The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 01 of 55 / 1493-1529 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century

by Unknown

NOTES

[1] Documents marked with an asterisk are printed in both the original language and English translation.

[2] The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China at the close of the Sixteenth Century, by Antonio de Morga, Hakluyt Society, London, 1868, p. 265. This will be cited usually as Morga.

[3] "The crown and sceptre of Spain has come to extend itself over all that the sun looks on, from its rising to its setting." Morga, p 6. Down to the end of the year 1844 the Manilan calendar was reckoned after that of Spain, that is, Manila time was about sixteen hours slower than Madrid time. Finally, with the approval of the Archbishop in 1844, the thirty-first of December was dropped and the Philippines transferred, so to speak, into the Eastern Hemisphere. Thenceforward Manila time was about eight hours ahead of Madrid time. Jagor: Reisen in den Philippinen, pp. 1-2.

[4] For a fuller account of the negotiations relating to these bulls and the Treaty of Tordesillas see Harrisse: Diplomatic History of America, 1452-1494, S.E. Dawson: The Lines of Demarcation of Pope Alexander VI and the Treaty of Tordesillas, or E.G. Bourne: Essays in Historical Criticism. The texts are printed in this volume.

[5] The names used by Columbus in his interview with the King of Portugal. Ruy de Pina: Chronica d'el rey Joaõ II, Collecaõ de Livros Ineditos de Historia Portugueze, ii, p. 177.

[6] This is also Harrisse's view, Diplomatic History of America, p. 74.

[7] "Sábese la concession del Papa Alexandro; la division del mundo como una naranja." Letter of Alonso de Zuazo to Charles V, January 22, 1518. Docs. Inéd. de Indias, i, p. 296 (From Harrisse, p. 174). Cf. also Maximilianus Transylvanus in First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. Hakluyt Society, p. 185.

[8] The question is fully discussed in Guillemard's Life of Ferdinand Magellan, pp. 68-69.

[9] Guillemard, Magellan, p. 71.

[10] First Voyage Round the World by Magellan, p. 187.

[11] Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos, etc., iv, p. 117.

[12] Las Casas: Historia de las Indias. Col. de Docs. Inéd. para la Historia de España, lxv, pp. 376-377. This account by Las Casas apparently has been overlooked by English writers on Magellan. It is noticed by Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 488.

[13] See Guillemard's comparison between the voyages of Columbus and Magellan in Life of Magellan, p. 258.

[14] See Pigafetta's account in The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan, p. 74.

[15] Pigafetta, ibid., p. 76.

[16] The description of the Philippines and their inhabitants which we owe to the Italian Pigafetta who accompanied Magellan is especially noteworthy not only as the first European account of them, but also as affording a gauge by which to estimate the changes wrought by the Spanish conquest and the missions.

[17] See E. G. Bourne: Essays in Historical Criticism, pp. 209-211 for an account of the Badajos Junta which attempted to settle the question of the rights to the Moluccas. The documents are in Navarrete, iv, pp. 333-370, a somewhat abridged translation of which is presented in this volume. Sandoval attributes the sale of the Moluccas to Charles's financial straits. Navarrete, iv, xx. The treaty of sale is in Navarrete, iv, pp. 389-406.

[18] Navarrete, iv, p. 394.

[19] Navarrete, iv, p. 396.

[20] See the correspondence in Col. de Doc. Inéditos de Ultramar, vol. ii (vol. i of subdivision de las Islas Filipinas), p. 66.

[21] Relacion del Viaje que hizo desde la Nueva-España à las Islas del Poniente Ruy Gomez de Villalobos, written by García Descalante Alvarado. Coleccion de Docs. Inéd. del Archivo de Indias v, p. 127. The name was first given in July or August 1543 to some of the smaller islands in the group. On page 122, Alvarado writes "chinos que vienen a Mindanao y à las Philipinas." Montero y Vidal says that the island first to receive the name was Leyte. Hist. Gen. de Filipinas, i, p. 27, In 1561, Urdaneta uses "las islas Filipinas" in the ordinary way; see his "Derrotero" prepared for the expedition. Col. Docs. Inéd. vol. i, p. 130 ff.

[22] Col. de Docs. Inéd. de Ultramar, vol. ii, pp. 95-96.

[23] Ibid., pp. 109-111.

[24] In September, 1568, a Portuguese squadron despatched by the Governor of the Moluccas appeared off Cebu to drive the Spaniards out of the Visayan Islands. The commander satisfied himself with diplomatic protests. Montero y Vidal: Hist. Gen. de Filipinas, i, p. 34.

[25] Montero y Vidal, i, pp. 41-42.

[26] Juan de Grijalva. From W.E. Retana's extracts from his Cronica de la Orden de N.P.S. Augustin en las provincias de la Nueva España, etc. (1533-1592) in Retana's edition of Zúñiga's Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas, ii. p. 219 ff. Juan de Salcedo after being promoted to the high rank of Maestre de Campo (an independent command) died suddenly in 1576 at the age of twenty-seven. Far from amassing wealth in his career he died poor. In his will he provided that after the payment of his debts the residue of his property should be given to certain Indians of his encomienda. Ibid., p. 615.

[27] This account of the conversion is based on Grijalva's contemporary narrative; see Retana's Zúñiga, ii, pp. 219-220.

[28] Montero y Vidal, i, p. 59.

[29] Retana's Zúñiga, ii, p. 222; Morga, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 307-308; Montero y Vidal, i, p. 60.

[30] He was lieutenant to the Governor and the first justice to be appointed to the supreme court (Audiencia) on its reorganization. His Sucesos de la islas Philipinas—Mexici ad Indos, anno 1609, is a work of great rarity. It was reprinted in Paris in 1890 with annotations by the Filipino author and patriot, Dr. José Rizal and with an Introduction by Blumentritt. Rizal tries to show that the Filipinos have retrograded in civilization under Spanish rule; cf. Retana's comments in his Zúñiga, ii, p. 277. The references to Morga to follow are to the Hakluyt Society edition.

[31] A natural transference of the familiar name in Spain for Mohammedans.

[32] Morga, pp. 296-297.

[33] Footnote 32: Morga. p. 323.

[34] Relacion de las Encomiendas existentes en Filipinas el dia 31 de Mayo de 1591. in Retana: Archivo del Bibliofilo Filipino, iv, pp. 39-112.

[35] Mendoza, The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China. Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 263.

[36] Printed in Retana's Archivo, iii, pp. 3-45.

[37] "Of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which Legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of the islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. The latter were the real conquerors; they who without any other arms than their virtues, gained over the good will of the islanders, caused the Spanish name to be beloved, and gave the king, as it were by a miracle, two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects." Tomas de Comyn, State of the Philippine Islands, etc., translated by William Walton, London, 1821, p. 209. Comyn was the general manager of the Royal Philippine Company for eight years in Manila and is described by his latest editor, Senor del Pan, editor of the Revista de Filipinas, as a man of "extensive knowledge especially in the social sciences." Retana characterizes his book as "un libro de merito extraordinario," Zúñiga, ii, pp. 175-76. Mallat says: "C'est par la seule influence de la religion que l'on a conquis les Philippines, et cette influence pourra seule les conserver." Les Philippines, histoire, geographie, moeurs, agriculture, industrie et commerce des Colonies espagnoles dans l'oceanie. Par J. Mallat, Paris, 1846, i, p. 40. I may say that this work seems to me the best of all the modern works on the Philippines. The author was a man of scientific training who went to the islands to study them after a preparatory residence in Spain for two years.

[38] Morga, p. 325.

[39] Mallat, i, p. 389.

[40] Morga, p. 320.

[41] Mallat, i, pp. 382-385.

[42] Morga, p. 312. Mallat, ii, p. 240.

[43] Morga, p. 313. Mallat, ii, p. 244.

[44] The first regular hospital in the thirteen colonies was the Pennsylvania Hospital, incorporated in 1751. Patients were first admitted in 1752. Cornell, History of Pennsylvania, pp. 409-411. There are references to a hospital in New Amsterdam in 1658, but the New York hospital was the first institution of the kind of any importance. It was founded in 1771, but patients were not admitted till 1791. Memorial History of New York, iv, p. 407. There was no hospital for the treatment of general diseases in Boston until the nineteenth century. The Massachusetts General Hospital was chartered in 1811. Memorial History of Boston, iv, p. 548.

[45] Morga, p. 350.

[46] Morga, p. 314.

[47] Friar Juan Francisco de San Antonio who went to the Philippines in 1724, says that "up to the present time there has not been found a scrap of writing relating to religion, ceremonial, or the ancient political institutions." Chronicás de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio, etc. (Sampoloc, near Manila, 1735), i, pp. 149-150 (cited from Retana's Zúñiga, ii, p. 294.

[48] They used palm leaves for paper and an iron stylus for a pen. "L'escriture ne leur sert que pour s'escrire les uns aux autres, car ils n'ont point d'histoires ny de Livres d'aucune Science; nos Religieux ont imprime des livres en la langue des Isles des choses de nostre Religion." Relation des Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux qui y a demeure 18 ans, in Thévenot's Voyages Curieux. Paris 1663, ii (p. 5, of the "Relation"). This narrative is one of the earliest to contain a reproduction of the old Tagal alphabet. Retana ascribes it to a Jesuit and dates it about 1640: p. 13 of the catalogue of his library appended to Archivo del Bibliofilo Filipino, i. The earliest printed data on the Tagal language according to Retana are those given in Chirino's Relacion de las Islas Filipinas, Rome, 1604.

[49] Mendoza's Historie of the Kingdome of China, volume ii, p. 263.

[50] Ibid., p. 264.

[51] Morga, p. 319.

[52] Relation d'un Religieux, Thévenot, volume ii, (p. 7 of the Relation).

[53] On the powers of the Governor, see Morga, pp. 344-345.

[54] Throughout this Introduction the Spanish "peso" is rendered by "dollar." The reader will bear in mind the varying purchasing power of the dollar. To arrive at an approximate equivalent ten may be used as a multiplier for the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and five for the middle of the eighteenth century.

[55] It may be remembered that the official conscience in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was not so sensitive in regard to "tips" as it is expected to be today. Le Gentil writes: "Les Gouverneurs de Manille corrompent journellement leurs grâces, et les Manillois ne les abordent guère pour leur en demander, sans se précautioner auparavant du rameau d'or; seul et unique moyen de se les rendre favorables. Un soir étant allé voir le Gouverneur, in 1767, à peine m'eût-il demandé des nouvelles de ma senté qu'il alla me chercher une bouteille de verre de chopine, mesure de Paris, (half-pint) pleine de paillettes d'or, il me la fit voir en me disant que c'étoit un presént dont on I'avoit régalé ce jour-là même; Oi, me dit-il, me regalaron de este." Voyage dans Les Mers de L'Inde, Paris, 1781, ii, pp. 152-153. Le Gentil was in the Philippines about eighteen months in 1766-67 on a scientific mission. His account of conditions there is one of the most thorough and valuable that we have for the eighteenth century. As a layman and man of science his views are a useful offset against those of the clerical historians.

[56] Voyage, ii, p. 153. "The Royal Audience was established to restrain the despotism of the Governors, which it has never prevented; for the gentlemen of the gown are always weak-kneed and the Governor can send them under guard to Spain, pack them oft to the provinces to take a census of the Indians or imprison them, which has been done several times without any serious consequences." Zúñiga: Estadismo de las Islas Filipinos o mis Viages por este Pais, ed. Retana, i, p. 244.

[57] "Cuando se pusieren edictos, publicaren, y pregonaren las residencias, sea de forma que vengan á noticia de los Indios, para que puedan pedir justicia de sus agravios con entera libertad." Law of 1556, lib. v, tit. xv, ley xxviii of the Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias.

[58] Recopilacion, lib. v, tit. xv, ley vii.

[59] Churchill's Voyages, iv, pp. 427-428.

[60] "I request the reader not to infer from my opinion of the tribunals of residence, my confidence in their efficacy. My homage is immediately and solely addressed to the wisdom of the law. I resign all criticism on its operation, to those who know the seductive influence of Plutus over the feeble and pliant Themis." De Pons: Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma or the Spanish Main in South America during the years 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804. New York, 1806, ii, p. 25.

[61] "Une loi très-sage, mais malheureusement sans effet, qui devrait modérer cette autorité excessive, est celle qui permet à chaque citoyen de poursuivre le gouverneur vétéran devant son successeur; mais celui-ci est intéressé à excuser tout ce qu'on reproche à son prédécesseur; et le citoyen assez téméraire pour se plaindre, est exposé à de nouvelles et à de plus fortes vexations." Voyage de La Pérouse autour du Monde. Paris, 1797, ii, p. 350.

[62] His comments on the kind of officials needed are not without interest today: "A governor must understand war but he must not be over confident of his abilities. Let him give ear to the advice of those who know the country where things are managed very differently from what they are in Europe. Those who have tried to carry on war in the islands as it is carried on in Flanders and elsewhere in Europe have fallen into irreparable mistakes. The main thing, however, is to aim at the welfare of the people, to treat them kindly, to be friendly toward foreigners, to take pains to have the ships for New Spain sail promptly and in good order, to promote trade with neighboring people and to encourage ship-building. In a word, to live with the Indians rather like a father than like a governor." Relation et Memorial de l'etat des Isles Philippines, et des Isles Moluques by Ferdinand de los Rios Coronel, Prestre et Procureur General des Isles Philippines, etc. Thevenot, ii (p. 23 of the Relation).

[63] Morga, p. 345. Recopilacion, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi.

[64] Ibid., ley lviii. Le Gentil, ii, pp. 159, 161.

[65] Recopilacion, lib. ii, tit. xv, ley xi.

[66] Mallat, i, pp. 349-50. For a historical summary of the variations in the names of the provinces see Retana's Zúñiga's Estadismo, ii, p. 376 ff.

[67] They received the tribute in kind in fixed amounts and made money out of the fluctuations of the market prices. At times of scarcity and consequent high prices this procedure doubled or trebled the burden of the tribute. See State of the Philippine Islands, by Tomas de Comyn, translated by William Walton, p. 197. Mallat says: "Rien n'est plus funeste au pays que la permission qui est accordée aux alcaldes de faire le commerce pour leur compte." i, p. 351. See also Retana's note, Zúñiga, Estadismo, ii, p. 530. This right to trade was abolished in 1844.

[68] "It is a fact common enough to see a hair-dresser or a lackey converted into a governor; a sailor or a deserter, transformed into a district magistrate, collector, or military commander of a populous province, without other counsellor than his own crude understanding, or any other guide than his passions. Such a metamorphosis would excite laughter in a comedy or farce; but, realized in the theatre of human life, it must give rise to sensations of a very different nature. Who is there that does not feel horror-struck, and tremble for the innocent, when he sees a being of this kind transferred from the yard-arm to the seat of justice, deciding in the first instance on the honor, lives, and property of a hundred thousand persons, and haughtily exacting the homage and incense of the spiritual ministers of the towns under his jurisdiction, as well as of the parish curates, respectable for their acquirements and benevolence, and who in their own native places, would possibly have rejected as a servant the very man whom in the Philippines they are compelled to court, and obey as a sovereign." State of the Philippine Islands, London, 1821, p. 194.

[69] Morga, p. 323.

[70] Jagor describes an election which he saw in the town of Lauane, of four thousand five hundred inhabitants, in the little island of the same name which lies just off the north shore of Samar. As it is the only description of such a local election that I recall I quote it in full. "It took place in the town house. At the table sits the Governor or his proxy, on his right the pastor and on his left the secretary who is the interpreter. All the Cabezas de Barangay, the Gobernadorcillo and those who have formerly been such have taken their places on the benches. In the first place six of the Cabezas, and six of the ex-Gobernadorcillos respectively are chosen by lot to serve as electors. The Gobernadorcillo in office makes the thirteenth. The rest now leave the room. After the chairman has read the rules and exhorted the electors to fulfil their duty conscientiously, they go one by one to the table and write three names on a ballot. Whoever receives the largest number of votes is forthwith nominated for Gobernadorcillo for the ensuing year, if the pastor or the electors make no well-founded objections subject to the confirmation of the superior court in Manila, which is a matter of course since the influence of the pastor would prevent an unsuitable choice. The same process was followed in the election of the other local officials except that the new Gobernadorcillo was called in that he might make any objections to the selections. The whole transaction was very quiet and dignified." Reisen in den Philippinen, Berlin, 1873, pp. 189-190.

Sir John Bowring's account of this system of local administration is the clearest of those I have found in English books. A Visit to the Philippine Islands, London, 1859, pp. 89-93.

[71] The Gobernadorcillo in council with the other Cabezas presented a name to the superior authority for appointment Bowring, p. 90.

[72] Zúñiga, Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas, i, p. 245. Cf. Mallat, i, p. 358.

[73] Comyn: State of the Philippine Islands, ch. vii.

[74] Mallat, i, pp. 40, 386. Jagor, pp. 95-97.

[75] Mallat, i, p. 380 ff. Comyn, p. 212 ff.

[76] Mallat, i, p. 365.

[77] Morga, p. 333.

[78] Delgado: Historia de Filipinas, Biblioteca Histories Filipina, Manila, 1892, pp. 155-156. Delgado wrote in 1750-51. Somewhat different figures are given by Le Gentil on the basis of the official records in 1735, ii, p. 182. His total is 705,903 persons.

[79] Le Gentil, i, p. 186.

[80] Recopilacion, lib. vi, tit iii, ley xxi. Morga, p. 330.

"Avec toutes les recommandations possible, il arrive encore que le moine chargé de la peuplade par où vous voyagez, vous laisse rarement parler seul aux Indiens. Lorsque vous parlez en sa présence à quelque Indien qui entend un peu le Castillan, si ce Religieux trouve mauvais que vous conversiez trop long-temps avec ce Naturel, il lui fait entendre dans la langue du pays, de ne vous point répondre en Castillan, mais dans sa langue: l'Indien obéit." Le Gentil, ii, p. 185.

[81] State of the Philippine Islands, pp. 216-217. These responsibilities and the isolation from Europeans together with the climate frequently brought on insanity. Le Gentil, ii, p. 129. Mallat, i, p. 388.

[82] Ibid., p. 214.

[83] In 1637 the military force maintained in the islands consisted of one thousand seven hundred and two Spaniards and one hundred and forty Indians. Memorial de D. Juan Grau y Monfalcon, Procurador General de las Islas Filipinas, Docs. Inéditos del Archivo de Indias, vi, p. 425. In 1787 the garrison at Manila consisted of one regiment of Mexicans comprising one thousand three hundred men, two artillery companies of eighty men each, three cavalry companies of fifty men each. La Pérouse, ii, p. 368.

[84] Apuntes Interesantes sobre Las Islas Filipinas, etc., escritos por un Español de larga esperiencia en el pais y amante del progresso, Madrid, 1869, p. 13. This very interesting and valuable work was written in the main by Vicente Barrantes, who was a member of the Governor's council and his secretary. On the authorship see Retana's Archivo ii, Biblioteca Gen., p. 25, which corrects his conjecture published in his Zúñiga, ii, p. 135.

[85] Apuntes Interesantes, pp. 42-43.

[86] Zúñiga, Estadismo, i, p. 246; Le Gentil, ii, p. 172.

[87] Le Gentil, ii, p. 172.

[88] Morga, p. 336.

[89] Morga, ibid.

[90] Memorial dado al Rey por D. Juan Grau y Monfalcon, Procurado General de las Islas Filipinas. Docs. Inéditos del Archivo de Indias, vi, p. 444.

[91] Recopilacion, lib. ix, tit. xxxv, ley vi and ley xv. As will be seen there was usually only one ship.

[92] Ibid., ley xxxiv.

[93] Ibid., ley lxviii.

[94] Ibid., ley lxxviii.

[95] Ibid., ley xlv.

[96] Morga, p. 344. Zúñiga, i, pp. 271-274. "El barco de Acapulco ha sido la causa de que los espanoles hayan abandonado las riquezas naturales e industriales de las Islas." Ibid., p. 443.

[97] Le Gentil, ii, pp. 203-230; Zúñiga, i, p. 266 ff.

[98] Le Gentil, ii, p. 205; Careri, Voyage Round the World, Churchill's Voyages, iv, p. 477.

[99] Zúñiga, i, p. 267.

[100] Le Gentil, ii, p. 205.

[101] Le Gentil, ii, p. 207.

[102] Zúñiga, i, p. 268.

[103] Churchill's Voyages, iv, p. 491. I am aware that grave doubts as to the reality of Gemelli Careri's travels existed in the eighteenth century. Robertson says "it seems now to be a received opinion (founded as far as I know, on no good evidence) that Careri was never out of Italy, and that his famous Giro del Mondo is an account of a fictitious voyage." Note 150, History of America. The most specific charges against Careri relate to his account of his experiences in China. See Prévost's Histoire des Voyages, v, pp. 469-70. His description of the Philippines and of the voyage to Acapulco is full of details that have every appearance of being the result of personal observation. In fact, I do not see how it is possible that this part of his book is not authentic. The only book of travels which contains a detailed account of the voyage from Manila to Acapulco written before Careri published that is described in Medina's Bibliografia Española de Filipinas is the Peregrinacion del Mundo del Doctor D. Pedro Cubero Sebastian, of which an edition was published in 1682 in Naples, Careri's own home; but Careri's account is no more like Cubero's than any two descriptions of the same voyage are bound to be; nor is it clear that Careri ever saw Cubero Sebastian's narrative.

[104] Zúñiga, i, p. 268. Careri mentions the case of a Dominican who paid five hundred dollars for the eastern passage. Op. cit. p. 478; on page 423 he says the usual fare for cabin and diet was five hundred to six hundred dollars.

[105] Churchill's Voyages, iv, p. 499.

[106] Op. cit. p. 491. Yet Careri had no such experience as befell Cubero Sebastian in his voyage. When they were nearing the end of the voyage a very fatal disease, "el berben, o mal de Loanda" (probably the same as beri-beri), broke out, as well as dysentery, from which few escaped who were attacked. There were ninety-two deaths in fifteen days. Out of four hundred persons on board, two hundred and eight died before Acapulco was reached. Peregrination del Mundo de D. Pedro Cubero Sebastian, Zaragoza, 1688, p. 268.

[107] Careri: Op. cit. p. 503.

[108] Montero y Vidal: Hist. Gen. de Filipinas, i, pp. 458, 463. On page 461 is a brief bibliography of the history of Philippine commerce. According to Montero y Vidal, the best modern history of Philippine commerce is La Libertad de comercio en las islas Filipinas, by D. Manuel de Azcarraga y Palmero, Madrid, 1872.

[109] Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 122.

[110] Ibid., ii, p. 297.

[111] Comyn: State of the Philippine Islands, pp. 83-97.

[112] Estadismo, i, p. 272.

[113] Zúñiga, i, p. 274.

Le Gentil remarked that as the Spaniards in Manila had no landed estates to give them an assured and permanent income, they were dependent upon the Acapulco trade, and had no resources to fall back upon if the galleon were lost. Money left in trust was often lost or embezzled by executors or guardians, and it was rare that wealth was retained three generations in the same family. Voyage, ii, pp. 110-112.

[114] Of the commerce with China it is not necessary to speak at length, as a full account of it is given in Morga. It was entirely in the hands of the Chinese and Mestizos and brought to Manila oriental textiles of all kinds, objects of art, jewelry, metal work and metals, nails, grain, preserves, fruit, pork, fowls, domestic animals, pets, "and a thousand other gewgaws and ornaments of little cost and price which are valued among the Spaniards." (Morga, p. 339.) Besides the Chinese, that with Japan, Borneo, the Moluccas, Siam, and India was so considerable that in spite of the obstructions upon the commerce with America, Manila seemed to the traveler Careri (p. 444) "one of the greatest places of trade in the world."

[115] Documentos Inéditos del Archivo de Indias, v, pp. 475-77.

[116] It would be vain to guess how many hundred people there are who are familiar with the denunciations of Las Casas to one who knows anything of the more than six hundred laws defining the status and aiming, at the protection of the Indians in the Recopilacion.

[117] Cf. Jagor: Reisen in den Philippinen, p. 31.

[118] Voyage de La Pérouse autour du Monde, Paris, 1797, ii, p. 347.

[119] History of the Indian Archipelago, etc., by John Crawfurd, F. R. S. Edinburgh, 1820, vol. ii, pp. 447-48.

[120] That I take to be his meaning. His words are: "Ces institutions (i. e., the local administration) si sages et si paternelles ont valu à l'Espagne la conservation d'une colonie dont les habitants jouissent, à notre avis, de plus de liberte, de bonheur et de tranquilleté que-ceux d'aucune autre nation." i, p. 357. Cf. also his final chapter: "L'idigène des Philippines est l'homme plus heureux du monde. Malgré son tribut, il n'est pas d'être vivant en société qui paye moins d'impôt que lui. Il est libre, il est heureux et ne pense nullement à se soulever." ii, p. 369.

[121] A Visit to the Philippine Islands, London, 1859, p. 18. Cf. the recent opinion of the English engineer, Frederic H. Sawyer, who lived in Luzon for fourteen years. "The islands were badly governed by Spain, yet Spaniards and natives lived together in great harmony, and I do not know where I could find a colony in which Europeans mixed as much socially with the natives. Not in Java, where a native of position must dismount to salute the humblest Dutchman. Not in British India, where the Englishwoman has now made the gulf between British and native into a bottomless pit." The Inhabitants of the Philippines, New York, 1900. p. 125.

[122] Reisen in den Philippinen, p. 287.

[123] Cornhill Magazine, 1878, pp. 161, 167. This article is reprinted in Palgrave's Ulysses, or Scenes in Many Lands.

[124] The Inhabitants of the Philippines, pp. vi, viii.

[125] "Ils font voir beaucoup d'inclination et d'empressement pour aller á l'église lesjours de Fêtes et Solemnités; mais pour ouir la Messe les jours de preceptes, pour se confesser et communier lorsque la Sainte Église l'ordonne, il faut employer le fouet, et les traiter comme des enfans à l'école." Quoted by Le Gentil, ii, p. 61, from Friar Juan Francisco de San Antonio's Chronicas de la Apostolica Provincia de San Gregorio, etc., commonly known as the Franciscan History. It will be remembered that in our own country in the eighteenth century college discipline was still enforced by corporal punishment; and that attendance upon church was compulsory, where there was an established church, as in New England.

[126] Voyage, ii, p. 62.

[127] Voyage, ii, p. 350.

[128] Voyage, ii, pp. 95, 97.

[129] Le Gentil says the lassitude of the body reacts upon the mind. "In this scorching region one can only vegetate. Insanity is commonly the result of hard study and excessive application." Voyage, ii, p. 94.

[130] La Imprenta en Manila desde sus origenes hasta 1810, Santiago de Chile, 1896.

[131] Adiciones y Observaciones à La Imprenta en Manila, Madrid, 1899.

[132] For representative lists of these, see Blumentritt's privately printed Bibliotheca Philippina, Theile i and ii.

[133] It is, all things considered, a singular fact that in all that list there is no translation of parts of the Bible, except of course the fragmentary paraphrases in the catechism and doctrinals. The only item indicating first-hand Biblical study in the Philippines under the old regime that has come to my notice in the bibliographies of Medina and Retana is this, that Juan de la Concepcion the historian left in manuscript a translation of the Holy Bible into Spanish. La Imprenta en Manila, p. 221. This failure to translate the Bible into the native languages was not peculiar to Spanish rule in the Philippines. Protestant Holland, far behind Spain in providing for native education, was equally opposed to the circulation of the Bible. "Even as late as the second or third decade of this century the New Testament was considered a revolutionary work, and Herr Bruckner, who translated it, had his edition destroyed by Government." Guillemard, Malaysia and the Pacific Archipelagoes, p. 129.

[134] Mallat says that the elements were more generally taught than in most of the country districts of Europe (i, p. 386) and quotes the assertion of the Archbishop of Manila: "There are many villages such as Argas, Dalaguete, Bolohon, Cebu, and several in the province of Iloilo, where not a single boy or girl can be found who cannot read and write, an advantage of which few places in Europe can boast." Ibid., p. 388.

[135] Estadismo, i, p. 300.

[136] Estadismo, i, p. 63.

[137] Zúñiga, i, pp. 73-75

[138] Voyage, ii, p. 131.

[139] Ibid., p. 132, and Zúñiga, i, p. 76. A modern work on this drama is El Teatro tagalo by Vicente Barrantes, Madrid, 1889.

[140] Number 877 in Retana's Biblioteca Filipina. This novel was published in Manila in 1885. Friar Bustamente was a Franciscan.

[141] Estadismo, i, pp. 60-61. Commodore Alava was on his way to make scientific observations of the volcano of Taal.

Le Gentil writes: "Selon une Ordonnance du Roi, renouvelée peut-être cent fois, il est ordonné aux Religieux d'enseigner le castillan aux jeunes Indiens; mais Sa Majesté, m'ont unanimement assuré les Espagnoles à Manille, n'a point encore été obéie jusqu'a ce jour." Voyage, ii, p. 184. Cf. Zúñiga. Estadismo, i, pp. 299-300.

For some of these ordinances see Retana's notes to Zúñiga, ii, p. 57 ff.

[142] Cf. Retana's views expressed ten years ago upon the impracticability of supplanting to any extent the Tagal language by the Spanish. The same considerations apply equally well to English. Estadismo, ii, p. 59 ff.

[143] Estadismo, i, pp. 12-13.

[144] Retana's Zúñiga, ii, p. 527.

[145] Estadismo, i, p. 174. I cannot take leave of Zúñiga's book without recording my opinion that it is the finest flower of the Philippine literature. Zúñiga did for the island of Luzon what Arthur Young did for France a few years earlier, or to take an apter parallel, what President Dwight did for New England. His careful observations, relieved of tedium by a rare charm of style, his sweetness of temper, quiet humor, his love of nature and of man all combine to make his "Travels" a work that would be accorded a conspicuous place in the literature of any country. An English translation will appear in the present series.

[146] Referring to the fort built by Columbus (December, 1492) at La Navidad, a port on the northern coast of Hispaniola (Hayti). Upon the admiral's return, a year later, he found that the garrison whom he had left in this fort had been destroyed by hostile Indians.

[147] That is, by some act so clear or manifest that no formal sentence of excommunication is requisite.

[148] The Gold Coast of Africa, named by its Portuguese discoverers (about 1471) Oro de la Mina (this is the Minere Auri of our text).

[149] Our text reads "commissario mayor;" Navarrete reads "Comendador mayor."

[150] Our text reads "vos damos todo nuestro poder conplido en aquella mas abta forma que podemos;" Navarrete reads "vos damosnuestro poder cumplido en aquella manera é forma que podemos."

[151] In Navarrete the words "& subcessores & de todos nuestros reynos & señorios" are omitted.

[152] Our text reads "qualqujer conçierto, asiento, limjtaçion, demarcaçion, & concordia sobre lo que dicho es, por los vientos & grados de norte & del sol, & por aquellas partes divivisiones [sic] & lugares del caelo & de la mar & de la tierra;" Navarrete reads "cualquier concierto é limitacion del mar Océano, ó concordia sobre lo que dicho es, pór los vientos y grados de Norte y Sur, y por aquellas partes, divisiones y lugares de seco y mar y de la tierra."

[153] Our text reads "& asi vos damos el dicho poder pera que podays dexar al dicho Rey de Portugal & a sus reynos & subcesores todos los mares, yslas, & tieras que fueren & estovieren dentro de qualqujer limitaçion & demarcacion, que con el fincaren & quedaren;" Navarrete reads the same (with allowances for modem typography) up to "demarcaçion," and then adds "de costas, mares, islas y tierras que fincaren y quedaren."

[154] Our text reads "que todos los mares, yslas & tierras, que fueren & escovjeren dentrode la limjtaçion & demarcaçion de costas, mares & yslas & tierras, que quedaren & fincaren con nos, & con nuestros subçesores, para que sean nuestros, & de nuestro señorio & conqujsta, & asi de nuestros reynos & subçesores dellos, con aquellas limjtaçjones & exebciones;" Navarrete reads "que todos las mares, islas y tierras que fueren ó estuvieren dentro el límite y demarcation de las costas, mares y islas y tierras que quedaren por Nos y por nuestros subcesores, y de nuestro Señorio y conquista, sean de nuestros Reinos y subcesores de ellos, con aquellas limitaciones y exenciones."

[155] Our text reads "contrato de las pases;" Navarrete reads "contrato de las partes."

[156] Navarrete reads "Sagres"

[157] Our text reads "& constituymos a todos juntamente & a dos de vos, & a uno yn soljdun;" Navarrete reads "y constituimos a todos juntamente y á cada uno de vos in solidum."

[158] See p. 116 and note 149.

[159] See p. 117, and note 151, where the language is almost identical.

[160] Our text reads "la qual raya olinea se aya;" Navarrete reads "la cual reya o lineo é señal se haya."

[161] This paragraph reads differently in Navarrete, but its sense is the same.

[162] Our text reads "grados del sol e norte;" Navarrete reads "grados de Sur y Norte."

[163] Navarrete is very faulty in this section. He omits entirely the following: "& por sus gentes, o in otra qualqujer manera dentro de las otras ciento y veynte leguas, que quedan para cunplimjento de las trezientas & setenta leguas, en que ha de acabar la dicha raya que se ha de faser de polo a polo, como dicho es, en qualqujer parte de las dichas ciento & veyte [sic] leguas para los dichos polos, que sean alladas fasta el dicho dia, queden, & finquen para los dichos señores Rey & Reyna de Castilla, & de Aragon, etc., &." This omission quite obscures the sense.

[164] This confirmation was given by Pope Julius II in a bull promulgated January 24, 1506. See Alguns documentos, pp. 142-143; and Bourne's Essays in Historical Criticism, p. 203.

[165] Another dispatch of like tenor was issued in Madrid on May 7 of the same year.—Navarrete.

[166] The original of this bull is in Torre do Tombo, Lisbon, bearing pressmark "Col. de Bullas, maço 29, n_o_. 6." It occupies pp. 276-279 of Corpo diplomatico Portuguez. The synopsis from which the above is translated is in Alguns documentos, p. 14., but the date as there given is wrong, "Quarto Decimo Kalendae Julii," being June 18 and not 17. See also Bourne, Essays in Historical Criticism, pp. 194, 195.

[167] See Bourne, ut supra, p. 195, from which this synopsis is taken. The original of this bull exists in Torre do Tombo, its pressmark being "Coll. de Bullas, maço 7°, n°. 29." It occupies pp. 279-286 of Corpo diplomatico Portuguez, and is printed also in Alguns documentus, pp. 14-20.

[168] This military order was founded (August 14, 1318) by the Portuguese king Dionisio; its knights served against the Moors, also in Africa and India. Pope Calixtus III invested its grand prior with the spiritual powers conferred on a bishop. In 1522, João III became grand-master of the order; and in 1551 this dignity passed to the crown in perpetuo. In 1789, this order had four hundred and thirty-four commanderies, and twenty-six villages and estates. It is now only a civil and honorary order.

[169] See Bourne ut supra, p. 195. The original is in Torre do Tombo, bearing pressmark "Coll. de Bullas, maco 29, n°. 6. Inserta." This bull occupies pp. 286-296 of Corpo diplomatico Portuguez. It is printed also in Alguns documentos, pp. 47-55.

[170] See Corpo diplomatico Portuguez, p. 296.

[171] Cape Noon (Naon, Non, Nun) is situated near the south-west extremity of the coast of Morocco; Cape Bojador (Bogiador) projects into the Atlantic at a point two degrees thirty-eight minutes farther south than Noon.

[172] See Corpo diplomatico Portuguez, p. 297, and Alguns documentos, p. 366.

[173] One of the great military orders of Spain, named for its patron St. James, and founded to protect his shrine at Compostella from incursions by the Moors. It received papal sanction in 1175; in 1476 Ferdinand of Castile became its grand master; thus uniting the order to the crown of Spain.

[174] The letter here mentioned (see Navarrete's Col. de viages, iv, p. 312) expresses Cárlos's regret that his negotiations with the Portuguese ambassadors regarding the ownership of the Malucos have been fruitless, and his desire that the difficulties should be amicably adjusted; he refers João to Zúñiga for full details.

[175] Navarrete omits this section. It will be found in the Treaty of Tordesillas.

[176] The Spanish monarch was at this time engaged in his quarrels with François I of France.

[177] In another letter of the same date the Emperor complains to the King of Portugal that the latter's ambassadors have not been willing to abide by the treaty of Tordesillas in their conferences with the Castilian plenipotentiaries, "although our right to those regions discovered and taken possession of by our fleet is fully apparent from the treaties and compacts negotiated over the division of lands and the line of demarcation, and confirmed in the name of each one of us." Neither would they discuss the new propositions submitted to them—"although with some prejudice to our right;" nor would they themselves submit new propositions; consequently they are returning to Portugal without reaching any decision. The letter closes by saying that the Emperor is about to write about the whole affair to his representative, "Juan de Zúñiga, knight of the order of Santiago, residing there [at Lisbon] in our behalf;" and King João is earnestly requested to rest assured of the love and affection of the Spanish monarch.

[178] This was an ancient office in the royal house of Castile.

[179] Bartulo was an Italian jurisconsult, born (1313) at Sasso-Ferrato, in Umbria; he died at Perusa in 1356. He was entrusted with several important political commissions and wrote upon various points of civil law; some of his works were used as text books in the most famous universities. He has been styled "the first and most thorough of the interpreters of law."

Baldo is evidently one of the two brothers Pietro and Angelo Baldo de Ubaldis, both eminent Italian jurisconsults. The former was born at Perusa, in 1324, and died at Pavia, April 28, 1406. He was a man of vast erudition, and held many important posts—his influence extending so far that Charles VI of France implored his aid at the Roman court for convening a general council. He was the author of a number of commentaries and other works. Angelo was born in 1328, and died in 1407; he was (at the same time with his brother) professor of civil law at Perusa, and wrote several commentaries and monographs.

[180] Original in folio bound in parchment. It has forty-three good sheets.—Note by Muñoz. (Cited by Navarrete).

[181] The matter in brackets in these proceedings is evidently notes made by Muñoz, although they may have been made by the Castilian secretary.

[182] The number acting for Portugal was not greater than for Spain, as Gomara points out and whom Herrera copies, but the same on either side, only while Portugal had two attorneys, Spain had one attorney and one advocate.—Navarrete.

[183] This date should be June 7, 1494. The Spanish letter of authorization was dated June 5.

[184] Original in handwriting of Don Hernando Colon. (Navarrete, tomo iv, no. xxvii, pp. 343-355.

[185] Of these navigators, Aloysius (Luigi) da Ca da Mosto made a voyage to Cape Verde and Senegal, in 1454-55; Antonio de Noly, to the Cape Verde Islands, in 1462; Pedro de Cintra (Italianized as Piero d'Sinzia), to Senegal, in 1462; Diego Cano, to the Congo River and inland, in 1484; Bartolomé Diaz discovered the Cape of Good Hope in 1486; and Vasco da Gama made several voyages to India, the first in 1497.

[186] This is a Latin translation of Paesi nouamente retronati (Vicenza, 1507)—the earliest known collection of voyages. It is supposed to have been compiled by Alessandro Zorzi, a Venetian cosmographer (according to Bartlett); but Fracanzio di Montalboddo, according to Quaritch (Catalogue No. 362, 1885). Facsimiles of the titles of both books are given in Bartlett's Bibliotheca Americana, part i, p. 40.

[187] This is the book called today "the first book of the Kings."

[188] The original is in folio bound in parchment, with ninety-five good sheets.—Note by Muñoz (cited by Navarrete).

[189] The original is "Ambrosio y Teodosio y Macrobio." The same error was made by Jaime Ferrer, who likewise gives these names as those of three distinct men instead of one, his true name being "Aurelius Theodosius Macrobius." See Dawson's Lines of Demarcation, 1899, p. 510.

[190] Referring to the Ymago Mundi (1483?) of Pierre d'Ailly, archbishop of Cambray, and cardinal; regarding this book, see Bartlett's Bibl. Americana, part i, pp. 3-5.

[191] This was the title conferred on Christopher Columbus by the Catholic sovereigns.

[192] The individuals of the municipal governing body upon whom devolves the economic government of a city.—Novisimo diccionario de la lengua castellana (Paris and Mexico, 1899). See also Diccionario enciclopedico hispano-americano (Barcelona, 1887-1899), tomo xvii, pp. 302-303.

[193] The Consejo de las Ordenes [Council of the Military Orders] was created by Charles V, from the separate councils of the various military orders. This council consisted of a president and six or eight knights, and both temporal and ecclesiastical powers were conferred upon it. Clement VI approved it, extending its jurisdiction to tithes, benefices, marriages, and other matters of ordinary authority, and both Paul III and Saint Pius V confirmed it. Two important tribunals were created, one called the Tribunal of the Churches, and the other the Apostolic Tribunal. The first was created by Charles V, and was under the charge of a Judge protector, and had charge of the repairs, building, and adornment of the churches of the military orders. The second was created by Philip II, in virtue of the bull of Gregory XIII, of October 20, 1584,—this bull having as its object the amicable adjustment of the disputes between the military orders and the prelates in regard to jurisdiction, tithes, etc. In 1714 the jurisdiction of the council was limited by Felipe IV, to the ecclesiastical and temporal affairs of their own institution. In 1836 the council was reorganized under the name of tribunal. The tribunal of the churches was suppressed, as were also the offices of comptroller and the remaining fiscal officials, and the funds diverted into the national treasury. Jurisdiction in ecclesiastical matters was limited to the four military orders of Santiago, Calatrava, Alcántara, and Montesa. See Dic.-encic. hisp-amer., tomo v, pp. 821, 822.

[194] Casa de Contratación de las Indias (House of Commerce of the Indies). A tribunal, having as its object the investigation and determination of matters pertaining to the commerce and trade of the Indies. It consisted of a president and several executive officials,—both professional and unprofessional men—and a togated fiscal agent. It was formerly in Seville, but removed later to Cadiz.—Dic. encic. hisp.-amer., iv, p. 844. The documents relating to the affairs of this house were kept formerly in a special archives, but are housed at present in the Archivo general de Indias in Seville.

[195] The corregidor was the representative of the royal person, and combined both judicial and executive functions; in some large cities he was made president of the city council, with administrative functions—an office nearly equivalent to that of mayor in American cities.

[196] See this document at p. 139, ante.

[197] García de Loaisa, a noted Spanish prelate, was born at Talavera (Toledo) in 1479; at the age of sixteen, he entered the Dominican order, of which he became provincial for Spain (1518), and finally general of the order. He was greatly esteemed by the emperor Charles V, who chose Loasia as his confessor; and he soon afterward became bishop of Osma, and president of the Council of the Indies. Later, he was made a cardinal, and elevated to the archbishopric of Seville. He acted as Charles's representative at the court of Rome, and was, less than a year before his death, appointed general of the Inquisition; even in that short time one hundred and twenty persons were burned at the stake, and six hundred more punished in various ways. Loaisa died April 21, 1546.

[198] The military order of Calatrava was formed to hold the town of that name against the Moors, and was organized in 1164; it was annexed to the Castilian crown during the reign of Cárlos I.

[199] It is said that this fair at Medina del Campo is still held (in May and October of each year); and that money was lent by the crown to persons who desired loans—hence the allusion in the text.

[200] Ordinarily the tithes in each diocese were divided into four equal parts—of which one was set aside for the bishop, and one for the chapter. Then the other two were divided into nine portions (novenii), whereof one and one-half were for the fabrica of the church (the corporate body who administered its temporalities, consisting of the cura and churchwardens), four for the parrocos (parish priests) and lower clergy, one and one-half for the hospitals, and two for the King—all but this last being variable. See Baluffi's America en tempo Spagnuola (Ancona, 1844) ii, p. 41.—Rev. T. C. Middleton, O. S. A.

[201] The documents published by Navarrete in full, or in copious extracts, are the most valuable; and they are usually such as are otherwise comparatively or wholly unknown. It is to be regretted that Navarrete has modernized the spelling, and otherwise "improved" the text; but the originals are presented in all essential features, and form a valuable collection of early documentary material.

[202] An extract from Magalhães's first will (December 17, 1504) and the whole of his second (August 24, 1519) are given in English translation in Guillemard's Life of Magellan, London, 1890, appendix ii, pp. 316-326.

[203] He therein petitions that the sum of twelve thousand five hundred maravedis, allowed him for his services, be paid to the convent of Vitoria at Triana.

[204] Fernão de Magalhães was a native of Oporto, and of noble lineage. In early life he entered the Portuguese army, in which he rendered distinguished service; from 1505 until probably 1511 he was in India. Finding no opportunity for promotion in Portugal, he transferred his allegiance (1518) to the King of Castile, and promised the latter that he would discover a new route to Moluccas. Magalhães set out on this expedition September 20, 1519, with five ships, and discovered the strait which bears his name; he also discovered and explored partially the Philippine Archipelago. He was slain in a fight with the natives in the island of Matan, April 27, 1521.

[205] Navarrete presents only an analysis of this letter.

[206] An itemized account (condensed) of the expenses involved in the preparation and equipment of the fleet is given by Navarrete, no. xvii, pp. 162-182. An English translation is presented in Guillemard's Life of Magellan, appendix iv, pp. 329-336. From a comparison of the two, it appears that the latter had access to the original documents at Seville. Few slight differences occur between them. The figures as given by Navarrete show several errors. The student will do well to examine both of these lists. No. xviii in Navarrete, pp. 182-188, shows the amounts and distribution of the food and other stores carried.

[207] Navarrete says, ut supra, p. xiii, that the officials of the House of Trade were always hostile to Magallánes. The Portuguese machinations to cause the defeat and ruin of the expedition and the efforts put forth to induce Magallánes to return to his allegiance are well shown in two documents. The first is a letter written the Portuguese king by Alvaro da Costa, September 28, 1518. Navarrete, no. vi, pp. 123, 124, gives a Spanish extract made by Muñoz from the original in Portugal, and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 114-116 (see also note, p. 116), gives in part an English translation. The second document is a letter written from Seville, July 18, 1519, by the Portuguese factor Sebastian Alvarez to the King of Portugal. Navarrete, no. xv, pp. 153-155, gives a Spanish extract made by Muñoz. The Portuguese of the entire letter is published in Alguns Documentos, pp. 431-435. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 130-134, gives an English translation of its essential portions, which is borrowed, in part, by Butterworth in Story of Magellan, pp. 46-48, New York, 1899.

[208] All these are synopses of the documents.

[209] Ibid.

[210] More than this number actually sailed; see Guillemard, Life of Magellan, p. 336.

[211] The matter in brackets is evidently by Navarrete.

[212] This document opens with a list of the various dignities of the King and Queen of Spain, which is omitted here, as being similar to that already given in the Treaty of Tordesillas.

[213] Reference is here made to Juana, Cárlos I's mother, the daughter and nominally the successor of Isabella, and later of Ferdinand. Juana being inflicted with insanity from 1503 until her death in 1555, Ferdinand acted as regent until his death (1516), when Cardinal Ximenes succeeded him in that capacity, acting until Cárlos I attained his majority. (1518)—Juana still being queen of Castile and Aragon.

[214] The original is defective here, and these readings are conjectural.

[215] The title given formerly to the governor of a province.

[216] The Portuguese transcriber was unable to decipher the original of the bracketed words. Navarrete, who prints these instructions to Magalhães and Falero, (Col. de Viages, tomo iv, pp. 116-121) reads this passage thus "quien se pase" and continues "é se asiente." Alguns Documentos reads "que …" and continues "& se entregue." The MS. in Torre do Tombo from which the Portuguese transcript was made read "q enpase," continuing as does the Portuguese version. It must be remembered that Navarrete took his copy from the original document (existing in Seville) of the agreement made with Magalhães and Falero, made March 22, 1518; this was included in the instructions given to Juan de Cartagena, the recipient of the present letter, and was doubtless copied from the original in Seville.

[217] A metal found by Columbus in the Isla Española. It is composed of 18 parts gold, 6 of silver, and 8 of copper.—Dic. de la Lengua Castellano.

[218] This must have been the Strait of Magellan.

[219] The Spanish reads literally, "They gave him a blow on the head with a mallet."

[220] The original is defective here, and this reading is only conjectural.

[221] Juan Sebastian del Cano.—Stevens.

[222] Pietro Martire d'Anghiera (commonly known as Peter Martyr) was an Italian priest and historian, who was born in 1455. At the age of thirty-two years he went to the Castilian court; at various times, he served in the army (during two campaigns), maintained a school for boys, was sent as an ambassador to other courts, and in many ways occupied a prominent place in the affairs of the Spanish Kingdom. He died in 1526. His most noted work was De orbe nouo Decades (Alcala, 1516); it had numerous editions, and was translated into several other languages. An English translation of the first three Decades was made by Richard Eden (London, 1555); this was reprinted in Arber's First Three English Books on America (Birmingham, 1885).

[223] The name Bacallaos (according to early French writers a Basque appellation of the codfish) was also applied, by a natural extension, to the region afterward known as Canada. According to Peter Martyr, the name Bacallaos was given to those lands by Sebastian Cabot, "because of the great multitudes of fishes found in the seas thereabout." See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), i, p. 308, and ii, p. 295.

[224] Fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries would be about seventy-four degrees west of Greenwich—Magellan was some ten or twelve degrees out.—Stevens.

[225] Among whom was Esteven Gomez; this ship was the "San Antonio."—Steven's.

[226] The measure of length known as a mile varies greatly in different countries. The geographical or nautical mile (one-sixtieth of a degree of the equator, and equal to 1.153 English statute miles) is used by mariners of all nations. The milha of Portugal is equivalent to 1.2786 English miles; the Italian miglio varies from O.6214 to 1.3835 English miles; the legua (league) of Spain amounts to 4.2151 English miles.

[227] San Pablo and Tiburones. Cf. Droysen and Andree's Historischer Hand Atlas, 1884, Karte 83; also Admiralty Chart, Sec. xv, 767.—Stevens.

[228] Inarajan, now confined to the port on the southeast coast of Guajan, the southermost of the Ladrones.—Stevens.

[229] Acacan,i.e. Sosan-jaya, the watering place at the west end of Rota Island, north of Guajan.—Stevens.

[230] The Caylon of Magellan, now confined to the port on the southwest side of the island of Leyte, Philippines.—Stevens.

[231] The Maasin of Coello, or Masin of Admiralty Chart, Sec. xiii, 943; at south end of island of Leyte, the Selani of text.—Stevens.

[232] In the museum of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos at Valladolid, Spain, is a tablet bearing the following inscription (in English translation): "On the twenty-sixth of April, 1521, died on this spot, while fighting valiantly, Don Hernando Magallánes, general of the Spanish fleet, whose name alone is his greatest eulogy. Desiring that the memory of the place where so famous and fatal an event took place should not perish, and circumstances not permitting us at this time to erect a monument worthy of the heroic discoverer, this present inscription is religiously and humbly consecrated, as a memorial, by the parochial priest of the island, the reverend father Fray Benito Perez, on the twenty-ninth of February, 1843." This tablet is about three feet by one and one-half feet in size, and is made of molave wood; the letters (capitals) are neatly carved in the wood—the work being done, in all probability, by some native under the priest's supervision. Attached to the tablet is a card, bearing the following inscription: "This inscription, cut in molave wood, was accidentally found by the very reverend father Fray Jorge Romanillos, the present parish priest of Opong, in the island of Mactang, where it stood beside a cross, before the erection of the monument. He sends it as a memento to the royal college of the Augustinian Fathers of the Filipinas, at Valladolid, in the year 1887."

[233] Or Quipit, the port of this name on the northwest part of Mindanao, applied in error to the whole island.—Stevens.

[234] Probably Yolo, certainly one of the Sulu islands.—Stevens.

[235] I.e. Ternate, Moter, Tidore, Maru, Mutjan.—Stevens.

[236] "They did not find Cattigara" is as true today as when Maximilian wrote in 1522. For various conflicting authorities upon its site north of the equator, cf. ante p.312, and McCrindle's Ancient India, 1885, p.10. Ptolemy however places it (Asia Tab. xi) nine degrees south of the equator. For a curious chapter upon this point see Manoel Godinho de Eredia's Malacca, edited by Janssen, Brussels, 1883. 4to, part 3. Why not Kota-Radja at the north end of Sumatra?—Stevens.