmed by the local peculiarities: for the town is intersected by two rivers, which originally were its boundaries —the Cenion on the south, and the Allan on the east.

With respect to Marazion or Marketjew, I need not examine what has been said about Sion, Jerusalem, and the Jews; for it is wholly unfounded and absurd. Marghas, or in its softer form Maras, signifies a market, and Iän, of or belonging to an island. Hence Marasían means the Island-market. This name is derived from St. Michael’s Mount, which is in fact an island; and to its monastery the market belonged. Marghasjew, as it is called in Elizabeth’s charter, or as we now speak, Marketjew, signifies Thursday-market: the charter, by which the privilege of a market was granted to the monks by Robert, earl of Cornwall, having appointed it to be kept on the fifth day of the week. In Domesday the town is called Tremarastol, which signifies the Market-town-of-the-monastery. These three names, therefore, mutually explain one another; and their signification is confirmed by the historical facts.

Penzance is said to signify “the Saint’s head, or rather the Head of the bay.” Polwh. Hist. of Cornwall, vol. ii. p. 39. I believe that Mr. Polwhele quotes this from Tonkin. But did Tonkin himself expect that his readers would be satisfied with an etymology so indeterminate and contradictory? Yet this is the usual mode of explaining Cornish words. Camden says, that Penzance, or as he more correctly spells it, Pensans, means the Head of the sands. But Whitaker declares this to be unworthy of Camden; and he therefore gives us an improved interpretation of his own. For this purpose he reads Tonkin backwards; and as that writer renders Pensans the Head of the bay, Whitaker asserts it to be the Bay of the Head! And this is unworthy of Whitaker. He says, the phrase is equivalent to Mount’s bay. But it was never imagined before, that the Cornish word Pen could signify such an object as St. Michael’s Mount; and still less can it be supposed that a town would be denominated a Bay. Yet the real signification of Pensans lay at his feet; for nothing can be more obvious and easy. The name is derived both from the little chapel of St. Anthony, which he himself

describes, and from the point of land, on which that chapel stood. For there the town took its beginning; and there, of course, it found a name —that of the place which it occupied. Now a point of land was in Cornish called Pen; and when it chanced to be distinguished by the erection of a chapel, it would naturally be denominated sacred or holy, which was expressed by the word san, or if it was a terminal syllable, sans. Hence Pensans signifies Holy-head; and in allusion to this, John the Baptist’s head is in the town-arms.

But Mr. Whitaker would not have committed this error, if he had been heedful of a principle, observed in the composition of Cornish words, which can never be safely overlooked, in any attempt to investigate their meaning. The ancient names of places in Cornwall mostly consist of two substantive nouns, one of which has the force of an adjective, and qualifies the other: as Penrose, Penpraze, Polwhele. The component parts of such words have always been treated as if they had been associated by caprice, or accident; and the same elements have been represented as adjectives or substantives indifferently, according to the fancy or convenience of the interpreter.

But in truth, the ingredients of all these compounds are combined and distinguished by a settled rule. It is generally supposed, that in all instances the word used substantively precedes that which is employed adjectively. In many cases, however, it does not: and as, therefore, the qualifying noun cannot with certainty be discovered by its position, they who suppose it to occupy uniformly the second place, can be right only by chance; and we are consequently to look for some other mark, by which it may be easily and invariably known. That mark is the accent. Thus we say Pensáns: and so, if we admit, what Mr. Whitaker supposes, that Pen may signify a hill, and sans a bay, the word in that case would mean the Bay-hill, and not as he says, the Hill-bay.

But as this accent lives only in common speech, and the peculiarities of the English manner have already considerably disturbed it, those who have occasion to write any Cornish words, and especially the cultivators of our history and antiquities, should always mark the accented syllable: for there is no other way of making this rule of interpretation available; and of preventing perplexities for the time to come, still greater than those, which have

already existed. But besides the natural and inevitable tendency of the predominant English to change the pronunciation of Cornish words, there is a kind of whim or fashion amongst some, who know nothing of these things, by which the corruption is wilfully hastened; and while they confidently say Pénrose, Pénprase, and Nánkivel, they presume to correct those, who with more knowledge or less affectation, are accustomed to speak otherwise.

APPENDIX.
X.

TANNER’S NOTITIA MONASTICA FOR CORNWALL, FROM NASMITH’S EDITION, FOLIO, 1787, WITH ADDITIONS.

(For these additions I am indebted to Sir Henry Ellis, F.R.S. Sec. S.A. one of the Editors of the New Edition of Dugdale’s Monasticon. Edit.)

I. St. ANTONY, or Antonine.

In this county were two priories of this name, which are often confounded by some of our writers.

1. Benedictine Cell. One was a cell of Black monks of Angiers, belonging to Trewardreth priory[84], and being mentioned in Gervase of Canterbury’s catalogue must be as early as K. Richard I.st’s time. The rectory here, as parcel of the possessions of Tywardreith, was granted, 6 Eliz. to William and John Killigrew.

2. Austin Cell. The other, St. Anthony’s near St. Mawes, was a small priory of two Austin canons subordinate to Plimpton[85], and as parcel of the same was granted, 38 Hen. 8. to Thomas Goodwin.

II. St. BENNETT’S, in the parish of Lanivet.

Nunnery. The tower whereof is yet standing.[86]

III. St. BLAISE near Fowey, in the deanry of Poudre.

Almshouse. An old almshouse.[87]

IV. BODMIN, olim Bosmanna.[88]

1. Austin Canons. The body of St. Petroc being removed[89] to this place, there was a church built to his memory, and the episcopal see for Cornwall was therein placed by K. Edward the elder and archbishop Plegmund, A.D. 905.[90] Here K. Æthelstan is reported to have met with old Saxon, or rather British, monks following the rule of St. Benedict, to whom he granted so great privileges and endowments, that he is accounted founder of the monastery here, about A.D. 926. That settlement was destroyed by the Danish pirates, A.D. 981, yet the Religious continued here under several shapes,[91] and much alienations of their lands, both before and after the Conquest, till about the year 1120, when one Algar, with the king’s licence and the consent of Will. Warlewast bishop of Exeter, re-established this religious house, and placed therein Regular canons of the order of St. Austin, who continued till the general suppression, when it was styled the priory of St. Mary and St. Petroc,[92] and was valued at 270l. 0s. 11d. per ann. Dugd. 289l. 11s. 11d. Speed. The site, with the demesnes, were granted, 36 Hen. 8. to Tho. Sternhold, one of the first translators of the Psalms into English metre.

Vide Mon. Angl. tom. i. 213. ex Leland. Collect. vol. i. p. 75, 76. Et ibid. p. 227. cartam Ethelredi regis de episcopo Cornubiæ apud S. Petrocum, et libertatibus eidem concessis. Ibid. tom. ii. p. 5. cart. 57 Hen. 3. m. 9. confirm. cartam Eadredi regis priori et canonicis de Bodmine, de manerio de Niwetone.

Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 114. vol. iii. p. 12.

In Itinerario Will. de Worcestre, p. 100. 111. de fundatione et dimensione ecclesiæ; p. 107. excerpta ex kalendario principalis

Libri Antiphoner: p. 111. nomina nobilium et generosorum in kalendario memoratorum: p. 112. ex registro.

Cart. Antiq. D. n. 40, 41.

Cart. 36 Hen. 3. m. 18. pro manerio de Neweton.

Cart. 13 Ed. 1. n. 9. et 66. pro piscaria in Alan, bosco in Bodan, et aliis libertatibus.

Cart. 6 Ed. 2. n. 1.

Cart. 9 Ed. 3. n. 41. pro emptione stanni: Pat. 19. Ed. 3. p. 2. m. d. de visu franci plegii infra villam: Pat. 48 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 12. de XL s. redd. exeunt. de burgo, et boscis de Kingswood et Kelleritho.

Pat. 3 Ric. 2. p. 2. m. 25.

Pat. 1 Hen. 4. p. 8. m. 34.

Pat. 1 Hen. 6. p. 3. m. 24. Pat. 3 Hen. 6. p. 1. m. 11.

Pat. 3 Ed. 4. p. 1. m.

2. Hospital. About a mile from Bodmin is St. Laurence,[93] a poor hospital or lazarhouse,[94] on the east; well endowed for nineteen leprous people, two whole men and women, and a priest to minister unto them.[95]

Vide Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 115. vol. iii. p. 12.

3. Almshouse. At the west end of the town was a chapel and an almshouse,[96] but not endowed with lands.[97]

Vide Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 115.

4. Grey Friers. A house of Grey friers on the south side of the market-place, begun by John of London a merchant, and augmented by Edmund earl of Cornwall.[98] After the dissolution this friery was granted to one William Abbot, 37 Hen. 8. and in Q. Elizabeth’s time it was made the house of correction for the county.[99]

Vide Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 115. vol. iii. p. 12.

Stevens’[100] Supplement, vol. i. p. 154.

In Itinerario Will. de Worcestre, p. 99. de fundatione et excerpta quædam ex kalendario.

[Harl. MS. 6964. p. 77.

Hoveden, Script. post Bedam, fol. 324.

Domesd. tom. i. fol. 120. b. 121.

MS. Cole, Brit. Mus. vol. xxvii. 184 b.  H.E.]

V. St. BURIEN, in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

College. King Ethelstan is said to have built and endowed a collegiate church almost at the Land’s End,[101] and to have granted the benefit of a sanctuary and other privileges to the same, in honor of St. Buriena or Beriana a holy woman from Ireland, who had an oratory and was buried here. At the Conquest here were Secular canons,[102] as there were a dean and three prebendaries at the time of making the Lincoln taxation 20 Ed. 1. and also down to 26 Hen. 8. though this deanery was seized into the king’s hands temp. Ed. 3. by reason that Mr. John de Maunte then incumbent, was a Frenchman; and as alien, was given, 24 Hen. 6. to King’s college in Cambridge, and afterward by K. Edward 4. (anno regni 7.) to Windsor college;[103] yet neither of those societies long enjoyed, or had any benefit from it; for it was all along, and still continues, an independent deanry, in the gift of the crown or of the duke of Cornwall, of exempt jurisdiction as a royal free chapel.[104] The deanry or rectory, 26 Hen. 8. was valued at 48l. 12s. 1d. per ann. Prebenda parva 2l. 8s. 4d. Prebenda de Respernel 7l. 6s. 8d. Prebenda de Tirthney 7l.

Vide Coke’s Institutes, vol. i. p. 344.

Roll’s Abridgement, p. 2. f. 341.

Prynne’s Papal Usurpations, vol. iii. p. 933.

Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 18. vol. vii. p. 117.

In bibl. Harleiana, ms. 980. p. 212. of the exemption of the dean from episcopal jurisdiction and proceedings thereon, 26 Ed. 3. ms. 7048. p. 343. collectiones e chronico eccl. S. Burianæ.

De exemptione hujus ecclesiæ a jurisdictione episc. Exon. plac. term. S. Hill; 8 Ed. 2. ms. penes V. cl. Andr. Fountaine equ. aur. p. 167, &c.

Fragmentum registri hujus collegii tempore Roberti Knollys decani, viz. ab anno 1473. ad annum 1485. ms. haud ita pridem in bibl. RR. P. DD. Joannis Moore episc. Eliensis, nunc in bibl. publica acad. Cantab. Ee. v. 34.

Cart. 15 Joan. m. 2. n. 42.

Cart. 30 Ed. 1. n. 26. pro mercato die Sabbati, et feria in vigilia, die, et crast. S. Martini in hieme apud S. Burien.

Pat. 9 Ed. 2. p. 1. m. 10 vel 20. Plac. coram rege, 12 Ed. 2. Mich. rot. 128. Ibid. 17 Ed. 2. Trin. rot. 90.

Pat. 1 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 13. de prebenda de Trethin, &c. Claus. 11 Ed. 3.

p. 2. m. 13. Plac. coram rege, 13 Ed. 3. … rot.. Escaet. Corn. 20 Ed. 3. n. 32. Pat. 20 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 15. Pat. 31 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 9.

Pat. 24 Hen. 6. p. 3. m. 28. pro appropriatione hujus decanatus collegio S. Nicholai in Acad. Cantab.

Pat. 1 Ed. 4. p. 3. m. 24.
[MS. Lansd. Brit. Mus. 966. Ex Chronico quodam Ecclesiæ Sanctæ Burianæ in Cornub. MS. penes Matth. Hutton, S.T.P. fol. 11. b.

Harl. MS. 6958. pp. 219, 220, 224, 241, 253.
6959. pp. 260, 286.
6960. pp. 25, 68.
6961. pp. 48, 86, 198, 205.
6962. pp. 20, 98, 128.
6963. pp. 72, 122.

MS. Cole, vol. xxvii. fol. 184 b.

Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.

Mr. Moyle’s Works, i. p. 247.  H. E.]

VI. CONSTANTYN, in the deanry of Kerryer.

This seems to have been a church of more than ordinary note, by what is said in Domesday Book under the title Ecclesiæ aliquorum Sanctorum; scil. “S. Constantinus tenet dim. hidam terræ, quæ fuit quieta ab omni servitio T. R. E. sed postquam comes terram accepit, reddebat geldum injuste, sicut terra villanorum.” This church was afterwards appropriate to the dean and chapter of Exeter, who are still the patrons of it.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

VII. ENDELLION, in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

College. In the parish church here, dedicated to St. Endelienta, were three prebends or portions before 20 Ed. 1.[105] and subsist to this day, and have incumbents under the titles of Bodmin or the King’s prebend, Marney’s prebend, and Trehaverock prebend, taxed each at 5l. per ann. 26 Hen. 8.

VIII. St. GERMANS.

Austin Canons. Here was a collegiate church of ancient foundation in honor of St. German, one of the famous French bishops, who came over into Britain to oppose the Pelagian heresy. K. Ethelstan is said to have made one Conon bishop here, A.D. 936, though it seems

more probable that the episcopal see for Cornwall was not fixed here till after the burning of the bishop’s house and cathedral church at Bodmin; after which K. Canute more amply endowed this church of St. German; and, about A. D. 1050. Leofric, who was bishop here and of Crediton, having united both bishopricks in the church of St. Peter at Exeter, changed the Seculars[106] here into Regular canons.[107] The yearly revenues of this priory were valued, 26 Hen. 8. at 243l. 8s. Dugd. Speed 227l. 4s. 8d. Clare, ms. Valor. The site was granted, 33 Hen. 8. to Kath.[108] Champernoun, John Ridgway, &c.

Vide Mon. Angl. tom. i. p. 213. ex Leland. Collect. i. 75. Ibid. tom. ii. p. 5, 6. inquis. 32 Ed. 3. ex rot. pat. 7 Ric. 2. p. 1. m. 24. de fundatione et dotatione.

Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 40. vol. vii. p. 122.

Cartas, &c. penes Edw. Elliot de eadem.

Fin. 6 Hen. 3. m. 5. de mercat. ibid.

Cart. 6 Ed. 2. n. 1.

Pat. 17 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 32. de mercato et feria in villa S. Germani, et de lib. war. in Lamash: Pat. 31 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 8. pro ten. in Lanrake: Plac. coram reg. 37 Ed. 3. rot. 9. Pat. 38 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 46. Pat. 43 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 23 vel 43.

Pat. 2 Rich. 2. p. 1. m. 47. pro ten. in Pollersek, Trewint, Todisford, Lancottock, &c. Pat. 9 Ric. 2. p. 1. m.. rex restituit prioratum S. Germani (qui fuit de fundatione Leofrici episc. et quem rex recuperaverat in curia sua adversus Jo. Grandison episc. Exon.) episc. Exon. et successoribus: Pat. 16 Ric. 2. p. 1. m. 27. de redd. in Trethinek, Morna, &c.

Pat. 11 Hen. 6. p. 1. m. 17. pro ten. in Frogwell, Tenepath, &c.

[Stowe’s Annals, edit. 1592. p. 120. Domesd. tom. i. fol. 120 b.   H. E.]

IX. HELSTON, in the deanry of Kerrier.

Hospital. A priory or hospital at the west-south-west end of the town, of the foundation of one Kellegrew,[109] dedicated to St. John Baptist.[110] It was endowed only with 12l. 16s. 4d. per ann. Dugd. 14l. 7s. 4d. Speed.

Vide Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 23. Registrum Edm. Stafford episc. Exon. f. 135.

X. St. KARENTOC, or Crantoc, near Padstow, in the deanry of Pider.

College. Here were Secular canons[111] temp. Edw. Conf. who continued till the general dissolution, when its yearly revenues were valued at 89l. 15s. 8d. which were divided amongst the dean, nine prebendaries,[112] and four vicars choral.[113] This collegiate church was dedicated to St. Carantocus, said to be a disciple of St. Patric, and was in the patronage of the bishop of Exeter,[114] but now in John Buller of Mowall, esq.

Vide in Prynne’s Papal Usurpations, vol. ii. p. 736. Claus. 34 Hen. 3. m. 15.

Pat. 29 Hen. 3. m. 7.

Pat. 43 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 31. Pat. 44 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 23.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

XI. LAMMANA.

Benedictine Cell. The abbey of Glastonbury had sometime a cell here, dedicated to St. Michael.

Vide Adami de Domerham historia de rebus gestis Glastoniensibus, p. 423. ut prioratus de Basselake et de Lamena ad ordinacionem conventus pertineant. Et in Auctuario eidem historiæ annexo, p. 599. cartam Hastuti filii Johannis de Solenneio de insula de Lamana: p. 600. Roberti de Cardinay de uno ferlingo terræ de Trewodlowan: p. 601. Rogeri filii Willelmi de terra de Lamman: p. 602. compositionem inter conventum Glaston et conventum de Lanstaventone de decimis in dominico Odonis de Portlo; p. 603. cartam Ricardi comiti Cornubiæ de Lammana.

XII. LANACHEBRAN, or Lan-a-Kebran, alias St. Kevran,[115] in the deanry of Kerrier.

Cistertian Cell. Here was a society of Secular canons, at or about the time of the Conquest, dedicated

to St. Achebran:[116] and afterwards here was a cell of Cistertian monks, subordinate to Beaulieu abbey in Hampshire,[117] and the manor here, as parcel of the possessions of Beaulieu, was granted, 2 Eliz. to Francis earl of Bedford.

Vide in registro W. Bronscomb episc. Exon. ordinationem vicariæ S. Keverani, quam abbas de Bello Loco habet in proprios usus.

Pat. 2 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 27. Plac. coram rege, 16 Ed. 3. Pasch. rot. 230. Pat. 18 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 4. Pat. 19 Ed. 3. m ——. Pat. 49 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 10. pro privilegiis allocandis.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

XIII. LAUNCELS, in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

Cell to the abbey of Hertland.[118]

XIV. LAUNCESTON, olim Lanstaveton, i. e. Fanum S. Stephani.

1. Austin Canons. There was a college of Secular[119] canons before the Conquest, in the church of St. Stephen,[120] about half a mile from this town, which being given to the bishop and church of Exeter by king Henry I.[121] it was suppressed before A.D. 1126. by Will. Warlewast bishop of Exeter, who in lieu of it founded in the west suburb under the castle hill,[122] a priory for canons[123] of the order of St. Austin, which was also dedicated to St. Stephen, to which he gave the best part of the college lands.[124] The

yearly revenues of this monastery were rated, 26 Hen. 8. at 354l. 0s. 11d., q. Dugd. 392l. 11s. 2d. q. Speed.[125]

Vide in Mon. Angl. tom. ii. p. 107. quæ Leland. in Itin. vol. ii. p. 110. habet de Launceston: et cart. 13 Hen. 3. p. 1. m. 10. recit. per Inspex. cart. R. Joan. anno regni primo.

Lelandi Collect. vol. i. p. 76. ejusdem Itin. vol. ii. p. 109. vol. iii. p. 132, 133. vol. vii. p. 123.

In Itin. Will. de Worcestre, p. 134. dimensiones ecclesiæ, de fundatione, excerpta ex kalendario.

In Auctuario ad Adamum de Domerham, p. 602. compositionem inter abbatem et conventum Glaston, et priorem et conventum de Lanstaventone de decimis in dominico dom. Odonis de Portlo.

Registrum hujus prioratus, penes magistrum Ric. Escot de hosp. Lincoln.

Registrum prioratus de Launceston, ms. in bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Tanner. 196.

Pat. 13 Hen. 3. m. 7. pro maner. de Cloveston.

Pat. 3 Ed. 1. m. 24. de terris in Tottesden: Pat. 11 Ed. 1. m. 1. vel 2.

Pat. 1 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 14. vel. 15. Pat. 16 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 1.

Pat. 1 Ric. 2. p. 2. m. 3. pro ten. in Newport; Ibid. p. 3. m. 19. Pat. 6 Ric. 2. p. 3. m.. Pat. 12 Ric. 2. p. 2. m. 24. pro mess. voc. Shiphouse in Treburdesk: Pat. 16 Ric. 2. p. 2. m. 31. de mess. et terris in Newland, Landren, Leskard, &c. Pat. 19 Ric. 2. p. 2. m. 35. pro vicariis S. Tallini, de Tallam S. Mellorii, &c.

Parl. 4 Hen. 4. petitionem contra priorem de vicariis de Lyskeret, Larkinham, et Tallum.

Inquis. Corn. 1 Hen. 5. n. 51. de Bernhay: Pat. 2 Hen. 5. p. 3. m. 32 vel 33.

Rec. in scacc. 10 Hen. 6. Trin. rot. 5.

Pat. 19 Ed. 4. m. 5 vel 6.

2. St. Leonard’s Hospital. An hospital for lepers in this town, dedicated to St. Leonard, is mentioned[126] pat. 6 Ric. 2. p. 3.

3. Friery. Mr. Carew[127] mentions a friery to have been here, besides the abbey or priory.

[MS. Lansdown. Brit. Mus. 939. fol. 21 b. Ex Registro Priorat. de Launceston MS. apogr. inter Libros olim Will. Griffith.

Domesd. tom. i. fol. 120, 120 b.

Harl. MS. 6958. pp. 180, 182.

In Thorpe’s Cat. of MSS. 1833. No. 281. is a “Survey of the lands belonging to the Priory at Launceston, at the Dissolution of the Monasteries, 1539, 31 Hen. VIII. a contemporary Record, a long roll, upon paper, in fine condition, £16 16.”  H. E.]

XV. LESKARD, or Minhenned, near Leskard.

Hospital. Here was anciently a house for lepers,[128] for there is an indulgence granted by Edm. Stafford bishop

of Exeter, to all those who should contribute to the hospital of St. Mary Magdalen at Leskard, about A.D. 1400.[129]

XVI. St. MARTIN’S.

Nunnery.[130]

XVII. MARY WEEK, in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

College. A college[131] and school here, as Carew.

XVIII. St. MAWES.[132]

In the cart. roll of the fifteenth year of K. John, m. 2. n. 42. there is a grant of a hundred shillings per ann. out of the church of St. Berian in Cornwall to the monks of St. Matthew. I have not yet found any monastery elsewhere in England dedicated to that Apostle.

XIX. St. MICHAEL’S MOUNT.

Alien Priory. A priory of Benedictine monks placed here by K. Edward the Confessor,[133] but before A.D. 1085. annexed to the abbey of St. Michael in periculo Maris in Normandy, by Robert[134] earl of Moreton and Cornwall. After the suppression of the alien priories, this was given first by K. Henry 6. to King’s college Cambridge, and afterward by K. Edward 4. to Sion abbey in Middlesex. At the first seizure of it by K. Edward 3. the farm of it was rated but at 10l. per ann. but at the time of K. Henry 8. the lands belonging to this house, as parcel of Sion, were valued at 110l. 12s. 0d. ob. per ann.

Vide in Mon. Angl. tom. i. p. 551. cartam S. Edwardi R. et cartas Roberti comitis et Liurici episc. Exon. Ibid. in tom. ii. p. 901, 902, 903. cartam Edmundi comitis Cornwal recitantem et confimantem donationes Ricardi patris: Cart. Alani comitis Britanniæ de x s. annui redditus de feria de Merdreshem: Cartam Ricardi regis Romanorum de feriis in Marhasgon: Cartam Conani ducis Britanniæ de Wath: Et bullam P. Adriani, A.D. 1155. confirmantem omnes possessiones tam in Normannia quam in Anglia cum anathemate.

Du Monstrier, Neustriam piam, p..

Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 17.

In Itin. Will. de Worcestre, p. 101. indulgentiam concessam visitantibus hanc ecclesiam: p. 103. dimensiones ecclesiæ: p. 129. excerpta ex kalendario.

In Madox’s Formulare Anglicanum, p. 59. Rogeri de Daledich confirmationem donationis VIs. VIIId. percipiend. annuatim de fœdo de Wiscomb per Henricum de Wiscomb factæ.

In Dr. Archer’s account of the religious houses in the diocese of Bath printed at the end of Hearne’s Hemingford, p. 637. of a pension of xl. marks out of the rectory of Mertock.

In Rymeri Fœder, &c. vol. viii. p. 102. 340, 341. pat. 5 Hen. 4. p. 1. m. 21. pro restitutione hujus prioratus, qui dicitur “esse tempore guerræ fortalitium toti patriæ circumjacenti.”

Registrum hujus prioratus olim penes Will. com. Sarisb. Excerpta ex isto registro penes V. cl. Joannem Anstis arm.

Computos, &c. in officio Curiæ Augment. sub titulo Syon Monasterium.

Rot. fin. 13 Ed. 2. m. 3. de terris in Lambedon: Pat. 14 Ed. 2. p. 1. m. 12. de terris in Ottriton monachorum.

Pat. 22 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 30. de ten. in Trevemeny, Polker, et Breglis: Pat. 30 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. penult.

Pat. 10 Hen. 6. p. 1. m. ult. Pat. 20 Hen. 6. p. 4. m. 3. de concessione hujus prioratus rectori et scholaribus S. Nicholai Cantab.

Pat. 1 Ed. 4. p. 2. m. 8. Ibid. p. 3. m. 1. Claus. 2 Ed. 4. n. 13. quiet. clam. præpositi S. Nich. Cantab. abbatissæ S. Salvatoris de Syon de hoc prioratu.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 120 b.

Harl. MS. 6965. p. 86.

MS. Cole, vol. xxvii. fol. 184 b.

Tanner mentions a Register of this House, “penes Will. Com. Sarisb.” This Register is still at Hatfield in Lord Salisbury’s possession. It came as a Title Deed there, Sir Robert Cecil having purchased the manor of Mt. St. Michael.  H. E.]

XX. MINSTER, or Talcarn[135], in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

Alien Priory. An alien priory to the abbey of St. Sergius and Bachus at Angiers.

Vide Mon. Angl. i. p. 1036. ex pat. 48 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 3. “Prior de Minstre habet apud Pilesfunte de redditu xx. sol.” Taxat. Lincoln; In Bundell. benef. alienig. 48 Ed. 3. “Minster prior alienigena habet in proprios usus ecclesias de Minster et Bodecastell:” In the account of knight’s fees in Mr. Carew’s Survey of Cornwall, f. 41. b. “Prior de Ministre tenet. i. par. feod. mort, in Polifant, 3 Hen. 4.”

Year Books, 32 Hen. 6. 13, 14.

XXI. NEWPORT near Launceston.

Hospital. Here is an old hospital for lazars, dedicated to St. Thomas, which was well endowed and governed in Mr. Carew’s time.[136]

XXII. NYOTT, olim Neotstoke,[137] or Neotstow, or St. Guerir, in the deanry of West.

Monastery destroyed. Here was a monastery[138] or college[139] founded in honor of St. Neotus, brother[140] to K. Alfred, who was here buried, which continued till after the Conquest. The church here belonged to Montacute priory in Somersetshire.

Vide in Joanne Glastoniensi, p. 111. historiolam fundationis hujus monasterii.

Stevens’ Supplement, vol. i. p. 217.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

XXIII. PETROCSTOW, or Padstow, olim Loderic, or Laffenac, or Adelston,[141] in the deanry of Pydre.

Monastery destroyed. St. Petroc, a religious man born in Wales, but coming from Ireland, is said to have

built a monastery on the north coast of Cornwall, about A.D. 520 and to have been there buried;[142] his body was afterward removed to Bodmin.

[Harl. MS. 6964. p. 77.—H. E.]

XXIV. PENRYN, alias Glaseney, in the parish of Gluvias and deanry of Kerrier.

College. Walter Bronescomb the good bishop[143] of Exeter,[144] about the year 1270,[145] built a collegiate church on a moor called Glasenith, at the bottom of his park at Penryn, to the honor of the blessed Virgin Mary and St. Thomas of Canterbury. It consisted of a provost, a sacrist, eleven prebendaries,[146] seven vicars,[147] and six choristers; and was certified, 26 Hen. 8. to be worth 210l. 13s. 2d. per ann. in toto. 205l. 10s. 6d. clare.

Vide in Mon. Angl. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 56. pat. 18 Ed. 2. p. 2. m. 17. appropriationem ecclesiæ S. Alune in Cornubia.

Lelandi Collect. vol. i. p. 115. ejusdem Itin. vol. iii. p. 27. vol. vii. p. 120.

In Itin. Will. de Worcestre, p. 122. 128. de fundatione collegii de Penryn.

In bibl. Harleiana, ms. 862. f. 118. instrumenta spectantia ad ecclesiam collegiatam de Glasney.

Registrum hujus collegii, penes —— Parsons un. audit. scaccarii, A.D. 1706. postea penes Jacobum Mickleton de hosp. Grayensi arm. Videtur esse idem cum registro penes Joannem Row nuper de medio Templo London, arm. unde quamplurima excerpsit V. cl. Joannes Anstis arm.

Pat. 8 Ed. 2. p. 2. m. 2. 17. 20 et 27. Pat. 10 Ed. 2. p. 1. m: 19. de vicariis ecclesiæ.

Fin. 2 Ed. 3. m. 6. in cedula: Pat. 2 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 36. pro ten. et eccl. in Lamerock: Pat. 26 Ed. 3. p. 3. m. 21. pro eccl. S. Justi in Penwith approprianda: Pat. 43 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 40. d. Pat. 44 Ed. 3. p. 1. m; 10. et p. 2. m. 3. Pat. 45 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 40. d.

Pat. 8 Hen. 4. p. 2. m. 9. pro ten. in Trewtham pro cantaria apud Bodryganes alter in hoc collegio.

[Harl. MS. 6958. p. 294.
6960. pp. 166. 184. 234.
6961. p. 225.

Ducarel’s Extr. from the Lamb. Registers in Brit. Mus. vol. ix. p. 218.  H. E.]

XXV. St. PIERAN in Zabulo, in the deanry of Pydre.

College. In the days of K. Edward the Confessor here were a dean and canons,[148] endowed with lands, and the privilege of a sanctuary.[149] The church[150] was given by K. Henry 1. to the bishop and church of Exeter, who still enjoy the great tithes and the advowson of the vicarage.

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

[Hearne mentions PORT ELIOT in the margin of his copy of Tanner’s first edition, and says it was sometimes a Priory, and at the Dissolution K. Henry VIII. bestowed it upon one of the ancestors of Richard Elliot mentioned in Norden’s Descr. of Cornwall.  H. E.]

XXVI. St. PROBUS, in the deanry of Powder.

College. Here was a collegiate church of Secular canons before the Conquest,[151] which was given to the bishop and church of Exeter by K. Henry 1.[152] Here was once a dean:[153] Four prebendaries or portionists occur here upon the Lincoln taxation, and some time after;[154] but, 26 Hen. 8. the glebe and tithe of St. Probus, as part of the endowment of the treasurership of the cathedral church of Exeter, to which it still belongs,[155] is valued at 22l. 10s. per ann.[156]

[Domesd. tom. i. fol. 121.  H. E.]

XXVII. SALTASH, in the deanry of East.

Abbey. The abbey[157] of Saltash in com. Devon, is mentioned in the Year Books, 2 Hen. 4. Mich. 45.

XXVIII. SYLLY.

Benedictine Cell. In the biggest of the Sylly islands, called Iniscaw,[158] was a poor cell of two Benedictine monks dedicated to St. Nicholas, belonging to Tavistock abbey, even before the Conquest, and confirmed to them afterward by K. Henry 1. Reginald earl of Cornwall, &c.

Vide in Mon. Angl. tom. i: p. 516. cart. 1 Joan. p. 2. m. 65. Pat. 19 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 5. et ibid. p. 1002. Cartas RR. Hen. 1. Ed. 1. Reginaldi com. Cornub. et Barthol. episc. Exon. ex registro Tavestochiensi.

Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 19.

Cart. 1 Joan. p. 1. n. 155 et 219. de decimis forestsæ de Guffaer.

XXIX. St. SYRIAC,[159] St. Cyriac,[160] St. Carricius,[161] St. Karrocus,[162] St. Cyret, and Julette.[163]

Cluniac Cell. Hare was a small religious house of two Benedictine[164] or Cluniac[165] monks, as early as K. Richard 1st’s time,[166] cell to Montacute[167] in Somersetshire; and as parcel of the possessions of that priory it was granted, 37 Hen. 8. to Laurence Courtney.

Vide Mon. Angl. tom. i. p. 670, 671. tom. ii. p. 910.

Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 37. vol. vii. p. 121.

Pat. 15 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 5. de concessione hujus cellæ Willelmo comiti Sarisb. per priorem et conv. de Monteacuto.

[Report to the Originalia, vol. iv. fol. 155 b. Brit. Mus., where it is called St. Caroch.]

XXX. St. THETHA, St. Teath or St. Etha, in the deanry of Trigge Minor.

College. The parish church here is sometimes on the records called collegiate,[168] and consisted of two prebendaries[169] or portionists,[170] who seem to have been collated by the bishop of Exeter.

XXXI. TREBIGH, or Turbigh.

Knights Hospitalers. A preceptory of Knights Hospitalers of St. John of Jerusalem, to which Henry de Pomerai and Reginald Marsh were considerable benefactors [Mon. Angl. tom. ii. p. 551.] It was valued at 60l. per ann. [ms. Le Neve] but this with Ansty [Wilts.] was valued, 26 Hen. 8. at 90l. 1s. 9d. in toto. 81l. 8s. 5d. clare. [ms. Valor, in off. Primit.] This among other possessions of the old Knights, then undisposed of, was regranted to the Hospitalers upon their restoration, 4 et 5 Phil. et Mar. and after their dissolution, 16 Eliz. to Henry Wilby and Geo. Blyth.

XXXII. TREGONY, in the deanry of Powder.

Alien Priory. The advowson of the priory of Tregony, as belonging to the abbey de Valle in Normandy, is mentioned fin. div. com. 52 Hen. 3. n. 18. This priory with the advowsons of the churches of Tregony and Biry were made over A.D. 1267, by the abbat and convent de Valle in diœc. Bajoc. to the prior and convent of Merton.[171]

Vide inter munimenta eccl. cath. Exon. cartam abbatis et conventus de Valle, de resignatione hujus prioratus.

[Bishop Lyttelton in a letter to Browne Willis, copied in MS. Cole, Brit. Mus. vol. xl. p. 59. says, “In the last edition of the Monastica Notitia the author queries if there was any Priory at Tregony in Cornwall. I find the original resignation thereof of the Abbat de Valle in Normandy to the Bp. of Exon, Peter Quivil, for the use of the Priory of Merton, together with the advowsons of the parish churches of Tregony and Bury, dated 1267.”  H. E.]

XXXIII. TRURO.

Black Friers. In the latter end of K. Henry 3d’s reign,[172] a convent of Black friers settled in Kenwyn street.[173] Rauf Reskimer left a benefaction, 2 Ed. 4. to this house, of which his ancestors had been founders. It was granted, 7 Ed. 6. to Edward Aglianby.

Vide Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 27. vol. vii. p. 120.

In Itin. Will. de Worcestre, p. 128, excerpta ex kalendario.

Pat. 49 Ed. 3. p. 2. m. 26. pro manso elargando.

Claus. 2 Ed. 4. n. 101. d.

XXXIV. TRUWARDRAITH,[174] Tuwardraz,[175] or Tywardreit, in the deanry of Powder.

Alien Priory. An alien priory of Benedictine monks[176] belonging to the abbey of St. Sergius and Bachus in Angiers,[177] founded before A.D. 1169. by Champernulphus or Chambernon of Bere,[178] lord of the manor of Tywardreith, or by the ancestors of Robert de Cardinan,[179] perhaps Robert Fitz William. It was seised by the Crown during the wars with France, and its farm then fixed at fifty marks per ann.[180] but being afterwards made denisen it continued till the general suppression, about which time herein were seven monks,[181] whose revenues were rated at 123l. 9s. 3d. per ann. Dugd. 151l. 16s. 1d. Speed. It was dedicated to St. Andrew, and granted 34 Hen. 8. to Edward earl of Hertford.

Vide in Mon. Angl. tom. ii. p. 586, 587. Cart. 33 Ed. 1. n. 38. recit. per inspeximus tres cartas Hen. 3. viz. primam recitant, cartam Roberti de Cardinan confirm, donationes antecessorum, secundam de

ecclesia de Austel, tertiam de libertate sanctuarii S. Austeli.

Lelandi Collect. vol. i. p. 76. ejusdam Itin. vol. iii. p. 14. 32, 33. vol. vii. p. 120.

In Libro Nigro Scaccarii, p. 131. de 1 fœd. mil. tent. de comite Reginaldo.

In Rymeri Fœder. &c. vol. iv. p. 248. vol. viii. p. 106.

Cart. 9 Ed. 2. n. 16. pro merc, et fer. apud Fowey, et lib. war. in Tywardreith, Trerant, Tremaynon, et Carigog.

Claus. 4 Ed. 3. m. 27. de ten. in Fawy.

[Harl. MS. 6959. p. 185.
6960. p. 34.

Harl. MS. 6961. pp. 30. 89.

Repert. to Originalia, Brit. Mus. vol. iii. p. 273.

MS. Cole, vol. xxvii. fol. 184 b.

Lysons, Mag. Brit. Cornw.

Gent. Mag. 2d vol. for 1822. Supp. p. 602.

A great number of original grants, deeds, &c. relating to this priory from its foundation to its dissolution are at Wardour Castle, in the possession of Lord Arundel of Wardour; and extracts from a Calendar, with a list of the priors, has been lately published in the Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, vol. iii. pp. 106-111.  H. E.]

For Talcarn see Minstre in this county.

St. Mary de Valle is omitted, as it probably was not in England, see under Minstre note [d].

[84] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 24. Taxat. Lincoln. p. 367. In registr. Bronscomb. the vicarage of St. Antonine in the patronage of Tywardreth.

[85] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 30. vol. vii. p. 119. et Taxat. Lincoln. p. 638.

[86] Tonkin, Quære.

[87] Camden, edit. Gibson.

[88] i. e. “Mansio monachorum.” Leland. Collect. vol. i. 75.

[89] Hoveden, p. 567, 568.

[90] Will. Malmsbur. de Pontif. lib ——

[91] What Leland saith of this monastery [Itin. vol. ii. 114.] is very observable, viz. “That in St. Petroc’s church at Bodmin were first monks, then nuns, then Secular priests, then monks again, then canons; the last foundation was by Will. Warlewast bishop of Exon.” Mr. Speed further adds, that after the canons were Grey friers (but these last were in a distinct house of their own in this town; vide infra) he also tells us of a priory of Black canons founded by K. Ethelstan to the honour of S. Petrorsi at Bonury in this county, which in all probability was the same with this of St. Petroc at Bodmin.

[92] This priory church is said to be now the parish church, [Tour through Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 4.] and the priory stood at the east end of the churchyard. [Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 12.]

[93] Mr. Willis’ Parochiale, p. 179. has St. Laurence chapel and hospital in the parish of Lanivet and deanry of Pider.

[94] Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 15. ms. Davies.

[95] Magn. Brit. Antiq. et Nov.

[96] Quære, Whether this was St. Antony’s or St. George’s hospital; for the will of John Killigrew, proved A.D. 1500, gives legacies “Pauper ibus S. Antonii de Bodmyn; pau peribus S. Georgii de Bodmin pauperibus S. Laurentii juxta Bod min.” Lib. Moore, Qu. xx.

[97] Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p. 115.

[98] Ibid.

[99] Carew, f. 124. a.

[100] Mr. Stevens has erroneously placed this house in Devonshire.

[101] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 18. Camden. Britan, edit. Gibson, ad Burien.

[102] Domesday, Cornwall. “Canonici S. Berianæ tenent Eglosberry, quæ fuit libera T. R. E. Ibi est una hida, &c.”

[103] Mr. Ashmole’s History of the Garter, cap. 4. et Mon. Angl. tom. iii. p. ii. p. 73.

[104] The dean is instituted and takes the oaths before the king as ordinary.

[105] In Taxat. Lincoln, ms. “Ecclesia S. Endelientæ taxatur prout sequitur: Prebenda dom. Pagani de Liskered in eadem lxs. prebenda H. de Monkton ivl. xs. prebenda dom. Reginaldi ivl. iis.”

[106] Thus the inquisition, Mon. Angl. ii. p. 5. but Leland, Coll. i. p. 75. saith, the Regulars were introduced by Bartholomew bishop of Exeter, who lived temp. Hen. 2.

[107] They were Benedictine monks according to Ryley, Plac. Parl. p. 466. But that is not right, for here were a prior and eight Black canons at the dissolution. Vide Willis, ii. Ap. p. 7.

[108] Mr. Mores saith John Champernoun, sed quære.

[109] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 23.

[110] Ms. Valor. “St. Mary Magdalen,” Registr. Stafford, f. 135.

[111] Domesdei, “Canonici S. Carentoci tenent Langorock, et tenebant T.R.E. Sunt iii. hidæ, &c.”

[112] So in my ms. Valor.

[113] Eight prebendaries, without a dean. Tax. Lincoln, ms. A dean and ten prebendaries. Ms. Le Neve.

[114] Prynne, ii. p. 736. many grants of the deanery and prebends here by the kings appear upon the rolls, but seem to be made during the vacancy of the see of Exeter. “A.D. 1315. Feb. 22. Walterus episc. Exon. contulit Joanni de Sandale cancellario regis præbendam in ecclesia S. Karantoci.” Wharton de decan. Lond. p. 216.

[115] In the former edition this church was confounded with that of St. Pieran: the late learned prelate Dr. Charles Littleton bishop of Carlisle informed Dr. Tanner of the mistake, and the account of both churches inserted in this edition are agreeable to the information communicated by him.

[116] Domesday, “Canonici S. Achebranni tenent Lannachebran.”

[117] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 25. vol. vii. p. 118. Tax. Linc. ms.

[118] Carew’s Survey, f. 118. a.

[119] Leland. Collect. vol. i. p. 76. not Regular canons of the order of St. Austin, as Magn. Brit. Antiq. et Nov. p. 333.

[120] Domesday, “Canonici S. Stephani tenent Lanstaveton. Ibi sunt iv. hidæ terræ, &c. De hoc manerio abstulit comes Moriton unum mercatum, quod ibi erat T.R.E.”

[121] Plac. coram rege, 2 c. 2. Hill, rot. 20.

[122] Leland. Itin. vol. ii. p.p. 109.

[123] Not friers, as Magn. Brit. Antiq. et Nov. p. 333.

[124] “And took the residew himself,” saith Leland [Itin. vol. ii. p. 110.] But in the recital of the donors and donations of this priory, made in the charter of king John, there is no mention at all of this bishop; but therein Reginald the son of K. Henry I. and earl of Cornwall seems to make the greatest figure, and he was certainly a considerable benefactor, if not founder of this new house, as he is said to be by Camden.

[125] Here could not be less than twelve canons, for the prior and eleven subscribed to the supremacy, A. D. 1534. as Willis’ Abbies, vol. ii. p. 53.

[126] And also in the register of Edm. Lacy bishop of Exon, marked Lacy, vol. iii.

[127] Survey, f. 81. b. f. 116. b.

[128] Carew, f. 68. a.

[129] Lib. præced. B. 85.

[130] Carew’s Survey, f. 81. b.

[131] Quære, Perhaps the same with St. John Baptist chantry in this church. Willis’ Abbies, vol. ii. p. 54.

[132] St. Matthew’s in Tanner. St. Mawes appears in the Exeter Registers and in Leland’s Itin. to be no other than a corruption of St. Mauduits. See Lacy’s Register, vol. iii. Leland Itin. vol. iii. 19. and Willis, Rot. Parl. vol. ii. p. 166.

[133] Domesday, “Ecclesia S. Michaelis tenet Triwal, Brismar tenebat T.R.E. Ibi sunt ii. hidæ, quæ nunquam geldaverunt, &c. de his ii. hidis comes Moriton abstulit i. hidam.”

[134] Not William, as Mr. Camden and Mr. Speed; this last author mentions the monasteries of S. Michael de Monte, and S. Michael de Magno Monte, as distinct religious houses in this county, for which I have not yet met with any other authority.

[135] That Talcarn is the same with Minstre appears from the registers of the bishops of Exeter; where in the register of Bishop Branscomb, fol. 27. b. mention is made of “Talthar or Talcarne a cell to Tywardreth;” and in Bishop Stapeldon’s register, fol. 82. b. it is stiled “ecclesia de la Minstre alias de Talcarne.” Gervase of Canterbury, among other Cornish monasteries in his time, reckons Talcarn and St. Mary de Valle as cells of Black monks to Algiers, but I know not where the latter was situated, unless it was the same with S. Michael de Valle a priory in Guernsey. Mr. Burton and Mr. Speed have also these two houses, but they mistook the reading in the ms. of Gervase of Cant. who, in the column of the orders, hath, against these two and St. Anthony “mon. n. de Angs,” which they translated “Black monks of the Angells,” an order nowhere else to be met with. Black monks of Angiers seems most probable, and that they were cells to that foreign abbey, as Tywardreth certainly was, on which Talcarn appears to have been dependent.

[136] Survey, f. 68.

[137] Cressy’s Church History, p. 768. Leland. Collect, vol. iii. p. 13.

[138] Domesday, “Clerici S. Neoti tenent Neotestou, et tenebant T.R.E. Ibi sunt ii. hidæ, quæ nunquam geldaverunt: iv. bordarii, &c. Totam hanc terram præter i. acram, quam presbiteri tenent, abstulit comes ab ecclesia.”

[140] John of Glastonbury saith of St. Neot, that he was “dignis parentibus editus;” but his whole narrative is inconsistent with his being of royal birth.

[141] Latest edition of Camden’s Britannia, col. 23.

[142] Cressy’s Church History of England, p. 224. from archbishop Usher and Capgrave.

[143] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 27.

[144] Not of Oxford, as Speed.

[145] Not A.D. 1288. as Mr. Camden and Speed; because bishop Bronscomb the founder died in 1280.

[146] One of these prebends was annexed to the dignity of the archdeaconry of Cornwall. Leland saith there were twelve prebendaries. Itin. vol. iii. p. 27.

[147] “Thirteen vicars.” Cart. fund. “Prebendaries, and other ministers. This college is strongly walled and incastell’d, having three strong towers, and guns at the but of the creke.” Leland, Itin. iii. 27.

[148] Domesday, “Canonici S. Pierani tenent Lanpiran, quæ libera fuit T.R.E. De hoc manerio ablatæ sunt ii. hidæ, quæ reddebant canonicis T.R.E. firmam quatuor septimanarum, et decano xx. sol.”

[149] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 24. ms. in bibl. Cotton. Julius, C. vi.

[150] Plac. coram rege, 2 Ric. 2.

[151] Domesday, “Canonici S. Probi tenent Lantrebois. Ibi est una hida.”

[152] Plac. coram rege, 2 Rich. 2.

[153] “A.D. 1258. dom. episc. Exon. contulit custodiam decanatus ecclesiæ S. Probi magistro Henrico de Bolish.” Reg. Bronscomb. episc. Exon.

[154] Pat. 3 Hen. 4. a grant of a prebend in the church of S. Probus; four had pensions at the suppression.

[155] And so it seems to have done, even at the time of the Lincoln taxation, 20 Ed. 1. where, among the dignities of the church of Exeter, “Thesauraria, præter ecclesiam S. Probi (quæ taxatur in archidiac. Cornub.) xxl.”

[156] Ms. Valor, in offic. Primitiarum.

[157] Quære, Whether it ought not rather to be the rectory of Saltash in Cornwall, which now belongs to Windsor college.

[158] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 19.

[159] Gervase of Cant. et Speed.

[160] Hen. Sulgrave, ms.

[161] Mon. Angl.

[162] Taxat. Lincoln. ms.

[163] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 37.

[164] Gervase of Cant. “Monachi Nigri.”

[165] Montacute was of this order.

[166] Because mentioned by Gervase of Cant. The church of St. Carric or Karentocus was given to Montacute by their founder; as Mon. Angl. ii. p. 910.

[167] Leland. Itin. vol. vii. p. 121.

[168] Pat. 25 Ed. 3. p. 1. m.. where is the grant of a prebend in this church by the crown, “Ratione temporalium episcopatus Exon. in manu regis existen.” The advowson of the vicarage is certainly in the bishop of Exeter.

[169] Taxat. Lincoln, ms. 20 Ed. 1.

[170] Portionarius ecclesiæ S. Tethæ Cornub. 25 Ed. 1. Prynne, iii. p. 703.

[171] Ex informatione Reverendissimi Caroli nuper Episc. Carliol.

[172] Their church was consecrated in the second year of bishop Walter Bronscomb. Registr. Bronscomb.

[173] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 27. where he calls them White friers; but he mentions them as Black friers, Itin. vol. vii. p. 120.

[174] Regist. Exon.

[175] Tax. Lincoln, ms.

[176] Registr. Exon. Ryley, p. 466. et Rot. 22 Ed. 1. but Leland [Collect. i. 76. Itin. vii. 120.] saith they were Cluny monks, by which name the foreign Benedictines were often called.

[177] Registr. Exon. Rymer, iv. 243. claus. 1 Ed. 3. p. 1. m. 22. Not to St. Peter super Dynam Sagiensis diœc. as Rymer, viii. 106. et Mon. Angl. i. 1036.

[178] Leland. Itin. vol. iii. p. 14.

[179] Ibid. p. 6. Arundel of Lanhern of late taken to be founder.

[180] Ms. Stow.

[181] Ms. Corp. Christ. coll. Cant.

APPENDIX.
XI.

SOME DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE PRIORY AT BODMIN.

Award of John Treffry, Thomas Brown, and others, in a Dispute between the Prior of Bodmyn and Richard Flamank, Esq., respecting Lands in Little Boscarn and Dynmur.

(Cart. Antiq. Harl. Mus. Brit. 57. A. 35.)

To all maner men that this present wrytyng comyth to, John Treffry efte Tremur, Thomas Brown, John Coche, and John Wythiell gretyng, Where diverse discencion, discordis and debatis weryn bytwene Alan priour of the priory of Bodmyn and his convent ther in the one party, and Richard Flamank esquier, in that other party, of and yn certeyn landys and tenementis with the appertenaunce in Litell Boscarn and Dynmur, of which landis and tenementis in Litell Boscarn there assise of novel disseisin hangith, and a writte of oyer and terminer of trespas supposed there afore John Hale and Richard Neweton, Justis of assise in the counte of Comwaill, assigned at the suyte of the said Richard agenst the saide priour and other. To whiche the saide Richard and the saide priour have putte ham yn arbitrement, ordinaunce, and juggement of ous forsaide Thomas and John Wythiell arbitrours in the party of the saide Richard chosen, and of ous forsaide John Tremur and John Coche arbitrours in the party of the saide priour chosen, to whiche arbitriment, ordinance, and juggement to stande and perfourme for the party of the saide Richard, Jamys Flamank ys bonden by his obligacion berynge date the Tywysday nexte after the Conversion of Seynt Paule the

yeer of reigne of Kyng Harry the Sexte twolthe, to the saide priour in cc. pound. And the forsaide priour ys bounden by his obligacion beryng date the same day and yeere to the saide Jamys yn cc. pound to stande and perfourme in his party the saide arbitriment, ordinaunce, and juggement as yn the same obligacions more pleynly ys conteyned. Be hit to knowe to alle manner men by this present our endentours, that we arbitrours forsaide arbitre, ordeyne, and ajugge in the fourme as ensueth, that ys to wete, that the bounde that comyth thurgh the doune lyinge bytween the lande of the saide priour and the saide Richard, comynge to a stone standynge with oute a diche by Dynmur wode yclepyd Kenediche in the north side of the said diche ther of old tyme beynge abounde, ys and schall be a bounde bytwene the saide priour and his successors and the saide Richard and his heyres; and so goyng don to another stone standyng of olde tyme in a banke of a grype; and fro that stone into another stone beyng of olde tyme a bounde; and fro that stone to another stone by an oke, by ous new pighte, and so the saide diche and the grype beyng several to the saide Richard and to his heires, and so fro the ende of that grype righte to the north west corner of Dynmur brigge by a bounde that we have set, is and schall be the bounde bytwene the saide priour and his successours, and the saide Richard and his heyres. And the saide Rychard and his heyres schal have al the landys withynne the same diche and boundys; and the saide Priour and his successours schal have al the land, wode, and the mill called Dynmur mille, beynge with oute the saide diche, gripe, and boundis, and also the saide Richard and his heyres schall have alle the land bynethe the said brigge; and that the saide priour and his successours schall have fre outefluvie and curse of water fro the saide mille into the water of Alan, in the manner as it rennith nowe; and also the saide priour and his successours schall have fre goynge and comynge for him and for his servaunts to purge and clense alle the saide curse of water, and to caste the stonys and gravell, fenne and slyme, of the same lete, in bothe sidys uppon the lande of the same Richard, there to abide and not to cast ne hele the motys ne the kutte of the treys ther growynge, and yf eny treys wyxen uppon the sides of the same water, in letting other noysaunce of the curse or purgynge of the

same water, thenne that the saide priour may do warne the saide Richard and his heyres to kutte and remove al suche treys, And but yf he so do with ynne sevene dayes after suche warnynge, that then it schal be lufful and lawfull to the saide priour and his successours and his servauntes to kutte and remove alle suche treys and leve on the grounde of the saide Richard. And also the saide priour, and his convent schal grante under har comune seal to the saide Jamys for his costages and for to be good frende to the saide priour and his successours havynge an annuyte of syxantwenty schelyng an eghte pans to be take yeerly, terme of his lyf, by the handys of the styward of the saide priour of the saide hous, who that ever be priour, at the festis of Nativite of Seynt John Baptiste and Cristismasse by evene portions, And if it be by hynde by a moneth after every terme forsaide, if it be asket by the saide Jamys other his servauntes that thenne it be lawfull to the forsaide Jamys in al the lands of Wythiellgoos to distreyne; and that distrece so take to imparke and inpounde it unto the tyme of the forsaide syxantwenty schelynge and eghte pans satisfaccion be ymade togeder with the arrerag, And also the forsaide priour and his successours schal holde perpetually onys a yeer, that ys to wetynge at Seynt Vincent ys day the obyt of Richard Flamank, Margaret his wyf, Jamys Flamank, and Elizabeth his wyff, and Anne the daughter of the saide Richard, and for all har good doerys, And also the forsaide Richard and Jamys Flamank and her heires schal leve al maner of suytes the whiche they have other maye have agenst the saide priour and convent and alle other men as twochinge the materys and causes forsaide, And also the saide priour and his successours schal leve al maner of suytes the whiche they haue other mowe haue against the forsaide Richard and Jamys Flamank, and all other men as twochynge the materys and causes forsaide. To whiche arbitriment, ordinaunce, and juggement, we foure arbitratours forsaide, to this our present endentours our seales haue y put her to wytnys. Thomas Moyle maior of the burgh of Bodmyn, John Corke, Thomas Bere of Bryn, John Nicoll, Walter Pole, John Peyntor, Thomas Daunant, and other. I wryte at Bodmyn awendysday nexte after the Conversion of Seynt Paule the year of reigne of our soveraygne lord Kynge Harry the Sexte twolthe.

Award in a Dispute between Thomas Bishop of Megarence and Prior of the House and Churche of our Lady and St. Petrok of Bodmyn, and John Flamank, respecting Rothyn More.

(Cart. Antiq. Har. 44. H. 20.)

To all true Cristen people to whom this present wrytyng indented shal come to see or rede, we William Carnsuyowe esquire, Nicholas Opy, and Cristofer Tredenek sende gretyng in our Lord God everlastyng; and wheere afore this tyme that stryff, debate, and variance hath byn hadde, movid, and yet hangith betwene the reverent fader in God Thomas bisshop of Megarence and prior of the house and church of our Lady and Seynt Petrok of Bodmyn in the right of the said house, of the oon parte, and John Flamank of Bocarun esquire, of the other parte, of and uppon the right, titill, and possession of certain landes called Savelyn More, otherwyse called Rothyn more, sett and liyng in the same more betwene the landes, tenementes and closes of the saide Fader in God of the west parte called Savelyn closes, and the landes, tenements, and closes of the said John Flamank called Rothyn, of the est parte, And for asmoche as the said more so in variance hath be so intrykyd with tynners ther wyrkyng nowe as in tymes passed, so that the bounds and waters rynnyng in the same that sumtyme weere bounds between the said parties, cannot be to us parfectly knowen, wheere vppon the saide parties stande bounde either to other in xlti li by ther severall oblicacions whois date is the last day of August in the xth yere of the raigne of Kyng Harry the viijth, to abyde the awarde and jugement of us the saide arbitrours of an uppon the premyses. Wheere uppon we the said arbitrours, the fyrst day of September the xth yere of the raigne of Kyng Harry the viijth, at the said more in variance called Rothyn more, called afore us the saide reverent fader in God and the saide John Flamank, and theere and then hyryng ther complynts, aunswers, reioynders, replicacions, and wyttenes in every part examyned by goode deliberacion and avisement, and also by the full aggrement and consent of both parties, fyrst we awarde, judge, and deme that all the tolle tyn that shall be wrought theere after the fest of Seynt Michell the arcangell nexte cornyng after this present date, in the said more, shall be equally divided and departed betweene

the saide reverent fader and his successours, priores of the saide house, of the one halfe for ever, and the other halfe to the saide John Flamank and his heyres for ever, wiche shal be wrought withyn the bounds and merkes hereafter folowyng; that is to say, fro Rothyn brygge upward in all the saide More elonges by the water that comyth from Tregewan to the closes of the saide fader in God in the west side of the saide More to the closes and heyges of the saide John Flamank in the est side of the saide more called Rothyn, and so fro the saide brygge uppe alonge in the saide More to a certain bounde and merke theere now redy made by a thorne, viz., a stone of Bodyell gray with a hole in the hede pyzt ther by the said thorne, for a bounde, and no furder; and if hit fortune hereafter any tyn in ther severall grounde to ther owne use and no more in the same to departe. And also we saide arbitrours adjuge and awarde that all the pasture wode, fwell, and other casualties being or growyng within the precyncte of the boundes afore by us rehersyd, to be ocupied and devyded equally betwene the saide fader in God and his successours, and the saide John Flamank and his heyres for ever, and that the saide fader in God and his successours shal not cutt nor selle no wode nor fwell theere growyng, without the aggrement and consent of the saide John Flamank and his heyres, nayther the saide John Flamank and his heyres shal not cut nor selle no wode nor fwell there growyng within the precyncte of the saide bounde without the aggrement and consent of the saide fader in God and his successours priours of the same house. In wetenes wheereof to this our arbitrement we the foresaide William Carnsuyowe esquire, Nicholas Opy, and Cristofer Treederick, have sette our seales and subscribed with our handes. Ygeven at Bodmyn on the fest of Seynte Michell the arcangell in the yere and raigne of Kyng Harry the viijth the xth yere.

Per me Willielmum Carnsuyelle,

Per me Nicolaum Opy,

Per me Cristophorum Tredenek.

The Prior of Bodmyn to Mr. Lock, complaining that the Canons refuse to live up to the Rules set them by their Visitor.

(From the Orig. MS. Cotton. Cleop. E. IV. fol. 116.)

Maister Lok, I harttili recommend me unto you; so thankyng you for your gret kyndeness and payne that ye have take for me, which I trust wons God wyllyng to recompens. Syr, I am sore disquieted with a sort of unthryfty chanons, my convent, and there berars, which of long contynuans has lyvyd unthriftili, and agene the gode order of relygyon, to the grete sklaunder of the same, as all the contrey can tell; for the reformacyon thereof, the buschope yn hys late visitacyon gave cartayne and dyvers injuncions commandyng me straytle to see obseruyd and kept; which ar noo harder than our owne rule and profession byndis us, and as alle other relygyus men use and observe where gode relygion is observed and kept. Wherewith they be sore greved, and yntend the most parte of them to depart with capacitise, with owt my concent and wylle, and won of them hathe purchased a capacyte the last terme, without my lycence, which is agene the words of his capacite, wherefor I have restrayneyd his departyng, for no gret los that I showld have of hym, but for the yl example to other; for yf I should suffer this man to depart yn thys manner I shal have never a chanon to byde with me. I am sore threttyned with won Mr. Roger Arundell a gret berar and mayntynar of my bretherne agenst me, and the procurar of there capacites, to be browght before the kyngs graces honourable councell, for that I have not suffered this lewde chanon to depart with his capacite accordyng to there yntent. I pray you harttili to shew this mater to my gode Mr. Secretary desieryng hym, as my speciall trust ys yn hym yf, anney complaints cum to hym, as I dowt not but that there wol, yt may plese hym to refer the examynation of the mater to Sir John Arundell, Sir Peter Eggecumbe, Sir John Chamond, or any other discrete gentilmen yn the contrey what so ever, so that I cum not to London as there purpose ys, which showld be to gret a charge for me to bere, my hous beyng sore yndetted all redye. This gentilman hathe procured a commyssion, as I am informyd, to pull down a were longyng to my pore hows, which hathe

stand up thes ccccc yere and more. If nede be I wol wryte more of this mater by Mr. Hill. Thus fare ye as wol as yoʳ gentil harte can thynke, and all my gode frends and loviers, to home pray you have harttili commendid. From 28 Maij by yoʳ owne for ever.

Thomas prior there.

Bodmyn.

(In a Book of Pensions remaining in the Augmentation Office.)

Hereafter ensuythe the namys of the late pror and convente of Bodmyn, in the countye of Cornwall, wt the annuall pencons assigned unto them by vertue of the Kyngs highnes comyssion the xxvijth daye of February in the XXXth yere of the reigne of or most drade souũeigne lorde Kyng Henry the viijth, the furst payment of the saide pen[~co]ns and e[~v]y of them to begynne at the feaste of th’annūcia[~co]n of or blessed Lady next comyng for one qurrt, and so after, that to be payde ev’y halfe yere duryng their lyffs; according to the rate hereafter specyfied —

That is to say,

Furst, Tho[=m]s Wannysworth prorlxvjli xiijs iiijd
Richarde Olyver, suppiorviijli
Richarde Luer, blynde and of th’age of one hundrethe yeresxli & vj dussen wodes yerly.
Benett Smythevjli
Tho[=m]s Rosemondevjli
John Wylcokecvjs viijd
Tho[=m]s Marshallcvjs viijd
John Daglecvjs viijd
Michell Flemyngxls
John Bestexls
Tho[=m]s Rawlyns, blynde and aged, for his corrody yerlyxls
S[=m] of all the pen[~co]ns aforesaidecxviijli xiijs iiijd
Jᵒ Tregonwell,
William Petre,
John Smyth.

Fiant pensiones religiosis predictis.
Rychard Ryche.

Valor Ecclesiasticus tempore Henr. VIII.

(From the First Fruits’ Office.)

Spiritualia.
Com. Cornubiæ.
BodminDecim. Garb£723
Decim. Personal’641
Oblac’ ad Virginem Mariam0106
MynfreyDecim. Garb14136
CutberteDecim. Garb17100
PadistoweDecim. Garb1496
Decim. Pisc400
Oblac200
LanhidiokGarb420
Oblac 022
Decim. Personal080
Aliis Profic’ ibidem100
£7220

Temporalia.
Bodmyn, Lanhiderok, Fosnewith, et Bree.Redd. et Firm.£74187
PendeweyRedd. et Firm.2400
BodynellRedd. et Firm.708
WythiellRedd. et Firm.11125
Rialton LiberaRedd. et Firm.2700
  InfraRedd. et Firm.2200
ReterghRedd. et Firm.10134
ElynglaseRedd. et Firm.14100
PadistoweRedd. et Firm.1075
Com. Devon.
Newton PetrokRedd. et Firm.796
HolcombRedd. et Firm.510
Vendic. Bosc300
Summa Valoris, tam Spiritual’ quam Temporal’£2891111

Comput. Ministrorum Domini Regis temp. Hen. VIII.

(Abstract of Roll, 31 Hen. VIII. Augmentation Office.)

Bodmin Prioratus.

Com. Cornub.
BodmynScit’ cum Terr. Da[=n]ical’ Firm.£81710
Bodmyn Maner’ cum Capell. de LanghidrockeRedd. liƀor’ Tenenc’700
Redd. tam Custom. quam Convenc’. Tenen15190
BrayeFirma168
LangcarneFirma001
NewnamFirma001
Langhydroke cum Capell.Firma100
Bodmyn Terr. D[=n]ical.Firma1335
Bodmyn VillaFeod’ Firma5100
Perquis. Cur.0190
PendevyeRedd. tam Custom. quam Convenc’. Tenen2528
Perquis. Cur080
Bodynyell Maner.Firma500
Wythiell Maner.Firma1000
Rialton et Retargh Maner. cum hundred. de Petherschel al’ PetherRedd. Assis8317½
Firma Terr. D[=n]ical1568
Elynglas et Kelsey Maner. in quadam Insula voc’ the Gull RockFirma18170
Newton Petrocke et HalcombeFirma12106
Paddestowe Maner. cum memb. ac cert. Terr. in Lanlesyke.Firma2086½
Bodmyn Menstre et PaddestoweDecim’ Garb.5400
Bodmyn Sanct. CuthbertDecim’ Garb.1900
Decim’ Prædial et Minut.641
Trenowe in Tyntagell Por[~co]Decim’ Garb.068
PaddestowFirm. De cim. Pisc. &c.1000
Eglosayll’Penc’200

APPENDIX.
XII.

EARLS OF CORNWALL.

The following account of the different individuals who have held the office of Prince or Earl of Cornwall from the earliest times, till the period of its becoming merely nominal, excepting as to emolument and patronage, with the new appellation of Duke, under the fantastic settlement of King Edward the Third, is derived from Dugdale’s Baronage.

EARLS OF CORNWALL ANTE CONQU:

Anno 499. Of this county was Gorlois Earl, in the time of Uther Pendragon, King of the Britons, of whom this is reported.[182] That Uther determining to solemnize the Feast of Easter at London, with great honor, appointed all his nobles to be thereat, amongst which, this Gorlois then was, together with Igerna his wife, whose beauty did surpass all other British women, so that the king fell in love with her, and courted her with all delicates; which being discerned by the Earl, he retired speedily into his country without leave; the king, therefore, being highly incensed against him for so doing, hasted after him into Cornwall, and fired divers of his towns, and at length besieged him at Dimilioch, provoked him to come out to battle, which he did so inconsiderately,

he being one of the first mortally wounded, his followers disperst themselves. After whose death the king took Igerna to wife, and begot on her a son, called Arthur, who became afterwards not a little famous.

Anno 517. The next Earl was Cador,[183] who when King Arthur had besieged Colgrine, the Saxon General in the City of York, understanding that Baldulph the brother of Colgrine, expecting the coming of more Saxons upon the sea coast, designed to fall upon King Arthur in the night time, Arthur having notice thereof by his scouts, sent this valiant Cador with six hundred horse, and three thousand foot, who, meeting the enemy unexpectedly, slew many of them, and routed the rest.

Anno 520. About three years after,[183] upon another invasion of the Saxons, and a great battle fought with them near Bathe in Somersetshire, wherein Colgrine and Baldulph (before mentioned) lost their lives; and Cheldric the other principal leader of them, with the remaining part of their forces, were put to flight, this Earl Cador, by King Arthur’s command, pursued them into the Isle of Thanet, slew Cheldric, and forced the rest to yield themselves to his mercy.

Anno 542. This noble Cador left issue Constantine,[183] whom King Arthur at his death appointed to be his successor in his kingdom of Britain.

The next Earl was Godric,[184] of whom I have seen no other mention than that Egelwold, sometime King of England, leaving no other issue that survived him, but one daughter, named Goldusburgh, (six years of age at his death) committed her to the tuition of this Godric, who afterwards gave her in marriage to Haveloc, son to Birkelan King of Denmark.

In the time of King Æthelred, Ailmer, or Æthelmare, (for so he was also called) was Earl of this county, who being a person of singular piety, founded[185] first of all the Abbey of Cerne in Dorsetshire, in the days of King Edgar, and had so great a veneration to the memory of Eadwan, brother of S. Edmund the Martyr, who led[185] an hermit’s life in Dorsetshire,[186] before mentioned, near to a certain spring called the Silver Well, that with the help of Dunstan (Archbishop of Canterbury) he translated his

relics to the old church of Cernel, then the parish church.

After this, scil. in An. 1005 (in the time of King Ethelred,) he founded[187] the Abbey of Eynesham in Oxfordshire, and likewise[188] the Priory of Bruton in Somersetshire, (all Monks of the Benedictine Order) which he amply endowed, as by the authorities which I have here cited will appear; though in that of Bruton, canons of S. Augustine were afterwards placed.

This Ailmer was[189] also Earl of Devonshire, under which title, in the year 1013, when[189] Suane, King of Denmark, overrun the greatest part of the land with his army, and forced King Ethelred to betake himself unto the city of Winchester for refuge, he with all the great men of the West, fearing the tyranny of the Danes, submitted[189] themselves to Suane, and gave hostages[189] for their peaceable obedience unto him. And about three years after this, when King Edmond Ironside fought so stoutly against King Canute, (son to the same Suane) he joining[190] with that traitorous Eadric Streone, Earl of Mercia, and Earl Algar, adhered[190] to Canute.

Of his issue there nothing more appeareth, than that he left a son[191] called Æthelward, who in the year 1018 was killed[191] by King Canute, together with that great traitor Eadric Streone, Earl of Mercia.

ROBERT, EARL OF CORNWALL.

To this Earldom was Robert, Earl[192] of Moreton in Normandy,[192] brother to King William by the mother, shortly[192] after the Conquest advanced, and had other great honours given[192] him in this realm.

In the time of King William Rufus, taking[193] part with his brother Odo, Earl of Kent, in that insurrection on the behalf of Robert Curthose, he held[194] the castle of Pevensey on that account; but so soon as the King laid siege thereto, rendered[194] it up to him, and made his peace.

This Earl having had[195] the standard of Saint Michael

carried before him in battle, as the words of his charter do import (under which it is to be presumed he had been prosperous) did, out of great devotion to God and the Blessed Virgin, for the health of his soul and the soul of his wife, as also for the soul of the most glorious King William (for those are his expressions) give[196] the Monastery of S. Michael, at the Mount in Cornwall, unto the Monks of S. Michael de Periculo Maris in Normandy, and to their successors in pure alms.

To the Abbey of Grestein in Normandy[197] founded by Herlwine de Contevill, his father, he was a great benefactor, for he gave[198] thereunto the lordships of Gratings and Broteham in Suffolk, and the tithe of Cambis, as also his lands at Saisinton in Cambridgeshire; which place of Gratings (now Cretings) was a cell to that foreign monastery. He likewise[198] gave thereto the manor of Wilminton in Sussex, where also there was a cell for monks of that religious house; and in Ferlis[198] five hides of lands. In Pevensel he gave[198] them the house of one Engeler; and in his Forest of Pevensel, granted to them pannage and herbage, with timber for repair of their churches and houses, as also fuel for fire.

He gave moreover to that Abbey of Grestein half the fishing of Langeney, and the whole tithe of that fishing, as also the churches of Eldene, Wesdene, and Ferles, and one hide of land at Heetone. But whereas he found that the greatest part of the possessions which belonged to the Priory of St. Petroc at Bodmin in Cornwall, founded by King Æthelstan, had been[199] taken from the same, and enjoyed by canons secular, he therefore seised[199] upon the remainder, and converted them to his own use.

When he departed this world, I do not find; but if he lived after William Rufus so fatally lost his life by the glance of an arrow in New Forest from the bow of Walter Tirell; then was it unto him that this strange apparition happened, which I shall here speak of, otherwise it must be to his son and successor Earl William,—the story[200] whereof is as followeth. In that very hour that the king received that fatal stroke, the Earl of Cornwall being hunting in a wood distant from that place about two ——

and left alone by his attendants, was accidentally met by a very great black goat, bearing the king all black, and naked, and wounded through the midst of his breast; and adjuring the goat by the Holy Trinity to tell what that was he so carried, he answered, “I am carrying your King to judgment, yea that tyrant William Rufus, for I am an evil spirit, and the revenger of his malice which he bore to the church of God, and it was I that did cause this his slaughter; the protomartyr of England, St. Alban, commanding me so to do; who complained to God of him for his grievous oppressions in this Isle of Britain, which he first hallowed,” all which the Earl related soon after to his followers.

This Earl Robert took to wife[201] Maud, daughter to Roger de Montgomery (Earl of Shrewsbury) which Maud was also a great benefactress to the Monks of Grestine in Normandy, by the gift[202] of Conoc, consisting of ten hides, and two hides in Bodingham, with the church of that place, as also one house in London, with all customs thereto belonging. Moreover, she gave[202] unto them two and thirty hides of land which she had of Roger de Montgomery her father, viz. at Harinton eight, at Mersen eleven, at Hiteford six, at Langeberge two, at Tavistone three and an half, and at Clavendon three yards land.

By this Maud he had issue[203] William, who succeeded him in these earldoms of Moreton and Cornwall, and three daughters, whose Christian names are not expressed; whereof the first was wife[203] to Andrew de Vitrei; the Second to[203] Guy de la Val; the third to the Earl of Thoulouse, brother to Raymond Count of St. Giles, who behaved himself so valiantly in the Jerusalem expedition.

The lands whereof he was possessed at the time of the Conqueror’s Survey,[204] were in Sussex, fifty-four manors, besides the borough of Pevensel; in Devonshire seventy-five, besides a church and a house in Exeter; in Yorkshire an hundred and ninety-six; in Wiltshire five; in Dorsetshire forty-nine; in Suffolk ten; in Hantshire one; in Middlesex five; in Oxfordshire one; in Cambridgeshire five; in Hertfordshire thirteen; in Buckinghamshire twenty-nine; in Gloucestershire one; in Northamptonshire

ninety-nine; in Nottinghamshire six; and in Cornwall two hundred and forty-eight, having two castles, one at Dunhevet, the other at Tremeton.

William, succeeding Earl Robert his father in the earldom of Moreton in Normandy, and this of Cornwall, being a person[205] of a malicious and arrogant spirit from his childhood, envied the glory of King Henry the First; and not contented with those two earldoms, demanded from King Henry the earldom of Kent as his right, which earldom his uncle Odo (the Bishop) formerly had, giving out[205] privately, that he would not put on his robe, unless that inheritance which he challenged by descent from his uncle might be restored to him, unto which demand, the King at first, considering[205] his own unsettled condition, gave[205] a subtile and dilatory answer; but when[205] he discerned that those clouds, from whence he doubted a storm, were over, he not only denied[205] his request, but began to question him for whatsoever he possessed unrightfully; yet (that he might not seem to oppose what was just) modestly yielding[205] that he should have a lawful trial for the same; but with that judicial sentence, which thereupon ensued, this Earl being highly displeased, in a great rage got over into Normandy, and there besides some fruitless attempts which he made against the King’s castles, having an evil eye towards Richard Earl of Chester (son of Hugh) made[206] no little spoil upon his lands, though he was then but a child, and in the King’s tutelage; from which time, together with Robert de Bellesme, Earl of Shrewsbury, he ceased not[206] to foment a rebellion in those parts. Anno 1103.

4th H. I. 1104. The king therefore discerning these his practises, seised[207] upon all his possessions here in England, razed[208] his castles to the ground, and banished[208] him this realm.

And not long after passing[208] over into Normandy to quench those flames which these two earls had made by joining with Robert Curthose (who thought himself injured, that his younger brother Henry had made himself King,) subdued[208] (anno 1106) all that power which there appeared against him, and at length laid siege to Tenerchebray (a town belonging to this[208] Earl). For the raising whereof

Duke Robert with this William, and Robert de Belesme, and many other came[209] with a great army, where a short fight[210] ensued, this earl leading[211] the van, and Robert de Belesme the rear; and of the king’s army, Ranulf de Bajorsis (an eminent baron) the van, and Robert Earl of Mellent the rear. The armies thus disposed, our Earl William made the[212] onset upon Ranulf with extraordinary courage, but could not break through his troops, they stood so stoutly to it. The front on both sides thus maintaining their ground, Helias Earl of Maine, (on the King’s part) fell upon the flank of the enemy’s foot, who being not well armed, were soon shattered, which disorder, being observed by Robert de Bellesme, he began to fly with the rear; whereupon, the King soon obtained an absolute victory, the duke himself being made prisoner, and all his principal adherents, amongst which, this Earl, being taken by the Britains, from whose hands the king and his friends had much ado to get him, was sent prisoner into England, there to be secured during his life.[213] After which, the king causing his eyes to be put out, bestowed[214] his earldom of Moreton upon Stephen of Blois (son of Stephen Earl of Champaine), whom he then honoured with knighthood, who was after King of England.

This Earl William built[215] the castle of Montacute in Somersetshire, and called it by that name from the sharpness of the hill on which he did set it, and likewise founded[216] a priory near thereto, which he amply endowed, annexing it as a cell to the Abbey of Cluny in Burgundy.

He also gave[217] to the Abbey of Bee in Normandy his lordship of Preston in the Rape of Pevensel in Sussex, and was buried[218] in the Abbey of Bermondsey in Southwark; but when he died, I find no mention, nor of either wife or issue that he had.

REGINALD EARL OF CORNWALL.

This Reginald was[219] one of the illegitimate sons of King Henry the First, (begotten, as it is generally believed,[220] on the daughter of Robert Corbet,) and surnamed[221] de Dunstanvill.

In 3 Stephen, he was a stout adherer[221] to Maud the Empress, against Stephen; but afterwards falling off, was in anno 1140 (5 Steph.) made[222] Earl of Cornwall by that king. Howbeit, after this, being surprised in Cornwall, at a certain castle then in the power of the king, by one William Fitz Richard (a person of a noble extraction and ample fortune in those parts) violating his faith to that king, he married the daughter of this William,[223] and thereupon reduced that whole country to his will, grievously oppressing all the king’s party, and not sparing what was sacred, insomuch as he underwent the sentence of ex-communication for so doing by the Bishop of Exeter. The king therefore hearing of these his rebellious practices, marched suddenly thither with a powerful army, and recovering those strong-holds by him gained, committed[224] them to the trust of Earl Alan (of Richmond).

After this, scil. in 6 Steph. he was[225] in that fatal battle of Lincoln, against King Stephen; but ere long, the tide turning, by the success which the king had in taking[226] the Castle of Forandune, in com. Berks, which Robert Earl of Gloucester had built on the behalf of the empress, being by her sent with overtures of peace to the king, he was taken by Philip, a younger son to that earl, who had revolted to the king’s side.

After which time I find no more mention of him till 2 Henry II. that he had the lordship of Meleburne, in com. Somerset, given[228] him by King Henry, as also[229] the manors of Karswill and Depeford, with the hundreds.

In 10 Henry II. he endeavoured (for the king’s honour as it is said) a reconciliation betwixt King Henry and

Thomas Becket, then Archbishop of Canterbury; which not taking effect, he was the next year sent[231] to visit him in his sickness, and after that to[232] acquaint him with the judgment given against him.

Furthermore, upon the levying of that aid, in 12 Henry II. for marrying the king’s daughter, he certified[233] his knights’ fees to be two hundred and fifteen and a third part in Cornwall and Devonshire; for which, in 14 Hen. II. he paid[234] two hundred and fifteen marks, 4s. 5d. besides[234] £59. 6s. 8d. for the knights’ fees of Richard (de Redvers) Earl of Devon.

Moreover, in 19 Henry II. upon that rebellion of Robert Earl of Leicester, on the behalf of young Henry (the king’s son), he marched[235] against him (with the Earl of Gloucester) to St. Edmondsbury, and the year following joined with[236] Richard de Luci (at that time Justice of England) in the siege of Leicester, then held out by the forces of the earl, which town they took,[236] though not the castle.

This Earl Reginald, for the health of the soul of King Henry his father, gave[237] to the monks in the Isle of Sully, all the wreck of sea happening upon that island, excepting Wales, and any whole ship. And departing[238] this life at Certesey in anno 1175 (21 Hen. II.) was buried[238] at Reading, having issue four daughters, viz. —— married[239] to Richard de Redvers, Lord of the Isle of Wight; Maud, to[240] Robert Earl of Mellent; Ursula, to[240] Walter de Dunstanvill; and Sarah, to[241] the Viscount of Limoges, who had,[241] in frank marriage with her, the moiety of the manor of Thiwernhy in Cornwall.

He also left issue[242] two sons, but illegitimate; the one called[242] Henry FitzCount, begotten[242] on the body of Beatrix de Vaus, lady of Torre and Karswell; which Henry, through the bounty of King Henry the Second, had a grant[242] of the whole county of Cornwall, as also of[242] the manors of[242] Bradeneth and Ocford, with other lands in com. Devon, and the lordship of Karswell, by the gift[242] of Beatrix his mother.

The other son was called[242] William.

Upon the death of this Reginald, the king retained[243] the Earldom of Cornwall in his own hands, and likewise all his lands in England and Wales, for the use of John his own son (afterwards king), excepting[243] a small proportion to his daughters before mentioned.

I come now to Henry (the older of his illegitimate sons) in regard he was a person of note in his time.

This Henry, by the name[244] of Henry Fitz-Count, had in 4 Joh. an assignation[244] of £20 (current money of Anjou) for his support in that king’s service at Roan; and about that time gave[245] twelve hundred marks for the lands of William de Traci, which lands Hugh de Curtenai and Henry de Traci afterwards enjoyed.

In 17 Joh. this Henry had from the king a grant[246] of the whole county of Cornwall, with the demesnes, and all other its appurtenances, to farm, until the Realm should be in peace, and the king clearly satisfied whether he ought to hold it by right of inheritance, or as part of the demesne of the crown; and being then made constable[247] of the castle at Lanceston, rendered[247] up the government of the castle of Porcestre, which he had formerly held. Moreover, by the assent[248] of that king, he held[248] the town and castle of Totneis, as also[248] the manors of Corneworth and Lodeswell, which Reginald de Braose formerly had by the grant of King Henry the Second. And 1 Hen. III. obtained another grant[249] of the county of Cornwall, with all its appurtenances, to hold in as full and ample manner as Reginald Earl of Cornwall held it, and not to be disseised thereof, but by judgment of the King’s Court.

In 4 Hen. III. it appears[250] that he stood indebted to the king in five hundred ninety-seven pounds and one mark, which was due by him to King John for the honour of Braeles (alias Broeneis), and that the same year disobeying[251] the king’s commands, as also stubbornly departing[251] the court without leave, the king discharged all his subjects,[251] and in particular those of Cornwall, from having anything to do with him. Howbeit, soon after, through the mediation[251] of the Bishops of Norwich, Winchester, and Exeter, as also[251] of Hubert de Burgh (then Justice of

England) and some others, giving[252] up the Castle of Lanceston, and the county of Cornwall, with all the homage and services thereto belonging, as fully as King John enjoyed them at the beginning of the war which he had with his barons, his peace[252] was then made with a salvo jure, &c. saving the right he pretended to for that county, wherein the king was to do him justice when he should come of age.

But that as it seems was never done: for certain it is that the king did not arrive to his full age till long after the death of this Henry, it being evident[253] that he died about two years after, viz. in 6 Hen. III. whereupon command was given to the Sheriff of Cornwall, that he should permit his executors to enjoy all his goods, and likewise the rents of all his lands whereof he was possessed when he went to Hierusalem for the full term, for all those who were signed with the cross.

It is by some thought that this Henry succeeded his father in the Earldom of Cornwall, in regard that King Henry the Third in the first year of his reign granted to him the county of Cornwall, with all its appurtenances, as is above expressed. But considering that the title of earl was never attributed to him after that time, I cannot conceive anything more passed by that grant, than the barony or revenue of that county. For it is observable, that in patent[254] to Richard Duke of Gloucester, by King Edward the Fourth, whereby he grants him Castrum, Comitatum, Honorem, et Dominium Richmundiæ, there passed no more than the mere Seignorie, otherwise he would not have omitted the title of Earl thereof amongst his styles. The like may be noted of Raphe Earl of Westmerland, who had Castrum, Comitatum, Dominium, et Honorem Richmundiæ granted[255] to him by King Henry the Fourth, yet never enjoyed the title of Earl of Richmond.

RICHARD EARL OF CORNWALL.

Of this county, Richard, a younger son to King John (for he calls him[256] filius noster) had the title of Earl in the

time of King Henry the Third. Of him the first mention I find is in 16 Joh. the king then directing his precept[257] to Peter de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, (at that time Justice of England) for livery (though then very young) of all the lands of Roese de Dovor, whom he had married,[257] she being in the custody[257] of William de Brewer; but not long after this (notwithstanding his tender years) he was, in 1 H. III. constituted governor[258] of Chileham Castle in Kent, and the next ensuing year obtained a grant[259] from the king of the honour of Walingford.

Moreover, in 5 Hen. III. he had a grant[260] of the honour of Eye, to hold during pleasure, (which shortly after was rendered to the Duke of Lovain, the right owner thereof); and in 9 Hen. III. had the like grant[261] of the custody of the county of Cornwall (id est the sherevalty) during the king’s pleasure, Henry de Berkering being his substitute.

In this 9th year of Henry III. he was girt[262] with the sword of knighthood, upon Candlemas Day, with ten other noble persons who were designed for his service; and soon after accompanied[263] William Longespe, Earl of Salisbury, (his uncle,) into Gascoigne, having letters of[263] recommendation from the King to the Archbishop and Citizens of Burdeaux, who gladly welcoming him thither, assisted[263] him with their best advice for recovery of those lost territories; whereupon he raised[264] forces in all those parts, having had from the king (before he set out of England) a grant of the county of Cornwall, with all Poictou, for which respect he was generally called[264] Earl of Poictou; and marching into the country, in a short time subjugated[264] all those places by force which declined to do homage to him, receiving a supply[265] of Welsh from hence, with a large[265] sum of money.

It is reported,[266] that whilst he lay at the siege of the castle of Riole, hearing of the approach of the Earl of March, he divided his army, and with part thereof, keeping the seige with the rest, gave him battle, and obtained an absolute victory, whereby he gained all their baggage, and took many prisoners; and not long after this, having merited so well by these his successful beginnings, upon the third day of Pentecost (id est, 3 calend. Junii,

11 Hen. III.) was advanced to[267] the title and dignity of Earl of Cornwall, at Westminster, with great solemnity.

But within a while after there grew much difference[268] betwixt him and the king his brother, touching a certain lordship given to Waleran Teutonicus (id est, Ties) by King John, which he alleged[268] to be parcel of the Earldom of Cornwall, and caused possession to be taken of it for himself; whereupon, Waleran making a complaint, the king first wrote to him about it, and then sent for him, commanding the render thereof, which he refused to do, challenging the judgment of his peers as to matter of right. Whereat the king took such offence that he required him forthwith to do it, or depart the realm; unto which he answered, that he would not deliver up the land, nor, without the sentence of his peers, go out of the kingdom; and in great discontent departing went[268] to his own house; which breach betwixt the king and him caused Hubert de Burgh (then justice of England, and in chief power at court) to advise the king to surprise him in his bed the next night following, lest he should raise a disturbance in the realm; but being privily advertised of that design, he fled immediately away, making no stop till he got[269] to Reading; and thence hasting to Marlborough, there found his trusty friend William Mareschal, Earl of Pembroke, unto whom having made relation of what had passed, they took their course to the Earl of Chester; and being thus got together, through the power and interest of their friends raised a potent army, making their rendezvous at Stanford, whence they sent a minatory message to the king, but imputing all the fault to Hubert de Burgh, requiring a confirmation of that charter of the forest which had been cancelled at Oxford. The king, therefore, discerning this cloud, appointed a meeting at Northampton upon the third of the nones of August next following, assuring them that he would there do full right unto all; where meeting accordingly, for their better satisfaction (amongst other his condescensions) he gave this Earl Richard his mother’s dowry, with all the lands in England which did appertain to the Earl of Britanny, as also those which belonged to the Earl of Bolein, then deceased[270]; whereupon, he had livery[271] of the whole

county of Rutland. And in 15 Henry III. obtained another grant[272] of the inheritance of the honour of Walingford, with the castle and all its appurtenances, as also the manor of Watlington, to hold by the service of three knights’ fees; likewise, of all the lands in England[272] which Queen Isabell (the king’s mother) held in dower, and of those which belonged to Robert de Drewes, and to the Duke of Lorrain (at that time seised into the king’s hands), to hold until such time as the king should restore them.

Moreover, he then procured another grant[272] of the whole county of Cornwall, with the stanneries and mines, to be held of the king and his heirs by the service of two knights’ fees, bearing at that time the title[272] of Earl of Cornwall and Poictou. And before the end of that year, (viz. in the month of April,) the solemnity of the Feast of Easter being finished, took[273] to wife Isabell, Countess of Gloucester, widow of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and sister to William Mareschal, then Earl of Pembroke; likewise the same year he obtained a grant[274] of the manor, castle, and honour of Knaresburgh, in com. Ebor. to himself and the issue of his body by the same Isabell, to hold by the service of two knights’ fees.

Nor was he less eminent for his military knowledge than for those his great advancements in riches and honour; for in 20 Henry III. ambassadors from the Emperor came[275] to the king to desire that he might be sent to make war on his behalf against the French; but the king (though then married) having no child, answered,[275] that it could not stand with reason or safety that a person so young, and especially at that time being the heir apparent to the crown, should be employed on such an hazardous adventure, offering them the choice of any other. Nevertheless, before[276] the end of that year, this earl (with Gilbert Marshal, then Earl of Pembroke, and divers other great men) took[276] upon him the cross for a journey to the Holy Land; and for the better furnishing himself with money, sold many of his woods; but notwithstanding this resolution, he went not at that time, for the next year following, (viz. 21 Hen. III.) the king being seduced by the advice of aliens, and having wasted his treasure, required[277] a great supply from his subjects, which being

granted and put into the hands of aliens to be transported, occasioned[278] high discontents; this earl, therefore, dealt freely with him, and represented to him the danger thereof; and though he found that what he then said availed little, ceased not the next year following to continue[278] his good advice, and in particular to tell him how ill he had done in permitting Simon de Montfort to marry the Countess of Pembroke his sister; which free and plain dealing with the king did not at all alienate his affections from him, for shortly after, viz. in 23 Hen. III. he obtained a grant[279] of the Castle of Lidford and Forest of Dertmore in fee; before the end of which year, meeting[280] with divers of the nobility at Northampton, they did there by oath oblige[280] themselves to go forthwith into the Holy Land for the service of God and the church.

Taking his leave therefore (soon after) of the bishops and divers others of the nobles at Reading, (there met by the appointment of the Pope’s Legate,) many of them wept,[281] in regard he was a person wholly minding the public welfare; whereupon, he told[282] them, that had he not made his vow, he would go rather than stay to see the approaching miseries fall upon this realm; and having prepared[283] all things ready for his journey, came[283] to the Abbey of St. Alban’s, where, in full chapter, he desired[283] the prayers of that whole convent for his good success, then went[283] to London, and took his leave[283] of the king, the legate, and nobles, and so hasted to Dovor; whence, soon after arriving in France, he was nobly received[284] by the king of that realm, and his mother, who sent[284] the marshall to conduct him through that country, and to entertain him in all places honourably thence to Avinion, where he had also free and great entertainment; then to[285] Vienna, whence he intended to take shipping for Arles; and being in those parts, was met by[286] the Earl of Provence, (whose daughter King Henry had married,) and so hasted to[286] the city of St. Giles, there to do his devotions, and receive the benediction of the monks of that place, which done he gave them twenty marks; but before he went thence, there came[287] to him a legate from the Pope (with the Archbishop of Arles) to inhibite[287] him from proceeding further on his journey, which he took so ill (being

fully resolved thereon, and fitted accordingly), that he refused[288] both to obey their authority, and to hearken to their dissuasions. Seeing, therefore, all their endeavours in vain, they would have persuaded him to take shipping at the port called the Deadwater, but that he liked not, and so entered[289] the Mediterranean at Marseilles.

In anno 1241, (25 Hen. III.) being come into the Holy Land, he accepted of a truce with the Souldan of Babylon, upon condition[290] that the French who were prisoners there might be released, and that Jerusalem, with all the parts adjacent, should be free from any molestation, as also upon divers other articles honourable to the Christians. And the next year following, viz. 26 Hen. III. returned; the king, therefore, having intelligence thereof, with the queen, met[291] him at Dovor.

Soon after which, a Parliament being held at Westminster, where all the nobles were met, this earl was sent[292] to them by the king (with the provost of Beverley) to desire their advice for the recovery of his inheritance in Normandy and other parts of France. But finding that the king did not incline to follow the counsel of those who sought the general honour and good of himself and the realm, after some sharp dispute with him thereon, he associated himself with the Earls Marshal, Hereford, and some others, and took[293] shipping for France.

Before this time, it was, saith[294] my author, that the king, by the advice of his nobles, having given him the whole province of Gascoigne, he went thither, and showing his charter received the homages of that people, and after some years by another charter had a confirmation of that grant; but afterwards, when the queen was delivered of a son, that she so far prevailed with the king as he should reassume his grant, and give it to the prince, and that thereupon, this earl grew much displeased, insisting still upon his right, though he had thus lost the possession. Moreover, that the king being then in Gascoigne, and finding the people wavering in their obedience, not well knowing which way to lean, he did in great wrath require this earl to resign his grant, and to quit his whole right thereto. Also, that finding him refractory, he gave

command that the men of Bordeaux should seize upon him by night and imprison him, which they refused to do, partly in respect of his birth, and partly by reason they had done homage to him. And, furthermore, seeing he could not prevail with them that way, he corrupted some with gifts to effect his desires, viz. to lay hands on him as a rebel, and cast him in prison; also, that having advertisement thereof (then lodging in the monastery of S. Cross at Bourdeaux) he got privily on shipboard to come for England, but without provisions or any necessaries for the journey; and lastly, (to add to his affliction,) that he was so tossed with a fearful tempest, as that being in no little peril of shipwreck, he made a vow to found an abbey for monks of the Cistercian order, in case he should safe arrive in England.

The next thing memorable of him is, that having taken another journey to the Holy Land (with William Longespe, Earl of Salisbury), he returned[295] thence, in anno 1422, (26 Hen. III.) and accompanied[295] the king into Gascoigne, in aid of Hugh le Brun, Earl of March (who had married the king’s mother), and was[295] with him in that battle near Xant against the King of France; after which, the next ensuing year, he married[296] Senchia, daughter of Reymund Earl of Provence, sister to the Queen, the wedding being kept at Westminster with great pomp, whom he endowed[297] at the church door with the third part of all his lands, whereof he then stood possessed, or should afterwards acquire, the castle and manor of Berkhampstead being part; and shortly after, keeping his Christmas[298] at Walingford, entertained the[298] king and most of the nobility there with extraordinary feasting.

In 30 Hen. III. the templars and hospitalers electing[299] many secular persons into their societies for succour of the Holy Land, and defence of those castles then besieged there, this earl sent[299] them a thousand pounds towards that good work. And the same year, in accomplishment[300] of his vow formerly made, founded[300] a Cistercian abbey at Hales (near Winchcombe, in com. Gloc.) causing also the church of Beaulieu (which his father King John had

founded) to be then dedicated. Moreover, in anno 1247, (31 Hen. III.) by authority[301] from the Pope, he gathered[301] vast sums of money from those who were signed with the cross. And the next year following, through importunity with the king, obtained[302] that no clipt money should be current.

In anno 1250, (34 Henry III.) passing[303] through France with a pompous retinue, viz.[303] forty knights, all in rich liveries, five waggons, and fifty sumpter horses, (his lady and his son Henry being also with him,) the pope being then at Lyons, sent[304] all his cardinals, except one, besides a number of clerks, to meet him, and conduct him thither, and there receiving him with great respect, feasted[304] him at his own table. Being returned[304] from thence in anno 1251, (35 Hen. III.) on the eve of St. Leonard, he caused the Church of Hales to be dedicated[304] with great solemnity; which, with extraordinary costs, he had so founded, as is before observed. And in 36 Hen. III. obtained a grant[305] of the Manor of Ocham in Rutland (sometime belonging to Isabel de Mortimer), in part of payment of five hundred pounds due to him from the king, upon the marriage of Senchia his wife, to hold to himself and the heirs of his body by her.

Moreover, the next ensuing year, Albert, a clerk, coming[306] over into England from the Pope, made offer to him of the kingdom of Apulia, of which he refused[306] to accept, unless he might have some cautionary places of strength, as also hostages, for securing his possession. And in 38 Hen. III. the king then going into Gascoigne he was joined[307] with the queen in the government here during his absence, in which year he exacted vast sums of money from the Jews for the king’s use.

It is observed,[308] that in anno 1255, (39 Hen. III.) upon a full meeting of the nobles in Parliament at Westminster, the king specially applied himself to this earl by a formal speech for a large supply of money, viz. forty thousand pounds, the pope having also written letters to him for that purpose, signifying that he should therein give a good example to others; but herein he answered neither of their expectations. And being a person of high repute for his

heroic and noble endowments, about two years after (in the parliament[309] held at London on the Feast of the Nativity), certain nobles of Almaine being arrived here, represented[309] to the whole baronage of England then met, that by unanimous consent of the princes of the empire he was elected King of the Romans, shewing letters testimonial for further manifestation thereof; soon after which, the Archbishop of Cologne, with divers others of the nobles of that country, came[310] likewise hither, and did homage[310] to him; whereupon, he gave[310] them five hundred marks towards their travelling expenses, as also a rich mitre, adorned with precious stones; which so pleased the archbishop, that he said[310] thus, as he hath put this mitre on my head, I will put the crown of Almaine on his.

In order whereunto, taking leave[310] of his friends on the third day in Easter week, he committed[310] himself to the prayers of the religious, and began his journey towards Yarmouth, there to take shipping, leaving the charge[311] of his castles and lands in England to the Bishop of London, and arriving shortly at Aquisgrave, was there crowned[312] king upon Ascension day.

Having thus received that great honour, he returned[313] thence the next year after, and landed[313] at Dovor upon the day of S. Julian, where the king met him with much joy. After this, during his stay here, he made great preparation for his journey back to receive the crown of the Empire, which the pope underhand endeavoured[314] to obtain for him.

But that which I have next observed to be most memorable of him is, that upon that grand rebellion of those haughty spirited barons, then headed by Montfort Earl of Leicester and Clare Earl of Gloucester, he then adhered stoutly[315] to the king; and in 48 Henry III. marched with him to Northampton, where the chief strength of all their forces at that time were met together, and that he assisted[315] him in the siege and taking of that town, as also that, pursuing their dissipated forces into Sussex, (where the Londoners, with all their power recruited them,) he commanded[316] the body of the king’s army in that fatal battle of Lewes, where he shared with him in the unhappy

success of that day, being there taken prisoner. Lastly, that (in anno 1267, 51 Hen. III.) he went[317] again into Germany, and there married[317] Beatrix, niece to the Archbishop of Cologne. And in 55 Hen. III. was made[318] Governor of Rockingham Castle, in com. Northampton, and Warden of the Forest.

Having thus done with the chief of his secular actings and employments, I now come to his works of piety.

Besides his foundation of the Abbey of Hales (whereof I have already made mention) he likewise founded[319] that of Rewley (of the same order) in the suburbs of Oxford; and moreover granted[320] to the monks of Bec, in Normandy, that all their tenants within the precincts of the honour of Walingford should be exempted from suit of court to that honour, provided that his bailiff of Walingford should every year keep a court leet for the manor of Okebourne within the bounds of the priory there (which was a cell to Bec), to see that the king’s peace should be duly kept, and that the benefit arising by that leet should redound to those monks of Okebourne, they entertaining the bailiff of Walingford with three or four horse of his retinue at their charge for that day.

Furthermore, he gave[321] to the canons of the Holy Trinity at Knaresburgh, for the health of his soul and the souls of his ancestors, the chapel of S. Robert at Knaresburgh, with the advowson of the church at Hamstwait, confirming all those grants which King John had given thereto, with divers other lands of great extent. And to the monks of St. Michael’s Mount in Cornwall, gave[322] ten shillings rent due to him for St. James Fair, kept yearly near to the Mount.

Having thus acted a long part on the theatre of this world with great honour, after a tedious sickness[323] at his manor of Berkhampstead, in com. Herts, he died[324] upon the fourth of the nones of April, anno 1172 (56 Hen. III.) whereupon his heart was buried[325] in the Gray Friars at Oxford, under a sumptuous pyramid, and his body[325] in the Abbey of Hales, so founded by him as before hath been observed.

By his first wife Roese de Dovor, he had no issue, she taking another husband, as it seems, when she arrived to years of consent.

By Isabel the second (widow of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester), he had issue four sons, viz. John,[326] Henry,[326] Richard, and Nicholas,[327] (of which Henry I shall say more by and by), John and Richard departing this life in their infancy, and Nicholas, with his mother, in[328] childbed. Also a daughter, who dying[329] in her cradle, was buried[329] near unto John her brother at Reading.

By Senchia, the third wife (daughter to Raymund Earl of Provence), he had issue Richard, who died[329] young, and Edmund,[329] who succeeded him in his Earldom of Cornwall; but by Beatrix,[330] the fourth wife, (niece to the Archbishop of Cologne,) he had no issue.

It is said[331] that he had an illegitimate daughter called Isabel, who became the wife[331] of Maurice Lord Berkeley, and to whom King Henry the Third (calling her his niece), for her better support, in the forty-eighth of his reign, gave the manors of Herotesham and Trotesclive in Kent.[332] There is also this epitaph recorded[333] for him.

Hic jacet in tumulo Richardus Teutonicorum

Rex vivens, propria contentus sorte bonorum.

Anglorum Regis germanus, Pictaviensis

Ante Comes dictus, sed tandem Cornubiensis.

Demum Theutonicis tribuens amplissima dona

Insignitus erat, Caroli rutilante corona.

Hinc Aquilam gessit clypeo, sprevitque Leonem.

Regibus omnigenis precellens per rationem.

Dives opum mundi, sapiens, conviva, modestus;

Alloquio, gestu, dum vixit semper honestus.

Jam regnum regno commutans pro meliore,

Regi cælorum summo conregnet honore.

Of his two sons, I shall first speak of Henry.

This Henry, in anno 1257 (41 Henry III.) was[334] knighted by Richard King of Almaine, his father, upon the day of his coronation at Aquisgrave in Germany.

It is said that in 47 Hen. III. having been through plausible and specious pretences seduced by Montfort Earl of Leicester, and some other of the rebellious barons, he was taken off by Prince Edward for the honour of Tikhill, which he then gave[335] him; and the same year received[336] one hundred marks, assigned to him out of the issues of the county of Dorset, by the king’s appointment, to fortify the castles of Corff and Shireborne. But notwithstanding this, it seems that he inclined to them again for the next year following, (viz. 48 Hen. III.) upon the march of Montfort and his party into the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Salop, and then southwards. This Henry favouring them, was taken by some of the king’s soldiers. Howbeit, shortly after, the king holding a Parliament at London, amongst those who fell off from that rebellious pack he was[338] one, and thenceforth stuck stoutly to the king, marching[339] with him to Northampton, where the chief of their strength being then got together, after a sharp dispute were vanquished.[339]

Moreover, in the battle of Lewes, he was[340] one of the principal commanders in the body of the king’s army, at that time led by Richard King of Almaine his father; and after that fatal overthrow there (through the assistance of the Londoners, who poured out all the strength they could make to their aid), seeing the king and divers of the nobles made prisoners,[340] he joined with Prince Edward in mediating a fair reconciliation betwixt both parties; and, in order thereto, the next day following put himself into the hands of Montfort, and the rest.

But after this I have not observed anything else further memorable of him, other than that in 56 Henry III. being[340] with Prince Edward on his way towards the Holy Land, and partly weary[340] of the length of the journey, and partly desirous[340] to see his father before he died, having leave[340] he came[340] into Italy, and at Viterbium was[340] basely murdered by Guy one of the sons to Montfort, Earl of Leicester, within the church of S. Laurence, at high mass, in revenge of his father’s death, who had been slain in the battle of Evesham, about seven years before, as I have elsewhere fully manifested.

I now come to Edmund, who, surviving his father, succeeded him in the dignity of Earl.

EDMUND EARL OF CORNWALL.

In 42 Henry III. this Edmund being possessed of the honour of Eye, (his father then living,) upon levying the scutage of Wales, paid one hundred and eighty pounds for ninety knights’ fees and an half belonging thereto.[341] And in anno 1266, (51 Hen. III.) obtained[342] of a certain nobleman, lord of Seyland, a large proportion of the blood of Christ, which he deposited in the abbey of Hales (so founded by his father as aforesaid.)

Furthermore, in 55 Hen. III. accomplishing[343] his full age of twenty-one years, he received[344] the honour of knighthood, upon St. Edward’s Day, and soon after that was invested with the title of Earl of this county by cincture with the sword; before the end of which year he likewise married[344] Margaret the sister of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and shortly after had livery of the castles of Knaresburgh, Walingford, Okham, and Berkhamstead, of his inheritance.[345]

Moreover, in 13 Edw. I. he obtained a charter[346] for a weekly market every Friday at his manor of Cosham in com. Wilts; and the same year had another[347] for free warren in his lordship of Great Cestreton, and Little Cestreton, in com. Oxon, as also for free chase[348] in his lands of Wasseley and Wymbureholt.

In 15 Edw. I. he had a grant of[349] the castle of Ockham, to hold in fee with the sheriffalty of the county of Rutland. And in 16 Edw. I. being made warden of England during the king’s absence (in the wars of Scotland), marched into Wales, and laid siege to Droselan Castle, the walls whereof he demolished.[350] Furthermore, in 17 Edw. I. he was constituted sheriff[351] for the county of Cornwall in fee. And in 25 Edw. I. obtained the king’s precept[352] to the barons of his Exchequer, that they should not exact more from him for the honour and castle of

Walingford, then the service of three knights’ fees, by which it had been granted[353] to his father and his heirs in 15 Hen. III.

This Edmund founded[354] a certain college at Asherugge, in co. Bucks, in honour of the blood of our Saviour, for certain brethren called Bonhomes; and for the soul of Richard King of Almaine his father, gave[355] to the monks of Rewley, in the suburbs of Oxford (being fifteen in number), all his lands in North Osney, as also his manor of Erdington and mills at Karsington, in that county; likewise one acre of land in Bel juxta Roslin, with the advowson of the church of Wendrove, in the hundred of Kerier, in com. Cornub.; also all his woods at Nettlebed, and divers houses in London, situate in the parish of St. Thomas the Apostle, with certain lands in Wylauston, and sixty shillings yearly rent, payable by the monks of Thame, out of the manor of Stoke Talmach; and departed[356] this life ——. 28 Edw. I. being then seised[356] of the honours of Eye, St. Waleries, and Wallingford, as also of the castle and honour of Knaresburgh, likewise of the manor of Launceton, of the castle and town of Restormell, of the borough of Lostwithiel and castle of Tintagell, with the borough, in com. Cornub., also of the castle and borough of Trematon, with the borough of Ashe and manor of Calistoke, in the same county; of the manor of Fordington in com. Dorset; Mere, with the castle; Corsham, Wilton, and Claiton, in com. Wilts; Little Weldon in com. Northampton; of the castle of Ocham, with the manors of Egelton and Langholme, in com. Rutl., and likewise of the whole county of Rutland. Moreover, he died seised of the city of Chichester, in com. Sussex; of the castle of Berkhamstead in com. Hertf.; and of the manors of Bensington and Watlington, with the four hundreds, viz. the hundred and half of Chitren, the hundreds of Piriton, Lewkenore, Benfield, and Ewelme, likewise of the half hundred of Swabby, the castle and honour of Walingford, and manor of Henley, in com. Oxon.

Upon this, his death, which happened[357] at Asherugge on the calends of October, anno 1300 (28 Edw. I.) without[357] issue, the king, by his letters to the Bishop of Hereford,

signified that he resolved to have him buried in the Abbey at Hales upon Thursday after Palm Sunday next ensuing; and, therefore, for the more honourable solemnity of his funeral, purposing to be there himself, desired that bishop to meet him and give his assistance in the celebration thereof. The like letters he wrote to the Bishops of Worcester and Exeter, as also to the abbots of Evesham, Tewkesbury, Winchcomb, Pershore, Eynesham, Cirencester, Osney, Stanley in com. Wilts, Bordesley, Rewley near Oxford, Gloucester, and to the prior of Worcester;[358] but the King’s mind altering, he was interred at Asherugge.[359] At the solemnizing of this great funeral, there was[360] likewise Prince Edward, with the Bishops of Durham and Chester, as also the Earl of Warwick, and divers others of the nobility.

After which, viz. the next ensuing year, I find that, through the mediation[361] of the peers in the Parliament then held at Lincoln, the king was pleased to allow[361] unto Margaret his widow five hundred pounds per annum for her support; and that for the making good thereof these lordships, lands, and rents were assigned,[362] viz. the castle and manor of Ocham in com. Rotel. with the hundreds of Martinesely, Alnestow, and East Hundred; the hamlet of Egilton (part of the manor of Langham); in the same county; also fourteen pounds sixteen shillings and fourpence yearly rent, issuing out of the Court Leets and Sheriffs’ Aid in Keten, Preston, Okeham, Hameldon, and divers other towns in that county; the manor of Baketon in com. Norfolk; the manor of Haghleigh in com. Suffolk; the castle and manor of Eye; the hamlets of Dalingho, Alderton, and Thorndon, in the same county; the manor of Kirketon, with the towns, hamlets, and hundreds of Kirketon, Haselhou, Coringham, and Maule, with the issues of the sokemote of those manors, all in com. Linc.; the manor of Harewell in com. Berks; the manor of Isleworth, with the hamlets of Heston, Twickenham, and Wicton, in com. Middlesex; twenty-one pounds yearly rent out of Queenhithe, in the city of London; the town of Rockingham, and manor of Little Weldon, in com. Northampton; the manor of Glatton, with the hamlet of Holme, in com. Huntingdon; the manor of Fordington,

with the hamlet of Whitwell, in com. Dorset; twenty pounds yearly rent of the ferme of the town of Malmsbury in com. Wilts; twenty pounds, fifteen shillings, and sixpence yearly rent of the ferme of the borough of Ivelcester, in com. Somerset; ten pounds, seventeen shillings, and sevenpence yearly rent, out of Old Shoreham, in com. Sussex; the manor of Cippeham, and hamlet of Stor, in com. Bucks, with the manor and town of Henley in com. Oxon.

JOHN OF ELTHAM, EARL OF CORNWALL. (2 EDW. III.)

This John being second son to King Edward the Second, was born[363] at Eltham in Kent, upon the festival of the Blessed Virgin’s Assumption, in anno 1316, the 9th of his father’s reign; and in 16 Edward II. had a grant[364] in fee of the castle, manor, and honour of Tuttebury, part of the possessions of Thomas Earl of Lancaster, then attainted. Also in 1 Edw. III. another[365] in general tail of the manor of Milham in com. Norfolk; and a third[366] in reversion after the death of John de Britannia, Earl of Richmond, to himself and the heirs male of his body, of the honour of Richmond, with all the castles, manors, and lands belonging thereto; shortly after which, viz. in 2 Edw. III. he was advanced[367] to the title of Earl of Cornwall in that parliament which begun at Salisbury after the quindesme of St. Michael. And in 3 Edw. III. the king, then going[368] into France to do his homage for the dukedom of Aquitaine, was constituted[369] his lieutenant here during his absence. In 4 Edw. III. he had another grant[370] in tail general of twenty pounds per annum, by the title of Earl of Cornwall, to be paid out of the issues of that county; likewise of the manor of Hanlegh, and of the castle and manor of Eye, with the hamlets of Dalingho, Alderton, Thorndon, and certain lands in Clopton, in com. Suffolk; also of twenty pounds yearly rent, payable by the Prior of Bromholme, in com. Norfolk, for the manor of Baketone; of certain rents pertaining to the honour of Eye in com. Norfolk, Suff. and Essex; of the guardianship of the castle of Eye, and of the free court in Lincoln belonging thereto; of the castle, town, and honour of Berkhamstead

in com. Hertford; of the manor of Risberghe, with the park and manor of Cippenham, in com. Bucks; of the castle, town, and honour of Walingford in com. Berks, with its members; of the honour of St. Walerie, in com. Oxon, and other counties; of the mills at Oxford, with the meadow there called Kingsmede; of the manors of Boudon and Haverbergh in com. Leicester; of the manor of Byflete in com. Surrey; and of the town of Rokyngham in com. Northampton, all of which were then valued[371] at two thousand per annum. Besides which, he then also obtained a grant[371] of the hundreds of Hertsmere and Stow in com. Suffolk, and of the yearly ferme of Queenhithe in the city of London.

In 5 Edw. III. upon[372] the king’s expedition into Scotland, he was again appointed[373] his lieutenant here during his absence. And in 7 Edw. III. had another grant[374] in tail general of the hundreds in Cornwall; likewise of the town of Lestwithiel, with all the issues and profits of that county, then belonging to the king, viz. of the ports, wreck of sea, prizes, and customs, as also of the yearly ferme of the city of Exeter, with the profits of the water of Sutton, in com. Devon, and of the stannaries and coinage thereof in that county; likewise of the river of Dertmouth, with the profits of the mines in Cornwall, and of the town of Yvelchester in com. Somerset.

In 8 Edw. III. he obtained license[375] for to have a market every week, upon the Thursday, at his manor of Wintringham in com. Lincoln, as also for two fairs, one on the eve, day, and morrow of St. Philip and St. James, and six days next ensuing; the other on the eve and day of All Saints, and six days following; likewise for two fairs at Kirketon, the same, one on the eve and day of the translation of St. Thomas the Martyr, and six days after; the other on the eve and day of St. Andrew the Apostle, and six days ensuing; and in 9 Edw. III. was[376] in that expedition then made into Scotland; so likewise in 10 Edw. III. at which time the king having intelligence that the French had promised to aid the Scots, he marched[377] himself into that realm with a great army, and fortified the castle of Stryvelyn, with a great ditch, as also the town of St.

Johnston’s, at which place this John Earl of Cornwall, then[378] also being and falling sick, departed[378] this life without wife or issue, and was afterwards honourably buried in St. Edmund’s chapel, within the abbey church of Westminster, where his monument still remaineth.

A LIST of those individuals who have held the Lands and the Patronage of the ancient Princes of Cornwall, with the Nominal Office of Duke, since the settlement made by King Edward the Third.

1. Edward Plantagenet, the Black Prince, created by Charter, confirmed in Parliament, A. D. 1337, with this clause:

Habend. et tenend. eidem Duci et ipsius ac heredum suor. Regum Angl. Filiis primogenitis, et Ducib. dicti loci in Regno Angl. hereditarie successur.

Which has been thus translated:

To have and to hold to the same Duke, and to the first begotten sons of him, and of his heirs, Kings of England, and to the Dukes of the said place in the Kingdom of England, hereditarily to succeed. (See Lord Dunstanville’s Edition of Carew, pp. 433-441.)

2. Richard Plantagenet, afterwards King Richard the Second, in opposition, as it would seem, to the words of the grant, as his father had never been King of England.

3. Henry Plantagenet, son and heir of King Henry the Fourth, afterwards King Henry the Fifth.

4. Edward Plantagenet, son and heir of King Henry the Sixth, murdered in 1471.

5. Edward Plantagenet, son and heir of King Edward the Fourth, nominally King in 1483, but murdered the same year.

6. Edward Plantagenet, son and heir of King Richard the Third.

7. Arthur Tudor, son and heir of King Henry the Seventh, died in his father’s lifetime.

8. Henry Tudor, afterwards King Henry the Eighth.

9. Henry Frederick Stuart, son and heir of King James the First, died in his father’s lifetime.

10. Charles Stuart, afterwards King Charles the First.

11. Charles Stuart, afterwards King Charles the Second.

12. George Augustus, afterwards King George the Second.

13. Frederick Lewis, son of King George the Second, died in 1751, in his father’s lifetime.

14. George William Frederick, afterwards King George the Third.

15. George Augustus Frederick, afterwards King George the Fourth.

[182] Math. Westm.

[183] Mat. Westm.

[184] H. Knighton, col. 2320. n. 30.

[185] Monast. Anglic. vol. i. p. 254 b.

[186] Ibid. p. 254 a. n. 50.

[187] Ibid. p. 258 and 259.

[188] Monast. Anglic. vol. 2, p. 206 a.

[189] Math. Westm. in anno 1013.

[190] Matth. Westm. in anno 1016.

[191] R. Hoveden, fol. 250 b. n. 20.

[192] W. Gemet, p. 288 D. Ord. Vit. p. 660 B.

[193] S. Dunelm. col. 214, n. 30. W. Gemet. p. 293 D.

[194] Ord. Vit. p. 765 A.

[195] Monast. Angl. vol. 1, p. 551 a. n. 60.

[196] Monast. Angl. vol. 1, p. 551, a. n. 60.

[197] Rob. de Monte.

[198] Monast. Anglic. vol. 2, p. 982, n. 20 and 30.

[199] Ibid. vol. 1, p. 213, a. lin. 35.

[200] Mat. Paris, p. 54, n. 10 & 20.

[201] Ord. Vit. p. 578 D.

[202] Monast. Angl. vol. 2, p. 982, n. 30 & 40.

[203] Chron. Norm. p. 995 C.

[204] Domesd. lib.

[205] W. Malms, fo. 88 b. n. 40.

[206] Ibid. fol. 89 a.

[207] S. Dunel. col. 229. W. Malms. fol. 89, n. 10. Mat. Paris, p. 60, 1. 14.

[208] Ord. Vit. p. 819 D.

[209] Jorval. col. 1002, n. 20.

[210] In Vigil. S. Mich.

[211] Ord. Vit. p. 821 A.

[212] Ibid. B.

[213] Ibid. page 822 A. Mat. Paris, p. 63, 1. 6, Jorv. col. 8221, n. 12.

[214] Ord. Vit. p. 811 A.

[215] Monast. Anglic. v. 1, p. 668 a. n. 40.

[216] Ibid. v. 2, p. 909.

[217] Ibid. p. 954 b.

[218] Ibid. v. 1, p. 668, n. 60.

[219] W. Gemet. 306 D.

[220] Vinc. Discov. p. 130.

[221] Ord. Vit. 915 D.

[222] W. Malmesb. 105 a. n. 30.

[223] Gesta Regis Steph. 950 A.

[224] Ibid. B.

[225] Ibid. 956 A.

[226] Ibid. 968 B. C.

[227] Ibid. 969 A.

[228] Rot. Pip. 2 H. 2. Somerset.

[229] Testa de Nevill, Devon.

[230] R. Hoveden, 282 b. n. 10.

[231] Ibid. 283, n. 30.

[232] Ibid. b. n. 40.

[233] Liber Rub. in Scacc. tit. Cornub.

[234] Rot. Pip. 14 H. 2. Cornub. Devon.

[235] R. Hoved. 307 a.

[236] Ibid. 6 n. 10.

[237] Monast. Angl. vol. 1, 1002, n. 50.

[238] R. Hoved. 313 a. n. 40.

[239] Domitian A. VIII. in Bibl. Cotton. 79 a.

[240] Vinc. Discov. p. 130.

[241] Claus. 16 Joh. m. 21.

[242] Ex vet. Cod. MS. penes Will. Mohun, eq. aur. anno 1583.

[243] Joh. Tinemuth, MS. in Bibl. Bodl. lib. 19, cap. 104. Domitian A. VIII. in Bibl. Cotton. 922.

[244] Rot. Norm. Liberat. 4 Joh. m. 1.

[245] Rot. Pip. 4 Joh. Devon.

[246] Pat. 17 Joh. m. 15.

[247] Ibid.

[248] Testa de Nevill, Devon.

[249] Pat. 1 H. 3. m. 13.

[250] Rot. Fin. 4 H. 3. M. 3.

[251] Pat. 4 H. 3. p. 1, m. 6.

[252] Pat. 4 H. 3. p. 1, m. 6.

[253] Claus. 6 H. 3. m. 7.

[254] Pat. 1 E. 4. p. 1, m. 5.

[255] Pat. 1 H. 4. p. 1, m. 17.

[256] Claus. 16 Joh. m. 23.

[257] Claus. 16 Joh. m. 23.

[258] Pat. 1 H. 3. m. 6.

[259] Pat. 2 H. 3. m. 3.

[260] Pat. 5 H. 3. p. 1, m. 6.

[261] Pat. 9 H. 3. m. 7.

[262] M. Paris, in ann. 1225, p. 323, n. 30.

[263] Ibid. n. 40.

[264] Ibid. n. 50.

[265] Ypod. Neustr. in ann. 1226.

[266] M. Paris, 324, and Ibid. n. 10.

[267] Annal. S. Augustini Cant.

[268] M. Paris, 337, n. 10.

[269] Ibid. n. 30.

[270] Ibid, n. 40.

[271] Claus. 11 Hen. 3. m. 3.

[272] Cart. 15 H. 3. p. 1, m. 4.

[273] M. Paris, in an. 1231, p. 368, n. 20.

[274] Cart. 19 H. 3. m. 19. Pat. 19 H. 3. m. 14.

[275] M. Par. in An. 1230, p. 421, n. 50.

[276] Ibid. 431, n. 30.

[277] Ibid. 445, n. 30 and 40.

[278] Ibid. 445, n. 30 and 40.

[279] Cart. 23 H. 3. m. 1.

[280] Ibid. 516, n. 40.

[281] Ibid. in an. 1140, p. 526, n. 20.

[282] Ibid. n. 30.

[283] Ibid. n. 40.

[284] Ibid. n. 50.

[285] Ibid. 537.

[286] Ibid. n. 10.

[287] Ibid. n. 20.

[288] Ibid. n. 20.

[289] Ibid. n. 30.

[290] M. Westm. in eodem An.

[291] M. Paris, p. 579, n. 50.

[292] Ibid. 581, n. 20.

[293] Ibid. 595, n. 50.

[294] Ibid. p. 837, n. 20.

[295] M. Westm. in an. 1243.

[296] Mat. Paris 606, n. 40.

[297] Pat. 28 H. 3. m. 10.

[298] Mat. Paris, in an. 1244, p. 613, n. 20.

[299] M. West, in an. 1245.

[300] Ibid. in an. 1246. Monast. Anglic. vol. 1, 928, n. 10.

[301] Mat. Paris 734, n. 20.

[302] Ibid. 749, n. 10 & 20.

[303] Ibid. p. 773.

[304] Ibid. 777, n. 30 and 40.

[305] Claus. 36 H. 3. m. 16.

[306] M. West, in eodem an. M. Paris.

[307] M. Westm. in an. 1253.

[308] Mat. Paris, p. 913, n. 40.

[309] M. Westm. 239, n. 50.

[310] Ibid. 947, n. 40.

[311] Ibid. n. 55.

[312] Ypod. Neustr. in an. 1257.

[313] Mat. Paris, 983, n. 50.

[314] M. Westm. in eodem an.

[315] Mat. Paris, 984, n. 10. Ibid. 993, n. 50.

[316] Ibid. 995, n. 40 and 50.

[317] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S.

[318] Rot. Fin. 55 H. 3. m. 2.

[319] Mon. Angl. vol. 1, 934 a, n. 50.

[320] Ibid. 583 b.

[321] Mon. Angl. vol. 2, 834, n. 10.

[322] Ibid. 901 b. n. 60.

[323] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S.

[324] Mat. Paris, 1007, n. 30.

[325] Mon. Angl. vol. 1, 934 a. n. 60.

[326] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S.

[327] Mat. Paris, p. 523, n. 40.

[328] Ex Coll. ut supra. Mat. Paris, ut supra.

[329] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S.

[330] Plac. de Banco T. Mich. 2 Edw. 1. rot. 67.

[331] Vinc. Discov. p. 136.

[332] Claus. 48 H. 3, m. 4.

[333] Vinc. Discov. ut supra.

[334] Mat. Paris, 956, n. 10.

[336] Matt. Paris, 992, n. 20.

[337] Claus. 47 H. 3. m. 5.

[338] Matt. Paris, 992, n. 50, and 993.

[339] Ibid. n. 50.

[340] Ibid. 996, n. 10 and 20.

[341] Rot. Pip. 42 H. 3. Norf.

[342] Lel. Coll. vol. 1, 289.

[343] Esc. 56 H. 3. n. 32.

[344] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S. M.S. in Bibl. Bodl. [K. 84, Cant.] f. 65 b.

[345] Rot. Fin. 56 H. 3. m. 14.

[346] Cart. 13 E. 1. n. 39.

[347] Pars altera, de eodem an. n. 1.

[348] Ibid. n. 19.

[349] Rot. Pip. 15 Ed. 1, and 19 Edw. 2. Roteland.

[350] Thos. Wals. in an. 1288.

[351] Rot. Pip. 17 Ed. 1. Cornub.

[352] Claus. 25 Ed. 1. m. 10.

[353] Claus. 25 Ed. 1. m. 10.

[354] Lel. Coll. vol. 1, p. 78.

[355] Mon. Angl., vol. 1, 934 b. and 935 a. Mon. Angl. vol. 2, 334 b. n. 10.

[356] Esc. 28 E. 1. n. 44.

[357] Ex Coll. R. Gl. S.

[358] Claus. 29 Edw. I. in dorso m. 17.

[359] Mon. Ang. vol. 2, 346 b.

[360] E Coll. R. Gl. S. ut supra.

[361] Th. Wals. in an. 1301.

[362] Claus. 30 E. 1 m. 15.

[363] T. Wals, p. 84, n. 20.

[364] Cart. 16 E. 2. n. 34.

[365] Cart. 1 Ed. 3. n. 25.

[366] Pat. 1 Ed. 3. p. 3, m. 5.

[367] T. Wals. p. 110. Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 7.

[368] T. Wals. 112, n. 20.

[369] Pat. 3 E. 3. p. 1, m. 16.

[370] Cart. 4 E. 3. n. 12.

[371] Cart. 4 E. 3. n. 18.

[372] T. Wals. 114, n. 10.

[373] Pat. 5 Ed. 3. p. 1, m. 16.

[374] Cart. 7 Ed. 3. n. 7.

[375] Cart. 8 Ed. 3. n. 44.

[376] Rot. Scoc. 9 Ed. 3. m. 3.

[377] Rot. Scoc. 10 Ed. 3. m. 16.

[378] Pat. 10 Ed. 3. p. 2, m. 40.

APPENDIX.
XIII.

THE HUNDREDS OF CORNWALL.

Prefixed to Tonkin’s MS. of the Parochial History of Cornwall (with additions in notes by J. Whitaker) are the following notes:

Mem. Mr. Hawkins tells me that there is a camp near Trutheun, in Bishop’s Wood, not large.

Carew (Edition 1769) fol. 30. The Cornish “pay in most places onely fee Morton releeses, which is after five markes the whole knight’s fee (so called of John, Earle first of Morton, then of Cornwall, and lastly King of this land); whereas, that of fee Gloucester is five pounds.”

The MS. is in the possession of the Rev. Mr. Pye, Rector of Truro, and had been recovered by him from imminent destruction, as he told me, at a house formerly belonging to Mr. Tonkin, and then inhabited by Mr. Fortescue. A MS. in folio, and another in quarto, had been left in a cupboard of the kitchen, and applied to culinary purposes. Mr. Pye’s attention was arrested by seeing part of the quarto wrapping round some plumb cake; he therefore begged the rest. And he found the Folio had been used entirely, and the quarto up to the letter P. and page 406. With this account he made me (as I thought) a present of the MS. I therefore wrote some additions of my own upon the blank places of it. He afterwards desired me (as I thought) to lend it him awhile. But when I sent for it back again, he denied he had ever meant to give it me; and I thought myself obliged in honour to waive all claim to the property, and to borrow it for transcription. But I then erased my

own remarks from the whole, and have here added many, very many others.

October 26th 1790. J. W.

THE HUNDREDS OF CORNWALL.

LES-NEWITH. New Court. (Dr. Pryce).

I notice this first, because it points out the scope and drift of the other names. It is so called from the Court of the Hundred, Les-Newydh (C.) New Court, as being a new Hundred, and this new Court giving name to the place at which it was kept, near Tintagel.

STRATTON.

So called from Stratton, the seat of its Court, and therefore the head of the hundred. The hill full of fresh springs of waters (Dr. Pryce).

POWDRE.

So called from the Court House (I apprehend) called (I suppose) Pou Dre (C.) the house of the province. Pou Dar, the borough, country, or hundred of Oaks. (Dr. Pryce.)

PIDRE.

Called from its house near the four burrows, which has alwas given name to the street in Truro, leading towards it, as the house was so called from its being at the four burrows, Pidyr Carnon perhaps. The fourth hundred. (Dr. Pryce.)

TRIG.

From its house called Trig (C.) a dwelling, and situate at the ebb of the sea, or on the sea shore. (Dr. Pryce.)

EAST AND WEST.

Hundreds, formed by the English since the Conquest of Cornwall, and so named by them from the relative situation of their respective Court Houses.

KERRIER.

From Curhar (C.) I believe a jail, a prison; the Court House of the Hundred, I apprehend, having always a prison a jail for it.

The coast or border of the country, Kur-Urian (Dr. Pryce); which signify, even in Dr. Pryce himself, Kur, the coast or border of a country, and, Urian, the border, boundary, or limit of a country: so that Kerrier, thus explained, is the same thing doubly.

PENWITH.

The head of the breach or separation, as the Land’s End is from Scilly. (Dr. Pryce.)

From its Court House, on the promontory, called Penwith or Land’s End; and this promontory, so called as Dr. Pryce thinks from Pen, and With the head of the separation from Scilly; but rather as With (says Nennius) signifies Divortium, and means the Isle of Wight, the headland of the Isle opposite, just as this very promontory was called by the ancients Anti Vesteeum, the point opposed to Vesteeum.

APPENDIX.
XIV.

EPITAPH OF RICHARD CAREW, OF ANTONY, ESQ.

The circumstances under which it has happened that no correct copy has hitherto been printed of the epitaph of Carew, in the church of Antony, are remarkable. The learned Camden was solicited to supply it originally, as is shown by his Epistolæ, p. 106; but Richard Carew, Esq. the son of the deceased, appears to have preferred a more circumstantial composition, at the same time that he retained several of Camden’s expressions. Hugh C ——, Esq. who wrote the Life of the Historian prefixed to the Survey of Cornwall, quoted the epitaph, not from the monument, but from Camden’s Epistolæ; and he was followed by Mr. Polwhele and Mr. Lysons, under the impression that it was the actual inscription on the tomb, nor was the deficiency supplied in the handsome reprint of Carew’s Survey by Lord de Dunstanville. It is believed that Mr. C. S. Gilbert was the first to copy it, but very inaccurately, in his Historical Survey of Cornwall, ii, 388; and the first perfect copy is the present.

“FUI, NON SUM —— NON FUISTIS, ESTIS, ERITIS.

Ricardo Carew de Antony Armigero;

Thomæ Carew, ex Elizabetha Edgecombe, Filio;

Wimondi Carew, Mil: Bain: ex Martha Denni, Nepoti.

Johannis Carew, ex Thomasina, Pronepoti;

Alexandri Carew, ex Joanna Hatch, Abnepoti;

Nato An: Sal: 1555
Pacis Præsul: 1581
Cornub: Vicecom: 1586
In re milit: Regias Vices functo 1586
In Colleg: Antiquariorum elect: 1598
Religioso, Ingenioso Viro, Docto, Eloquenti,
Liberali, Magnanimo, Integerrimo,
Græce,  Italice,  Germanice,  Gallice,  Hispanice
ΑΥΤΟΔΙΔΑΚΤΩ
Injuriarum beneficiis placidis retaliatori,
In libris versato, necnon librorum auctori candidissimo,
de Principe et Patria
ob assidua et fidelia officia, semper opt: merito,
eruditorum, pauperum, oppressorum
sublevatori benignissimo,
qui, post 65 annorum bene et feliciter emensum spatium,
inter privatas solitas diurnas ad D: OP: MAX:
supplicationes in Bibliotheca
placidè in Christo obdormivit 6o. Nov: 1620.
Richardus Carew Filius, Patri
opt. merito, officiosi obsequii ergo
cum lachrimis posuit.
Uxorem duxit Julianam Arundell de Trerice 1577
Johannem primogenitum, Anton: et Filias Gertrudam,
Annam, et Annam ad superos premisit.
Filios Richard: Johann: Hobbin:
Georg: Wimond: reliquit superstites.

“The verses following were written by Richard Carew, of Antony, esq. immediately before his death (which happened the sixth of November 1620) as he was at his private prayers in his study (his daily practice) at four in the afternoon; and being found in his pocket, were preserved by his grandson Sir Alexander Carew, according to whose desire they are here set up in memory of him.

Full thirteen fives of years I toyling have o’erpast

And in the fourteenth, weary entered am at last.

While rocks, sands, stormes, and leaks, to take my bark away

By grief, troubles, sorrows, sickness did essay,

And yet arriv’d I am not at the port of death,

The port to everlasting life that openeth.

My time uncertain, Lord! long certain cannot be,

That best to mee’s unknown, and only known to thee.

O! by repentance and amendment, grant that I

May still live in thy fear —and in thy favour dye.”