The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 02 of 55 / 1521-1569 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century

by Unknown

Act of Taking Possession of Cibabao

On the flagship, on the fifteenth day of February, 1565, the royal fleet being anchored near a large island, which the natives indicated by signs to be called Cibabao, [82] the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando de Riquel, chief notary of the said fleet and government of the said islands, and declared: that whereas his lordship is sending his ensign-general, Andres de Ybarra, to make friends with an Indian, a native of this island, called Calayan, who declared himself a chief; and whereas it is fitting that possession be taken of the island in the name of his majesty; therefore he authorized fully the said Andres de Ybarra to take possession, in the name of his majesty, of the part and place where he went thus with the said Indian, and all the other districts subject and contiguous thereto. In affirmation of the above, he consented to the present ordinance before me, the said notary, and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, with their incidences and dependencies, annexes and rights, and he embossed the same in the form prescribed by law, and signed it with his name, the witnesses being the high constable Grabiel de Rribera, Amador de Arriaran [83] and Juan Pacheco, gentlemen of the governor, Miguel Lopez.

Given before me,

Fernando Riquel, chief notary.

And after the aforesaid, on this said day, month, and year aforesaid, the said ensign-general Andres de Ybarra, appeared before me, the said notary and the witnesses hereunder subscribed, being on the river Calayan to which the said chief thus named took him, having landed in a small inlet, at the edge of the water, and containing a small bay, and said that in the name of his majesty, by virtue of the power conferred on him by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the discovery of the islands of the West, he occupied and took possession and apprehended the tenure and true and actual possession or quasi-possession of this said land, and of all territory subject to it and contiguous to it. And in token of true possession, he passed from one end of that land to the other, cut branches of trees, plucked grass, threw stones, and performed such other acts and ceremonies as are usual in such cases—all of which took place quietly and peaceably, with common consent of those who were present, without the opposition of any one. And after the aforesaid act took place, the said Andres de Ybarra besought me, the said notary, to certify thereto, those present as witnesses being, father Fray Diego de Herrera, father Fray Pedro de Gamboa, the high constable Grabiel de Rribera and Francisco Scudero de la Portilla, [84] Pedro de Herrera, and many other soldiers. I, the said Fernando Rriquel, notary aforesaid, bear witness to the aforesaid, for it was done in my presence, and I was present at everything jointly with the said witnesses. In witness whereof I, Fernando Riquel, chief notary, affix here my signature and accustomed flourish, which in such documents is in token of truth. Collated with the original. [85]

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Proclamation Regarding Treasure

Order to Make Declaration of the Gold Taken from the Burial-Places of the Indians

In the island of Cubu of the Western Islands, belonging to his majesty, on the sixteenth of May, one thousand five hundred and sixty-five, the most illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, his majesty's governor and captain-general of the people and fleet of the discovery of the Western Islands, appeared before me, Fernando Riquel, government notary of the said islands, and declared: that, inasmuch as he had been informed that many Spanish soldiers and sailors have opened many graves and burial-places of the native Indians in this island, wherein a quantity of gold and other jewels has been found; and inasmuch as those opening these graves and finding the said gold have not made a report thereof to his excellency nor to his majesty's officials, in order that his majesty may receive and take his royal fifths and rights; therefore he ordered, and did order, that proclamation should be made, in due form of law, that all who have opened any graves whence they have abstracted gold, jewels, and other valuables, and those who have in their possession gold and jewels of these islands, however they may have been obtained, shall appear and make full declaration regarding such things before his majesty's officials, in order that what is, in this regard, fitting to his majesty's service and the good security of his royal estate, may be provided—under penalty that whoever shall act contrary to this order shall, besides losing all the gold and other valuables thus obtained and abstracted, be proceeded against in due form of law.

Furthermore, he ordered that, from this time henceforth, no grave or burial-place be opened without the permission of his, excellency, in order that there might be present at this opening one of the king's officials, or myself, the above-mentioned notary, so that no fraud or deceit may occur, and so that an account and memorandum may be taken of everything—under penalty of five hundred pesos de minas and of returning all that was taken from such grave or burial-place, together with the fifth over and above this for his majesty's exchequer and treasury. This was his declaration and order, and he signed the same with his name,

Miguel Lopez

Proclamation: This said day, month, and year abovesaid, the contents of this edict were proclaimed in the form prescribed by law, by the voice of Pito Atambor, [86] in the presence of myself, the said notary, near the lodging of the said governor and general, and near the lodging of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Sas, many soldiers being present at each place. In affirmation of the above, Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Collated with the original,

Fernando Riquel, government notary.

Letters from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and Other Officials to Felipe
II of Spain—1565

To the Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

I gave an account to your majesty of my departure from Puerto de la Nabidad, which is located in Nueva España, with your royal fleet for the discovery of the Western Islands. Continuing my voyage until February thirteen of this present year, I arrived at one of the Filipinas Islands. Afterward I cruised among other islands of this archipelago, until I reached this island of Cubu, whence I despatched a vessel to Nueva España to discover the return route, and to give an account to your majesty of the incidents of our voyage until the departure of this vessel. The relation of the voyage is despatched together with this letter, as well as certain other information in regard to the change of feeling among the natives respecting the friendship and goodwill that they have been wont to exercise toward the vassals of your majesty, and the cause therefor; the possessions that have been taken in your majesty's name; and the routes of the pilots of this fleet. I beseech your majesty that you will have these examined, and provide whatever seems most fitting. I shall remain in my settlement in this island of Cubu until I receive the orders your majesty shall see fit to impose upon me, although I have but few people. I am writing also to the royal Audiencia of Nueva España to beg succor of both people and ammunition, in order that I may sustain myself until your majesty has seen all these records, the memorandum of the articles asked by the officials of your royal hacienda [treasury] residing here, and the general and individual communications of those who remain here, and until your majesty shall have provided and ordered what is most fitting, and have signified your royal pleasure. Since this undertaking is so vast, and of so great import in regard to the spiritual and temporal, and has ended so happily, and is so seasonable, I humbly beg your majesty to order that particular account be taken of it, and that you order the succor and provision petitioned and requested from these islands; and that you will give the matter into the charge of one who will provide and effect it with all care and diligence; for I trust, with the help of God, our Lord, that very great blessings in the service of God, our Lord, and of your majesty, will result, with the increase of your royal income and the universal good of your kingdoms and seigniories. I beseech your majesty that, yielding with your accustomed magnificence in showing favor to your servants who serve you in matters of great import, you will be pleased to order that the communications accompanying this letter be examined, and that you will grant me the favor that seems most fitting to your majesty, whose sacred royal Catholic majesty may our Lord have in his keeping, and give you increase of kingdoms and seigniories for many and felicitous years. From Cubu, May 37, 1565.

Your sacred royal majesty's faithful servant, who kisses your majesty's royal feet,

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

[Endorsed: "To the Sacred Catholic Royal Majesty the king Don [Felipe] our lord.—To his majesty, May 27, 1565. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Cubu, May 27, 1565.—Seen and to be filed with the others.">[

To the Sacred Catholic Majesty:

Because General Miguel Lopez de Legazpi is giving your majesty a full account of events throughout these districts, therefore we shall say only that we remain in your majesty's royal service in these Filipinas—in that part where the men of Magallanes were killed, called the island of Cubu—under the protection of God, our Lord, and awaiting that of your majesty; and we remain here with very great necessity.

We beseech your majesty to provide us aid with the despatch and diligence fitting, in order that your majesty's purpose to introduce the Christian religion into these districts, and to reduce these people, neglected for so many years, and who are in dire need of receiving the fruits of our holy Catholic faith, may be attained. We are of stout heart because of the many favors that our Lord has been pleased to bestow upon us hitherto; and for the future we trust that he will keep us in his holy service, and protect us in that of your majesty. The ship acting as flagship on the voyage hither from Nueva Spaña is about to return to discover the return route to your majesty's kingdoms. The venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta sails in it. To him we refer in everything that has happened here, and we charge him with the relation of events in these districts, as one who has so well understood everything that has happened hereabout. Father Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Herrada and Fray Pedro de Gamboa, religious from whom we receive every good instruction and counsel, remain here.

We supplicate your majesty, with all humility, to exercise the accustomed favor to your majesty's faithful servants and vassals, in consideration of the faith, fidelity, and alacrity with which we have ever served your majesty. What is offered for your consideration by us and by this entire camp, as your servants, we make known to your majesty, which things your majesty will be pleased to provide.

In your majesty's name we have possessed and still possess, as protector and general, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, one for whom we give many thanks to our Lord, who has been pleased to provide us a so excellent protector, and one who with a so great desire watches over the service of your majesty—whose sacred Catholic royal person may our Lord have in his keeping, and augment with great kingdoms and seigniories; such is the wish of us the faithful servants of your majesty. The island of Cubu, May 29, 1565. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants, who kiss your majesty's royal feet with all humility: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Mateo del Saz, Fray Diego de Herrera, Fray Martin de Rada, Martin de Goiti, Fray Pedro de Gamboa, Guido de Lavezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mirandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Luis de la Haya, Juan de la Isla, Gabriel de Rribera.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from his camp in the islands of the West.">[

[Endorsed: "To his majesty. xxixth of May, 1565. From Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and other persons, from Cubu, on xxixth of May, 1565. Seen, and to be added to the rest. 65.">[

Sacred Catholic Majesty:

First and foremost in this present letter, we inform your majesty, with the loyalty and fidelity which we always display, of our great need of help, which your majesty must condescend to have sent us speedily, considering that we have so great need of it in order to attain what is so much desired by us in the service of God, our Lord, and in that of your majesty.

The great service which the venerable father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta has rendered to God, our Lord, and to your majesty is worthy of great praise and many thanks; for he instructed us in all things, both spiritual and temporal, during the whole voyage, and because no other except him sailed in the fleet who did instruct us. Therefore, all of us, your majesty's faithful servants—both the officials of the camp and all your vassals generally—humbly beseech and beg your majesty to consider his great services and merits; and as soon as he has given your majesty an account of all that has happened in these regions hitherto, to order and command him to return, in order to prosecute this undertaking, which is of so great import to the service of God, our Lord, and to that of your majesty—inasmuch as it is fitting for the future, as he is one who has so well understood everything that is occurring in all places, and as therein he may attain the result desired by your majesty in everything. This we hope to achieve, with all confidence and alacrity, through divine favor and the protection of your majesty. Therefore we beseech your majesty to grant us this favor, and succor us with father Fray Hurdaneta's presence, because he is very necessary to us, and will gather much fruit in both spiritual and temporal affairs; and for all the aforesaid matters, and for our consolation and aid, we are sure of this gratification, which your majesty will be pleased to grant us fully, as is your majesty's wonted custom to so faithful servants and vassals. May our Lord watch over the sacred Catholic royal person of your majesty; and may he augment you with great kingdoms and seigniories, as is desired by us, your majesty's faithful servants and subjects. From the island of Cubu, the first of June, the year MDLXV. Sacred Catholic Majesty, your sacred Catholic majesty's faithful servants and subjects, who with all humility kiss your majesty's royal feet: Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, [87] Mateo Delsaz, Martin de Goiti, Guido de Lauezari, Andres Cabchela, Andres de Mjrandaola, Andres de Ybarra, Luis de la Hava, Fernando Riquel, government notary; Amador de Arriaron, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Gabriel de Rribera, Juan de la Ysla, Jerónimo de Moncon, Hernando Lopez, Don Pedro de Herrera, Francisco de Leon, Marcos de Herrera, Pedro de Herrera, Juan Pacheco Maldonado, Diego Lopez Pilo, Christobal de Angulo, Luis Antonio Bañuelos, Garcia de Padilla, Martin de Larrea, Lloreynte Machado, Lope Rodriguez, Garcia Ramyrez, Francisco Escudero de la Porlilla, Rodrigo de Ribera, Pablos Ernandes, Francisco Lopez, corporal, Bartolomé Rodriguez, Diego Fernandez de Montemayor, Antonio Flores, Julio Garcia, Anton Aluarez Degrado, Francisco de Herrera, Ernando de Monrrey.

[Addressed: "To the Sacred-Catholic Majesty, King Don Felipe our lord, from the general and his camp in the Western Islands.">[

[Endorsed: "+ To his majesty. Seen. From the island of Cubu from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and others. June first, 1565.">[

A Letter from the Royal Officials of the Filipinas Accompanied by a
Memorandum of the Necessary Things to Be Sent to the Colony

Most powerful sirs:

As your highness [88] must have already learned through the despatch carried as from us by the bachelor Myñes [Martinez], we set sail for these Western Islands on the twentieth of November, MDLXIIII. In compliance with your highness's command, we shall relate what occurs in those islands with all faithfulness and diligence.

Since your highness will find an account of the voyage made by us, in the relation given by the pilots who come with the fleet, we shall say no more about it, except by way of reference. We shall only relate the events which concern the service of God, our Lord, the service of his majesty, and the increase which his royal exchequer can derive from these regions.

We reached these Felipinas on the thirteenth of February, MD[L]XV. From the day of our arrival here until now we have found not a friend or a people who submits to his majesty. The reason for this was disclosed to us after we had sailed about in this archipelago for two months, namely, that the Portuguese who are in the Malucos came to an island called Bohol, where we remained thirty-seven days, and there committed the following mischief: after they had made peace with the natives and given them to understand that they came to trade with them, they called together one day as many natives as they could; and while the latter, thinking themselves safe, were trading with them, the Portuguese gave a war-signal and killed five hundred people, capturing six hundred more whom they took to Maluco as slaves. This has caused us great anxiety, because the natives, having received such cruel treatment, were so frightened that whenever they saw a sail they ran to the mountains; and, if any of them remained, it was to tell us that they desired none of our friendship. Thus from the day we arrived until now, we have suffered much hardship. We stopped at an island where Magallanes's men were killed, and there the people received us somewhat peacefully; but the following day, after they had placed in safety their wives and children, they said that they did not wish to give us in exchange for our goods anything of what we had asked, namely, their provisions. As we have just said, they declared that not only they would not give us anything, but that they were willing to fight us. Thus we were forced to accept the challenge. We landed our men and disposed the artillery of the ships, which were close to the houses of the town, so that the firing of the artillery from the said ships and the arquebuses on land drove the enemy away; but we were unable to capture any of them, because they had their fleet ready for the sea.

They abandoned their houses, and we found in them nothing except an image of the child Jesus, and two culverins, one of iron and one of bronze, which can be of no service to us; it is believed that they were brought here at the time of Magallanes. We rejoiced, as all Christians ought in like case; for we saw that the Lord had been pleased to place us under his protection and grant us prosperity and favor. We beseech him to guide us in his service and to preserve us in that of his majesty.

As far as we have seen, in all the places to which we have thus far come, we think that his majesty could turn them into great kingdoms and seigniories, if your highness send us the supply of men, arms, ammunition, and artillery; for in our present condition we need everything, and find ourselves in the midst of many and warlike peoples—who, on account of the Portuguese, have declared war against us throughout the whole of the archipelago.

The memorial of things which this camp needs accompanies this letter. [89] Your highness will order that they be supplied with great speed and diligence, for without them we shall incur great peril, and the camp will have no means of support; but with them we shall attain what his majesty desires.

As your highness probably knows, we brought no brands for the royal fifths of his majesty, so that some articles of gold which were found in the graves of these heathens have not been marked. In respect to this and all other articles which were found and delivered to us, we have done our duty. The general ordered that the persons who found anything should deposit all such articles until your highness shall command otherwise. We beg your highness to order that the right measures be taken in this case; also in regard to the fifths, and the procedure which must be adopted in these regions in all matters pertaining to the service of his majesty and other duties. A general edict was published that any person obtaining gold, pearls, jewels, and precious stones, should lose all, unless they are registered in the register of his majesty, for lack of the said brands with which to mark the fifths. We notify the officials residing in that city [Mexico], so that in case anything should appear that is not noted in the register, they shall take the necessary steps in regard to it.

The specimens of gold, cinnamon, and wax were found in a port called Butuan, where we, the treasurer, and the factor, went by order of the general to investigate a certain report which we had heard concerning things to be found in the island of Beguendanao [Mindanao]. We found the aforesaid port, and in it two Moro junks which were trading there. According to orders received, we made peace with the lord of the said port, and gave him the message and the present which the general sent him. We gave him to understand that with his pleasure we were going to trade in his land, and that we would favor and protect him in everything in the name of his majesty. He answered us through the Moros, who served as interpreters, that he was pleased with our offers. We learned that the Moros felt very uneasy about the embassy, and we think that they influenced the said ruler and the natives by their vile designs. We were obliged to trade with them because they gave no opportunity to the natives to trade with us. The said Moros demanded in exchange for their goods nothing but testones, and it was agreed that for each weight of gold six of silver should be given. At this rate we bartered for the specimens of gold, wax, and cinnamon, which we send to his majesty and to your highness. The money belonged to some deceased persons, a memorandum of which we send to the officials of the royal exchequer.

We beseech his majesty, and your highness in his royal name, that, inasmuch as the said Moros and others take all the gold, pearls, jewels, precious stones and other things of which we have no information,—thus injuring the natives, both by giving us no opportunity to plant our holy faith among them, and by taking the said gold, they should, if they continue the said trade, lose their property and be made slaves, for they preach the doctrine of Mahomet. This matter, as well as the necessary supplies to be sent for our aid, your highness will order to be looked after with great diligence; because all that we ask for in the memorandum is of great necessity in our present critical condition. May your highness add and send whatever may seem best to you, so that we may be able to accomplish in these regions what his majesty desires. There is great need of the Christian religion among these natives, as well as of the men and other things asked in the memorandum. May our Lord keep the most powerful persons of your highnesses, and cause you to prosper with large kingdoms and seigniories.

From Cubu, May xxviii, in the year MDLXV.

Most powerful sirs, we are the faithful servants of your highnesses, who very humbly kiss your most powerful feet.

Guido de Labecares Andres Cauchela Andres de Mirandaola

Memorandum of the Supplies and Munitions Asked to Be Sent from Nueva
Espana to His Majesty's Camp at the Port of Cubu

Memorandum of things—not only articles of barter, but arms and military supplies—which are necessary, to be provided immediately from Nueva España in the first vessels sailing from the said Nueva España to these Felipinas Islands; of which the following articles must be speedily furnished:

Articles

First: twelve pieces of heavy artillery, and among them culverins and reënforced cannon and swivel-guns for the fortress which is to be built, xii

Fifty more bronze bersos [small culverins], of the sort brought from España with double chambers, 1

Twenty falcons with double chambers, xx

A dozen new scaling ladders, xii

Balls for the artillery and the molds for making them,

Two hundred quintals [90] of powder cc

Fifty quintals of fuses, l

Two hundred quintals of lead, cc

Fifty quintals of saltpetre, l

Thirty quintals of rock sulphur, xxx

Three hundred arquebuses (not of the worthless supply there in Mexico); and with them some with flints, all with horn powder-flasks (large or small) together with their molds and gear, which are to be in good condition, ccc

One hundred corselets with their fittings, c

Two hundred morions and helmets, cc

Fifty coats-of-mail, of rather heavy mail, 1

One hundred tapir hides, c

One hundred white blankets for light and serviceable body armor, c

Three hundred pikes with their iron points, ccc

Fifty cavalry lances, 1

Fifty good broadswords, of which there is great need, 1

Twelve foreign cannoniers, for those whom we brought
with us are of little account, xii

Three hundred well-disposed soldiers who are to remain
here, (a third or half of them to be sailors), ccc

A dozen carpenters to build the vessels which must
be built here, xii

Two smiths, with their forges and tools, ii

Four pairs of bellows with their tubes, iiii

Twelve negroes for these forges, and among them
four sawyers, xii

An artificer or two to make arquebuses and locks
for them, ii

Two other locksmiths, ii

Fifty quintals of tow, 1

A surgeon and a physician, with their drugs; and two other barbers, [91] because only one remains here, iiii

Three hundred good shields, ccc

Two hundred quintals of wrought iron plates, not as it comes from the mine, cc

Thirty quintals of the finest steel, xxx

One hundred tanned cow-hides, c

Three hundred pickaxes, ccc

Two hundred iron shovels, cc

A royal ropemaker, who is in Mexico,

One hundred Venetian sail-cloths, c

Ten quintals of sailmakers' twine, x

Two bales of paper, ii

Four balances divided into three parts, iiii

Six weights for large balances, vi

Fifty horn lanterns, 1

Two hundred fanégas of salt, cc

Two hundred casks of wine, cc

One hundred casks of vinegar, c

Two hundred casks of oil, cc

Five hundred arrobas [92] of sugar, d

One dozen barrels of raisins and almonds, since by not having brought them the men have suffered great-privations, xii

Ten large hogsheads of flour, x

Blankets for the men,

Shirts in quantity,

Doublets in quantity,

Breeches of woolen cloth and linen in quantity,

Hempen sandals in quantity,

Cowhide shoes in quantity,

Hats,

All in quantity for military supplies.

For barter, the following:

Two bolts of Valencian scarlet cloth, with odds and ends, ii

Item seven bolts of Toledo scarlet cloth, vii

Six cases of headdresses, vi

A great quantity of beads, blue, green, and yellow; ten breadths of each sort, xxx

Two pieces of crimson velvet, ii

Three dozen colored hats, xxxvi

One case of large gilded coins for the coast of China, i

Two bales and two boxes of linens, iiii

Two quintals of Muzavetas, ii

Four pounds of fine coral of all sorts, iiii

Three quintals of glass, (one blue), iii

One thousand bundles of glass beads—green and yellow, m

Five hundred dozen hawks' bells, d

Coins and small bars of fine silver for trade in China,

Six large caldrons of pitch, vi

Two large caldrons, such as are used for bucking linen; but they must be large and very strong, because they are to be used in making saltpetre, ii

One thousand sailneedles, m

Two hundred hogsheads hooped with hoops of iron, cc

Two saddles with long stirrups, with colored velvet trimmings, and all rivets, bits, and stirrup-irons to be gilded, ii

Two cavalry saddles with colored trimmings, all to be of good quality, ii

Six gilt swords with daggers of good quality which are for the S.S. on the coast of China and for those in the islands of Japan, vi

All of the aforesaid goods should be sent as soon as possible, on the first ships that sail, for all these things are very necessary, that we may maintain ourselves in these parts.

List of articles needed by the said fleet for the oared vessels which are to be built here for his majesty. The list follows:

First: four hawsers, of one hundred and twenty brazas
[93] each; each five quintals, xx quintals

Two large cables, of eighty brazas each; each one
to weigh six quintals, xii quintals

Six hawsers, of one hundred and thirty brazas each;
each to weigh three quintals, xviii quintals

Two large cables additional, of one hundred and twenty
brazas each; each to weigh ten quintals, xx quintals

Item common sails for rigging, thirty quintals,
xxx quintals

We need one hundred quintals of cordage of all sorts,
c quintals

Two grapnels, each to weight four quintals,
viii quintals

Four anchors, to weigh five quintals apiece,
xx quintals

Six grapnels, to weigh three quintals apiece; five
or six more, each to weigh from five to six arrobas,
xxxiii arrobas [sic]

Four grapnels, three arrobas each,
xii arrobas

Twelve French saws, xii

Four frame-saws, iiii

Six hand-saws, vi

Two grindstones, ii

Five hundred pieces of cloths from Teguintepeq for sails, d

One hundred quintals of tar, c

Fifty quintals of pitch, l

For sallotes ropes which are necessary, four pieces of one hundred and fifty brazas each, to weigh three quintals apiece, xii quintals

Four hawsers of one hundred brazas each, to weigh
four quintals apiece, xvi

Two workmen, oar makers, to make oars from the wood
hereabout, ii

Two hundred pulleys; with both eyes and sheaves, cc

One hundred quintals of grease, c

Two hundred sheep-skins with the wool on, cc

All this cordage to be agave and hemp.

Also two anvils of two arrobas each, ii

Also two small ones from six to seven pounds, ii

One anvil, i

Two screws for filing, ii

A half-dozen boys for ironworking, vi

Three or four bellows-pipes for forges, iiii

One hundred heavy coats of mail, c

The powder and fuse which have been asked for,

Likewise three or four pairs more of bellows are asked for, iiii

Twelve more negroes, xii

Two hundred more iron axes shod in Mexico, cc

Two hundred mattocks, cc

One hundred more pieces of Tequantepeque [Tehuantepec]
and Venetian canvas, c

One pair of large fishing-nets which may come in the
hogsheads mentioned above, ii

Ear-rings, glassware, and fine coral,

The coins and bars of silver, just as they have been
asked for,

The caldrons of pitch, because those that were made
in Mexico were worthless,

One dozen caldrons with three compartments, xii

Four syringes, and the cupping glasses and the lancets which are likewise ordered,

Sail-needles with large eyes,

Workmen who understand how to build vessels,

Six cables for the flagship, of fourteen or sixteen quintals each

The steel that is asked for. [Certain shapes and sizes of steel spikes are specified, with drawings to illustrate; five, thirty, forty, and fifty respectively, of the various kinds are asked for.]

[Endorsed: "List of articles which are required for his majesty's camp situated in the port of Cubu of the West.">[

Relation of the Voyage to the Philippine Islands, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1565

Illustrious Sire:

I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for I consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always consider it so whenever the opportunity presents itself. I am enjoying good health, thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon as of little importance. May our Lord grant to your excellency the good health that I wish.

On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before dawn, I set sail with the fleet that was at Puerto de la Navidad. For five days the fleet sailed southwest, but on the sixth we directed our course westward until we reached the ninth degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search of the island of Los Reyes, in order that we might go from that point to the Felippinas. A week after we had taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the patache "San Lucas," with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command. There had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso's fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed. It is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been informed about the expedition that we were making, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed as to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. But up to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to be an island inhabited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was about four leagues in circumference, and had a population of about two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome to us for five or six days. At the end of that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along the thirteenth degree of latitude, so that we might strike a better land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and should not strike Vindanao. We followed our course in this latitude, and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which afterward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands, called Gua. We directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surrounded the fleet. These praus were furnished with lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed, either with the wind or at random. In each canoe were from six to eight Indians, altogether naked, covering not even the privy parts, which men are wont to cover. They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs inviting us to his own town (for they were from different villages) and promising to give us food there. At break of day we coasted the island and the next morning we cast anchor in a very good port. The day had scarcely begun when a great number of those praus appeared about us. There were so many of them, who came to trade with us, that some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four or five hundred of them around the ships. All that they had to sell us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. They also brought ginger, which grows in this island in so great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate it, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as any other herb. The natives shouted at us, each one inviting us to buy of him. The men of the fleet began to give them the face-cards from old playing cards, and to put bits of woolen cloth and other objects around their necks and on their heads. The Indians seeing this asked for these articles, and adorned themselves therewith as they had seen our men do. In these transactions many ridiculous things happened, and many jests were played. Afterward our men began to give them nails, which the Indians liked so well that they desired nothing else after that. They would smell them before taking them. For each nail they gave measures of rice containing about half a fanéga, more or less. After the rice was drawn up into the boat by means of a rope, because the Indians would not trade outside of their canoes, and the packages were opened, it was found that only the top layer was rice and the rest straw and stones. The Indian who had practiced this jest would clap his hands in glee, and laugh long and loud, and go from that vessel to another, to play the same trick. Then again they would take the nails, and take flight without giving anything in return. These and many other deceptions were practiced by them. They are so great thieves that they even tried to pull out the nails from our ships. They are better proportioned than the Spaniards. Often they attain the great strength fitting to their statures. One of them went behind one of our soldiers and snatched away the arquebuse from his shoulder. When good opportunity offered, they discharged their weapons on those who were taking in water. Notwithstanding that some of the natives on land were shot down, the others did not discontinue trading with our ships; but rather those on the ships, after they had sold their goods, went ashore in their canoes, and there with their hardened clubs, stones, and slings (which comprise their weapons, and which they manage very skilfully) they took the place of those who were fighting, and those who were fighting embarked in the canoes, and came also to the ships to trade. All this seems to be the proceeding of savages, as these people really are, for they have only the form of men. They have no laws, or chiefs whom they obey; and therefore every one goes wherever he wishes. They eat no meat. A soldier who went ashore received a wound in the hand. The wound was apparently small; and indeed it was through negligence of the wounded man himself that he died within two weeks. One day, after a slight engagement between my men and the natives, we got ready at sunset to sail, without noticing the absence of a young roustabout who, either through carelessness, or because he had not heard the call to assemble, must have advanced too far on the mountain. As our small boats reached the ships, the Indians, who had not lost sight of us during the hour while we remained there, came out upon the shore. As the boy came down from the mountain to the shore, the Indians, when they saw him, fell upon him and in a moment with great cruelty tore him to pieces, giving him at least thirty lance thrusts through the body. When the men of our ships saw the Indians discharging blows, and discovered that they did not have the boy with them, they returned to shore with great fury; but at their arrival the natives had already fled up a hill. They found the boy as I have said above; and I charged the master-of-camp to punish the natives for this act. At midnight he went ashore, and marched inland, but meeting no Indians, he arranged his men in an ambuscade on shore, in which he killed a few of them and wounded many others. Our men burned many houses all along the coast. The town inland on this island is large and thickly populated, and abounds in all things which are raised in the island. There our men found about two pounds of very good sulphur, and took one of the natives alive, who was brought to the ship, and whom I am sending to that Nueba España. This island is called Ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the most appropriate name that could have been given it. Eleven days after reaching this island, we set sail following our course in the aforesaid latitude. After sailing eleven days more with good weather, we finally came in sight of Filippinas, where we finished our voyage. According to the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we covered more than two thousand leagues from Puerto de la Navidad to this island, although I have heard that they were deceived as to the distance. On the afternoon of the same day in which we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bay, called Cibabao, and there we remained seven or eight days. Meanwhile we sent two boats, one south and the other north (for this island is located north and south) to see whether they could find some good port or river. One of them returned minus a gentleman of my company, called Francesco Gomez, and with the report that, for ten leagues north, they had found neither port nor river. The gentleman was killed by some Indians, after he disembarked to make blood-friendship with them, a ceremony that is considered inviolable. This is observed in this manner: one from each party must draw two or three drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix them, in the same cup, with water or wine. Then the mixture must be divided equally between two cups, and neither person may depart until both cups are alike drained. While this man was about to bleed himself, one of the natives pierced his breast from one side with a lance. The weapons generally used throughout the Filipinas are cutlasses and daggers; lances with iron points, one and one-half palms in length; lenguados, [94] enclosed in cloth sheaths, and a few bows and arrows. Whenever the natives leave their houses, even if it is only to go to the house of a neighbor, they carry these weapons; for they are always on the alert, and are mistrustful of one another.

While we were in this bay, Indians and chiefs came in several boats, displaying prominently a white flag at the bow of one of them. Another flag was raised on the stern of the flagship as a sign that they could approach. These people wear clothes, but they go barefooted. Their dress is made of cotton or of a kind of grass resembling raw silk. We spoke to them and asked them for food. They are a crafty and treacherous race, and understand everything. The best present which they gave me was a sucking pig, and a cheese of which, unless a miracle accompanied it, it was impossible for all in the fleet to partake. On the occasion of the death of the gentleman whom they killed, the natives scattered themselves through the island. They are naturally of a cowardly disposition, and distrustful, and if one has treated them ill, they will never come back. They possess, in common with all these islands, swine, goats, hens of Castile, rice, millet, and in addition a great variety of excellent fruit. The people wear gold earrings, bracelets, and necklets. Wherever we went we found a great display of these articles. Although people say that there are many mines and much pure gold, yet the natives do not extract it until the very day they need it; and, even then, they take only the amount necessary for their use, thus making the earth their purse.

Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the island, where the land turns west. Just south of this island are other islands between which and this island there is a straight channel running west. The fleet passed through this channel, and on the second day from our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of Tandaya Island.

In this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an estuary. Some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the town of Cangiungo. The natives received them neither with peace nor war; but they gave our men food and drink. When they were about to eat, an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the Castilian tongue, saying "Comamos" ["let us eat">[, "bebamos" ["let us drink">[, and answering "si" ["yes">[, when questioned by Anton Batista "Billalobos [Villalobos]" and "Captain Calabaça." It seems that he had traded with the people of the fleet of Billalobos, according to what was gather from him. And because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the village, and never came back. The next day I wished to go to the same village, and found the natives hostile. They made signs that we should not disembark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us. Seeing that in this case cajolery could not suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb them; but as we departed, they began to shower sticks and stones after us, and I was obliged to order the soldiers to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never appeared again. This town has a population of twenty or thirty Indians.

On arriving at that port, I despatched Captain de Goite with a boat and a frigate, well supplied with men and provisions, to discover some port along the coast. On the way he was to examine thoroughly the town of Tandaya, which was not very far from where we were, and other towns of the island of Abbuyo. Deceived by the appearance of the coast, he sailed on past the coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing anything. Finally he reached a large bay on which was situated a large town containing many families; the people had many swine and hens, with abundance of rice and potatoes. He returned to the fleet with this news, which gave us not a little content, for all were longing for land-products. The fleet left this port, and in the afternoon of the next day we reached the above-mentioned bay, where we anchored in front of the large town of Cavalian. One thing in especial is to be noted—namely, that wherever we went, the people entertained us with fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward they would desert their houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been in any way lessened. When we asked the people of this village for friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. Their attitude seemed to me to be quite the contrary of what had been told me by those who had gone there; for they had said that, in this village of Cavalian, which is located on the island of Buyo, Spaniards were received and were well treated. Now they did not wish to see us, and on the night of our arrival, we were made thoroughly aware of this; for they embarked with their wives, children, and property, and went away. The next day, a chief called Canatuan, the son of Malate [95] who is the principal chief of the town, came to us; but I detained him in the ship, until provisions should be sent us from land (paying for them to their satisfaction), because of his not returning to the village and because his father was very old and blind. But this proved no remedy, to make them give us anything but words. It was determined that the people should go ashore. And so they went, and we made a fine festival, killing for meat on that same day about forty-five swine, with which we enjoyed a merry carnival—as payment for which articles of barter were given to the chief whom I had with me. The latter sent us ashore with an Indian, to give these articles to the owners of the swine.

This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the names of the islands, of their rulers and people of importance, and their number. He also promised to take us to the island of Mancagua, [96] which was eight leagues from this island. We set sail with the Indian, and when we reached Macagua I sent him and three others, who went with him to their village in a canoe, after giving them some clothes. He was quite well satisfied, according to his own words, and became our friend.

This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly-populated island. The Castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly received. Now the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite depopulated—for it contains less than twenty Indians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or hear us. From this island we went to another, called Canuguinen. [97] Here we met with the same treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the coast, they hastened to betake themselves to the mountains. Their fear of the Castilians was so great, that they would not wait for us to give any explanation.

From this island the fleet directed its course towards Butuan, a province of the island of Vindanao; but the tides and contrary winds drove us upon the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we cast anchor, and within a small bay of this island we made some necessary repairs to the flagship. One morning the almiranta [98] sighted a junk at some distance away. Thinking it to be one of the smaller praus, the master-of-camp despatched against it a small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to inform me of what he had done. Seeing that he had not sent men enough, I despatched another small boat with all the men it could hold; and the master-of-camp himself with instructions how he was to proceed, reached the boat and junk, which were exchanging shots. The junk seeing that the boat contained 10 few men, defied them. When the second boat arrived it found some of the men wounded, and that the junk had many and well-made arrows and lances, with a culverin and some muskets. The junk defied the second boat also. Shouting out in Castilian, "a bordo! a bordo!" ["board! board!">[ They grappled it, and on boarding it, one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust in the throat. Those aboard the junk numbered forty-five soldiers. Fourteen or fifteen of them jumped into a canoe which they carried on their poop deck, and fled. Eight or ten of the others were captured alive, and the remainder were killed. I have been assured that they fought well and bravely in their defense, as was quite apparent; for besides the man they killed, they also wounded more than twenty others of our soldiers. In the junk were found many white and colored blankets, some damasks, almaizales [99] of silk and cotton, and some figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, some gold, and many other things. The junk was taken to the flagship. Its crew were Burnei Moros. Their property was returned to them, and what appeared, in our reckoning, its equivalent in articles of barter was given to them, because their capture was not induced by greed. My chief intent is not to go privateering, but to make treaties and to procure friends, of which I am in great need. The Burneans were much pleased and satisfied with this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing how fickle they were.

On the same day that the boats went to the junk, I despatched the patache "San Joan" with orders to go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable port and shore where a settlement could be made. While the patache went on this mission, I kept the boat of the Burneans and the pilot. This latter was a man of experience, and versed in different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I wished to know. Among other things he told me that, if the Indians of this land avoided this fleet so much, I should not be surprised, because they, had great fear of the name of Castilla. He said that while we were among these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that the cause for this was that about two years ago, somewhat more or less, some Portuguese from Maluco visited these islands with eight large praus and many natives of Maluco. Wherever they went they asked for peace and friendship, saying that they were Castilians, and vassals of the king of Castilla; then when the natives felt quite secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing and capturing all that they could. For this reason the island of Macagua was depopulated, and scarcely any inhabitants remained there. And in this island of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more than a thousand persons. Therefore the natives refused to see us and hid themselves—as in fact was the case. Although, on my part, I did my best to gain their confidence, giving them to understand that the Portuguese belong to a different nation and are subjects of a different king than we, they did not trust me; nor was this sufficient, for they say that we have the same appearance, that we wear the same kind of clothing, and carry the same weapons.

In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one called Çicatuna and the other Çigala, who through the Bornean's going inland to call them, came to the fleet. From these chiefs I heard the same thing that I had been told by the Burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the great robberies that the Portuguese committed hereabout, in order to set the natives against us—so that, on our coming, we should find no friends. This fell out as they wished, because, although Çicatuna and Çigala made friendship with me, we could put no confidence in them; nor would they sell us anything, but only made promises.

While in this island, I despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that could be seen from this island. The chief pilot and Joan de Aguire accompanied it, and it was supplied with sufficient food, men, and provisions. Coming to the entrance between two islands, they were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the channel; and, in order to return, they sailed around the island. On this island they saw a town where the Moro pilot declared that he was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but under pretense of friendship, the natives, treacherously killed him with a lance-thrust. The space of one week had been given to them, but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only by sailing around the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues in circumference.

When the patache returned from Butuan, it reported that they had seen the king, and that two Moro junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were anchored in the river which flows near the town. The Moros sold our men a large quantity of wax. When the men of Luzon saw our tostones they were very much pleased with them, and they gave nearly twenty marks of gold, which they had there in that island, giving for six tostones of silver one of gold; and they said that they had more gold, if our men would give them more tostones, and that in exchange for the latter they would give them ten or twelve quintals of gold which they had there in that island. The soldiers of the patache were so desirous to plunder the junks, that they besought permission to do so from the captain; thus importuned, and because his own desire was not less keen, he was on the point of granting it. Fortunately the officials (the treasurer and factor) aboard the patache opposed this, saying that it was not fitting to his majesty's service, and that it would stir up the land and set it against us. As the men of Luzon had put some earth within the cakes of wax that they had sold, in order to cheat us with it; and inasmuch as they, moreover, insisted that the natives should not give anything in exchange for any other kind of trade-goods, but only for tostones, and had uttered many lies and slanders against us—the soldiers said that this was sufficient to justify the war; and that the war would not be the cause of stirring up the natives, because the latter were not at all well-disposed toward the Moros. Finally they did not touch the Moros, being persuaded to this by the captain and the officials. By my instructions, in case they should meet any strange or piratical junk that proved hostile, they returned to the station of the fleet, bringing a small quantity of gold, wax, cinnamon, and other things. Nevertheless the natives of the island would have sold them a quantity of gold had not the Moros prevented it.

While in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was very anxious about the frigate, since it was to be gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed, and it was nowhere to be seen. Meanwhile a prau which I had despatched with two soldiers and the chiefs Çicatuna and Çigala to the island of Cubu to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it, had returned, bringing no news whatever of its whereabouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, fearing that our companions might have been lost, captured, or killed, the shout "the frigate! the frigate!" was heard in our fleet. Turning my glance, I beheld it entering the bay. Only the Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well and strong, although they had suffered from hunger. On arriving, they informed us that the island which they had coasted had a circuit of one hundred and fifty leagues, and that on their return they had passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu. [100] They reported that this island of Cubu was densely, populated, containing many large villages, and among them were many people inhabiting the coast, and inland many cultivated districts. The above-mentioned soldiers who went to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna and Cigala said that the same thing was to be observed on the other coast, and that the port of the town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. I decided to take the fleet to that island—a plan I carried out, with the intention of requesting peace and friendship from the natives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost. Should they refuse all this I decided to make war upon them—a step which I considered justifiable in the case of these people; for it was in that same port and town that Magallanes and his fleet were well received. King Sarriparra and nearly all the natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching, voluntarily offering themselves as his majesty's vassals. Magallanes and more than thirty of his companions were afterward killed while fighting in behalf of this island against the people of Matan, a thickly-populated island situated near this one. Afterward the two islands made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants of the town of Cibu killed many of the Spaniards of the same fleet, and drove the remaining few away from their land. Hence we see that all this is sufficient occasion for any course whatever. In accordance with this last opinion the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the port of Çibu on Friday, April 27, 1565. We had scarcely arrived when an Indian came to the flagship in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the ruler of the island, was in the town, and that he was going to come to the fleet to see me. A little later there came from the village, an Indian, an interpreter of the Malay language, who said, on behalf of Tupas, that the latter was getting ready to come to see me, that he would come on that very day, and that he would bring ten of the principal chiefs of that island. I waited for them that whole day; but as I saw that the people were much occupied in removing their possessions from their houses and carrying them to the mountain, and that during all this day and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son of Saripara, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come, I sent a boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta and the master-of-camp, in order that, in their presence, the government notary, with Hieronimo Pacheco, interpreter of the Malay tongue (which is spoken by many of the natives of this land), might request the natives, as vassals of the king of Castilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to assure the people that I did not come to do them any harm, but on the contrary to show them every favor, and to cultivate their friendship. Three times this announcement was made to them, with all the signs and kind words possible to win their friendship. But at length—seeing that all our good intentions were of no avail, and that all the natives had put on their wooden corselets and rope armor [101] and had armed themselves with their lances, shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many plumes and varicolored headdresses were waving; and that help of men had come in praus from the outside, so that their number must be almost two thousand warriors; and considering that now was the time for us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that the present port and location were exactly suited to our needs, and that it was useless for us to wait any longer; and seeing that there was no hope for peace, and that they did not wish it, although we had offered it—the master-of-camp said to the natives through an interpreter: "Since you do not desire our friendship, and will not receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves from us, and guard your houses." The Indians answered boldly: "Be it so! Come on! We await you here." And thereupon they broke out into loud cries, covering themselves with their shields and brandishing their lances. Then they returned to the place whence they had set out, hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the boat, and returning again to their station, going and coming as in a game of cañas. [102] Our men got ready and left the ships in boats; and as the boats left the ships for the shore, in accordance with the order given them, some shots were fired from the ships upon the multitude of praus anchored near a promontory, as well as at the landsmen upon shore, and upon the town. But, although they had showed so great a desire for war, when they heard the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned their village without waiting for battle, and fled through the large, beautiful, and fertile open fields that are to be seen in this region. Accordingly we remained in the village, which had been left totally without provisions by the natives. We pursued the enemy, but they are the lightest and swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. When we entered the village, all the food had been already taken away. However, I believe that there will be no lack of food. In exchange for our hardships this is a good prospect, although there is no hope of food except through our swords. The land is thickly populated, and so fertile that four days after we took the village the Castilian seeds had already sprouted. We have seen some little gold here, on the garments worn by the natives. We are at the gate and in the vicinity of the most fortunate countries of the world, and the most remote; it is three hundred leagues or thereabouts farther than great China, Burnei, Java, Lauzon, Samatra, Maluco, Malaca, Patan, Sian, Lequios, Japan, and other rich and large provinces. I hope that, through God's protection, there will be in these lands no slight result for his service and the increase of the royal crown, if this land is settled by Spaniards, as I believe it will be. From this village of Cubu, I have despatched the ship with the father prior [Urdaneta] and my grandson, Phelipe de Zauzedo, with a long relation of the things which I boldly write here to your excellency. They will inform his majesty at length, as persons who have been eyewitnesses of all especially of what has taken place here, the state of the new settlement, and the arrangements made for everything. It remains to be said that, since this fleet was despatched by the most illustrious viceroy, my master, of blessed memory, and further, chiefly because of being an enterprise that every gentleman should all the more favor, inasmuch as it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the heir of the glory resulting from this expedition—your excellency should favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch of your most illustrious hand, and so that aid should be sent as promptly as the necessity of our condition demands. For we shall have war not only with the natives of this and other neighboring islands of the Philipinas (which is of the lesser import), but—a thing of greater consequence—we shall have to wage war with many different nations and islands, who will aid these people, and will side against us. On seeing us settled in this island the Portuguese will not be pleased, nor will the Moros and other powerful and well-armed people. It might happen that, if aid is delayed and is not sent by you to us with all promptitude, the delay will prove a sufficient obstacle, so that no result will follow from the work that we have accomplished. I beg his majesty to send us some aid with the promptness, which rightly should not be less man in that city of España, where his majesty resides. And because it is worth knowing, and so that your excellency may understand that God, our Lord, has waited in this same place, and that he will be served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holy faith and most glorious name, he has accomplished most miraculous things in this western region, your excellency should know that on the day when we entered this village one of the soldiers went into a large and well-built house of an Indian, where he found an image of the child Jesus (whose most holy name I pray may be universally worshiped). This was kept in its cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from España; and only the little cross which is generally placed upon the globe in his hand was lacking. This image was well kept in that house, and many flowers were found before it, no one knows for what object or purpose. The soldier bowed before it with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image to the place where the other soldiers were. I pray the holy name of this image which we have found here, to help us and to grant us victory, in order that these lost people who are ignorant of the precious and rich treasure which was in their possession, may come to a knowledge of him.

Copia de Vna Carta Venida de Se|-
Uilla a Miguel Saluador de
Valencia. La Qual Narra El Ventu|Roso Des-
Cubrimiento Que los Mexicanos Han
Hecho, Naue-|Gando con la Armada
Quesu Magestad Mando Hazer en|
Mexico. Con Otros Cosas Mar-
Auillosas, y de Gran| Prone-
Cho Para Toda la Chris-
Tiandad: Con|Dignas
De Ser Vistas y
Leydas.

¶En Barcelona, Per Pau Cortey, 1566.

Desto de la China ay dos relaciones, y es, que a los dezisiete de Nouiembre del año de mil y quinietos y sessenta y quatro, por mandado de su Mage. se hizo vna armada en el puerto de la Natiuidad e la mar del Sur, cient leguas de Mexico, de dos naues, y dos pataysos, para descubrir las yslas dela especieria, que las llaman Philippinas, por nuestro Rey, costaron mas de seyscientos mil pesos de Atipusque hechas a la vela.

¶Partieron el dicho dia del puerto, y nauegaron seys dias juntas: y a los siete les dio vna barrusca, que se aparto dellas el Patays, que era de cincuenta toneladas, y lleuana venyte [sc. veynte] hombres: el qual nauego cincuenta dias, y al fin dellos, vio tierra, que eran muchas islas entre las quales vio vna mas grande, y alli surgio. ¶Acudieron ala costa gente dela isla la qual es mas blanca que los Indios nuestros: y las mugeres muy mas blancas que los hombres, como las mugeres de cosas de palma texidas, y labradas encima con sedas de colores. Porgala. trahen los dientes colorados, y horadados, y enlos agujeros vnos clauicos de oro. Y los hombres con calcas de lieço de algodõ con senogiles de seda, con muchas pieças de oro. ¶Entre ellos vino vno q parescia de mas calidad, vestido todo de seda, con vn alfange, la empuñadura, y guarniciones de oro, y piedras. ¶Los nuestros les pidieron mantenimientos, y dierõ se losa trueque de bugerias: pero ellos pidierõ hierro y dio seles: y quando vieron los clauos, no querian otro sina clauos, y estos pagauan con oro en poluo. Trayan algunos vnas dagas de azero muy galanas, y muestran ser gente politica y de mucha razõ. Vsan depeso y medida: dierõ alos nuestros gamos, puercos, gallinas, codornizes, arroz, mijo, y pan de palmas: de todo esto ay grande abudancia. Estuno alli el Patays casi treynta dias, esperando las otras naues, y como no vinieron, determino de boluer a Mexico: y al tiepo que salio dela isla, encontro vn junco, que es navio de casi cient toneladas, enla qual venian sessenta Indios, y como vieron el Patays, todos se echarona nado, y se fueron a la tierra, que estana cerca. Entraron dentro algunos soldados, por mandado del capitan, y hallaron que yua cargado de porcellanas, y mantas, y lienços pintados, y otras cosas dela tierra, y algunos cañutillos de oro molido, delos quales no tomaron mas que vno, y algunas porcellanas, y algunas mantas: y delo demas, de todo poco, para traher lo por muestra. Estuuo este Patays en yr y en boluer, dozientos, y treynta dias. Huuieron de menester subir mas de quarenta grados hazia el norte. Huuo desde el puerto do partieron, hasta esta isla, mil y sete cientas leguas. ¶Las otras tres naues dentro de cincuenta dias hallaron muchas islas, y aportarõ en algunas dellas, y passaron en cada vna dellas muchas cosas, que estan grande la relacion, que ocupa veynte pliegos de papel. En fin aportaron a vna isla grande que se llama Iubu, y alli hizieron amistad conel rey della, que se hizo desta manera. Saco se el rey sangre del pecho, y el capitan assi mesmo, y echada la sangre de entrabos en vna copa de vino la partierõ por medio, y el vno benio la vna mitad, y el otro la otra mitad: y aquello dizen q haze la amistad inuiolable. Cõ todo esto tuuierõ ciertas passiones, y robarõ vn lugarejo: y en vna casa pobre hallaron vn niño Iesus, destos que traen de Flandes, con su velo, y pomo enla mano, tan fresco como si se acabara de hazer entonces. En aquella isla qui sieron poblar, porq es muy abundãte de todos los mantenimientos, y començaron a hazer vn fuerte, y hizierõ fuera del vna yglesia, dopusieron el niño Iesus, y la llamarõ del nombre de Iesus: y la isla la llaman sant Miguel, porque se entro enella el dia de su Aparicion. Y de alli alos Malucas dõde esta la especieria, ay cient y cincueta leguas, y ala China dozientas, y a Malach quinientas leguas. Y hallaron alli canela finissima que la hauian los dela isla trahydo de los Malucas y gengibre, y cosas de seda galanas. Y de alli embiaron delas tres naues la capitana de Mexico, do llego despues que hauia llegado el Patays, y estauan adereçando otras dos naues para socorro. Hay muchas otras islas por alli muy grandes, y son del mismo modo desta. Entre las otras hay vna tierra tan rica de oro, que no lo estiman en nada: y hay tãta cãtidad de canela que la quemã en lugar de leñares de tan luzida gente, q la ygualan con España. Hay alli vn rey q tiene ala continua mil hõbres de guarda: y estima se tanto que ninguno de sus vassallos le vee la cara sino vna vez enel año: y si le han de hablar para tratar conel algo, le hablã por vna zebratana: y quãdo de año a año se dexa ver, le dã muy grandes riquezas. Son gente muy prima, hazen brocados, y sedas texidas de muchas maneras. Tienen en tan poco el oro, q dio este rey por vn pretal de cascaueles, tres barchillas de oro en poluo: porq alli todo quanto oro ay es en poluo. Cargaron estas tres naues quando tornaron tanta cantidad de oro en aquella isla, que mõto el quinto q dan al rey vn millon y dozientos mil ducados. ¶Andan por alla Moros contratando con naues, y trocãdo cosas de su tierra por oro, y mantas, y especieria, y por clauos y otras cosas. Encontro la armada con vna naue dellos, y tomola, aunque se defendio de tal manera, q mato vno dellos, y hirieron mas de veynte. Y trahian muchas cosas de oro y mantas, y otras especierias que hauian rescatado. Hay tantas islas que dize que son seteta cinco mil y ochocientas. En esta isla de Iubu do hazen poblacion, es do mataron a Magallanes. Y dizen, que los Portugueses con ciertas Carauelas aportaron por alli, haura dos años, llamãdose Españoles, y vassallos del rey de Castilla, y robaron muchas islas, y las saquearon, y lleuaron mucha gente captiua, porque como veyan q nuestra armada se haiza enla nueua España, tomassen los nuestros cõ los dela tierra mal credito. Y assi quando los nuestros llegaron, pensando que eran ellos, huyan alos mõtes con sus joyas, y haziendas. Y se ha visto el general en harto trabajo por apaziguarlos, y darles a entender que son ellos, y cierto deue ser hombre cuerdo, porque por la relaciõ se vee hauer tenido mucho sufrimiento, por no topar con ellos, y los ha lleuado con mucho amor, sin hazer agrauio a nadie. Ello escosa grãde, y de mucha importãcia: y los de Mexico estã muy vfanos con su descubrimiento, q tienen entedido q seran ellos el coraçon del mundo. Trahe eneste nauio de auiso q es venido agora aca, gegibre, canela, oro en poluo, vna arroua de conchas riquissimas de oro, y blancas, joyas de oro, cera, y otras cosas para dar muestra delo que en aquella tierra ay, y muchas bugerias, y otras cosas muy galanas. Y aunque no las traxeran, harto trahian en hauer descubierto y hallado la nauegacion por aquestas partes, que es cosa de mucha calidad. Con la flota sabremos mas delo que supiere auisare a V.M. &c.

Copy of a Letter Sent from Seuilla
To Miguel Saluador of
Valencia. Which Narrates the Fortunate
Discovery Made By the Mexicans Who
Sailed in the Fleet Which His Majesty
Ordered to Be Built in
Mexico. With Other Wonderful
Things of Great Advantage
For All Christendom:
Worthy of
Being Seen and
Heard.

¶Printed in Barcelona, By Pau Cortey, 1566.

Of this discovery, two relations have come from China: namely, that on the seventeenth of November, [103] in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, a fleet was made ready by order of his majesty in Puerto de le Natividad, (which is situated on the Southern Sea, one hundred leagues from Mexico), consisting of two ships and two pataches, in order to discover the spice islands, which are named Philippinas, after our king. This fleet, when ready for sailing, cost more than six hundred thousand pesos of Atipusque. [104]

¶These vessels set sail from port on the above-mentioned day, voyaging in company for six days. On the seventh a squall struck them, separating from the others the patache, a vessel of fifty tons' burden, and carrying a crew of twenty men. [105] This vessel sailed for fifty days, at the end of which time land was sighted. This proved to be a number of islands, among which they saw one larger than the others, where they cast anchor. ¶On the shore of the island were gathered the natives, who are lighter complexioned than our Indians, the women being of even lighter hue than the men. Men and women were clad alike in garments woven from the palm, and worked along the edges with different colored silks. By way of adornment, they color their teeth, and bore them through from side to side, placing pegs of gold in the holes. The men wear drawers of cotton cloth, silken garters, and many pieces of gold. ¶Among them was one man who seemed of higher rank than the others, clad wholly in silk, and wearing a cutlass, of which the hilt and sword guard were gold and precious stones. ¶Our men asked them for food, giving them various trinkets in exchange. But they asked for iron, which was given to them; and when they caught sight of the nails, they desired nothing else, and paid for them with gold-dust. Some of them wear very neatly-made steel daggers, and they appear to be a polite and intelligent people. They use weights and measures. They gave our men deer, swine, poultry, quail, rice, millet, and bread made of dates—all in great abundance. The patache remained here for about thirty days, waiting for the other ships; but, as these did not come, they determined to return to Mexico. As they left the island, they met a junk, which is a vessel of about one hundred tons' burden, in which were sixty Indians. When these caught sight of the patache, all threw themselves into the water, and swam to the shore, which was not far away. Some soldiers, by command of the captain, boarded the junk, and found it laden with porcelain, cloths, figured linens, and other products of their country, together with some beads of hammered gold. Of these latter they took but one, with some of the porcelain and cloth—a little of each thing—to carry as specimens. In going and returning this patache consumed two hundred and thirty days. They were compelled to run to the north, beyond the fortieth degree. From the port of departure to that island, they sailed one thousand seven hundred leagues. ¶Within fifty days, the other three vessels discovered many islands. They anchored at some of these, and in each one they suffered many hardships. So long is the relation of this, that it fills twenty sheets of paper. [106] Finally they landed at a large island named Iubu, where they made friendship with its king. This was done in the following manner. The king drew some blood from his breast, and the captain did the same. The blood of both was placed in one cup of wine, which was then divided into two equal parts, whereupon each one drank one half; and this, they assert, constitutes inviolable friendship. Notwithstanding this, they had certain conflicts, and sacked a little village. In a poorly-built house was found an image of the child Jesus, such as comes from Flanders, with his veil and the globe in his hand, and in as good condition as if just made. They wished to settle in that island, because of the abundance of all kinds of food. They began the construction of a fort, outside of which they erected a church, wherein the child Jesus was placed, and they called the church Nombre de Jesús ["Name of Jesus">[. They named the island Sant Miguel, because of landing there on the day of his apparition. From here to the Malucos, where the spice is found, there is a distance of one hundred and twenty leagues; to China, two hundred; and to Malach [Malacca], five hundred. They found in this island the finest cinnamon, which its people acquire through trade with the Malucos; besides ginger and articles of fine silk. Of the three vessels, the flagship was despatched from that island to Mexico, where it arrived later than the patache, and where two other vessels were being prepared as a relief. There are many other very large islands in that region, in appearance quite like the above-named island. Among others is a region so rich in gold, that the amount is beyond estimation. And there is so great abundance of cinnamon that it is burned instead of wood by those people, who are as luxurious as those of Spain. They have a king there who has a constant body-guard of one thousand men, and who is esteemed so highly that none of his subjects see his face oftener than once a year. If they find it necessary to converse with him on any matter, they speak to him through a long wooden tube. And when he annually permits himself to be gazed upon, his subjects give him many valuable things. These people are quite advanced. They possess brocaded and silken fabrics of many different kinds. They hold gold in so little estimation that this king gave three barchillas [107] of gold dust (for there all their gold is in the form of dust) for one string of hawk's bells. Those three vessels loaded so much gold in that island that the king's fifth amounted to one million two hundred thousand ducats. ¶Moros frequent that district in ships for purposes of trade, bartering the products of their country for gold, cloths, spices, cloves, and other articles. The fleet encountered one of their vessels and captured it, although its occupants defended themselves so valiantly that one of the Spaniards was killed, and more than twenty wounded. They had much gold, cloth, besides spices, which they had acquired in trade. So many are the islands that they are said to number seventy-five thousand eight hundred. That island of Iubu, where the colony was planted, is the place where Magallanes was killed. [108] It is said that the Portuguese with some caravels landed there about two years ago, claiming to be Spaniards and subjects of the king of Castilla, and plundered many islands, sacking them and seizing many of the natives. Consequently, when those people heard that our fleet had been made ready in Nueva España, our men were held in bad repute among the natives of that region. Therefore when our men arrived, the inhabitants, thinking them to be the Portuguese, fled to the mountains with their jewels and possessions. The general has experienced much trouble in appeasing them, and in making the natives understand who the Spaniards are. Surely he must be a discreet man, for the relation shows that he has exercised much forbearance in not coming to blows with them; and he has shown them much friendliness, without causing offense to anyone. This is a great and very important achievement; and the people of Mexico are very proud of their discovery, which they think will make them the center of the world. The vessel that has just come here [109] with the news of this discovery has brought ginger, cinnamon, gold-dust, an arroba of the richest gold conchas and blancas, [110] gold ornaments, wax, and other articles, in order to furnish proof of what this land contains, besides many trinkets and pretty articles. And even had they not brought these things, they bring enough in having discovered and found the route for navigation to these districts, which is a most notable event. When the fleet comes, we shall know more—of which, when it is known, I shall advise you, etc.

Letters to Felipe II of Spain, By Miguel Lopez de Legazpi—1567-68

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

Captain Martin de Goyti came with me on this expedition to serve your majesty as captain of a company of soldiers, at the order of Don Luis de Velasco (who is in glory), who was viceroy of Nueva España; since then, on account of the death here of the master-of-camp, Mateo del Saez, I have committed his duties to the above-named captain. In both capacities he has served and is serving your majesty faithfully and loyally in every way; and he takes great care and pains, for he is a very prudent and rigorously just man, and possessed of many good qualities for this office. Furthermore, he has shown himself in the wars to be skilful and courageous and of great valor, as an old soldier who has served your majesty many years in Italy and has always been the first in all labors and perils which have occurred. By great diligence and care he has induced many of the natives to become vassals of your majesty; and by his great industry and diligence has been one of the chief means of our being able to maintain ourselves in this land. It is well and fitting, if in this discovery any service has been rendered to your majesty, that you recompense him, for he also has served and toiled in it. May God, our Lord, watch over your majesty's royal person and increase your kingdom for many years. Done at Cebu, July 12, 1567. Sacred royal Catholic majesty, whose royal feet your humble and faithful vassal kisses,

Miguel Lopez De Legazpi

Very exalted and powerful Lord:

At the end of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, I left Nueva España by way of the South Sea, for the discovery of these islands of the West, by order and commission of his majesty; and having arrived at these Filipinas islands, I sent a vessel back to Nueva España to discover the return route, and to give his majesty an account of the voyage, and inform him that a colony had been settled in this island of Cubu. What has happened since then is, that in these fortunate times of his majesty and your highness there have been discovered and are being discovered many islands and lands, in which God, our Lord, and his majesty and your highness may be very well pleased with the great growth of our holy Catholic faith. And, not to be prolix with long relations of affairs and details concerning this land, I will refer you to those which I am writing to the royal Council of the Indies. It seemed to me that your highness would be pleased with specimens of the weapons with which these natives fight; accordingly they are bringing to your highness a Chinese arquebuse, of which there are some among these natives. Although they are very dexterous in handling these guns, when on the sea, aboard of their praus, they carry them more to terrify than to kill. And likewise they bring you a half-dozen lances and another half-dozen daggers, a cutlass, two corselets, two helmets, and a bow with quiver and arrows, all which they use. Moreover, that your highness may see how scrupulous these people are in their dealings, I send your highness a pair of balances and one of their steelyards. I beg humbly your highness to receive my desire to serve you ever as a faithful servant, and pardon my boldness.

Very exalted and powerful lord, may our Lord watch over the very exalted and powerful and royal person of your highness, and may he augment you with more kingdoms and seigniories for many and fortunate years. From this island of Çubu, July 15, 1567. Your highness's very faithful servant who kisses your royal hands.

Miguel Lopez De Legazpi

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

On the vessel which I sent to New Spain to discover the return route, I gave your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of our arrival and settlement in these islands, up to the time of the ship's departure. The succeeding events in this camp may be seen by the relation which I send with this letter.

Last year a vessel [111] was sent from Nueva España for this island with news of the arrival of the flagship which went from here. It arrived here on the fifteenth of October of last year, in great extremity and trouble, for on the way they killed the captain and a son of his, and some others, and raised mutinies, rebellions, and other troubles, as may be seen from the evidence thereof which I send. As it brought no other assistance, nor any of the articles which we sent for from here, nor any command or order from your majesty (nor have these things been sent here since then); and since after so long a time the flagship has not returned, nor have we received the assistance that was hoped for with it—the men of this camp are in extremities and distressed. Because it has not been permitted them to rob, or make war upon, or in any way harm the natives, and as they see so great delay in the sending of aid, some have not been lacking in treacherous and damnable purposes and desires, from which God, our Lord, has been pleased up to now to deliver your majesty's loyal and faithful servants—who with all loyalty and zeal have served you and are now serving you in these regions—and I hope therefore that in his divine goodness he will continue to do so.

There have been some islands discovered in this neighborhood, and more are being continually found of which we knew nothing, and which are inhabited by many people. There is disclosed a very great foundation and opening for both the spiritual and the temporal, from which God our Lord and your majesty may derive much profit, and our holy Catholic faith be much increased, if your majesty will give the necessary orders, and provide the suitable religious and laborers who may work diligently in this great vineyard of the Lord. And from what has been hitherto seen much fruit may be had in their conversions, without much difficulty, because there are not known among them either the temples or the rites and ceremonies of other peoples—although they are a people extremely vicious, fickle, untruthful, and full of other superstitions. They all have many specimens of gold, and this they trade and wear as jewelry; but there is only a small quantity of it, by reason of there being no headmen or great lords among them. In some islands we have been informed of and have seen mines of gold, which, if the islands were peopled with Spaniards, would, it is believed, be rich and profitable. In other islands there is an abundance of cinnamon, of which they make little use. They make no exportation of it, and therefore it is of little worth to them. Seventy quintals of it, more or less, have been carried upon this ship for your majesty; and there may be carried every year as much as your majesty wishes—enough indeed to supply all Christendom.

I have resided continuously on this island of Cubu, awaiting the orders which your majesty may be pleased to have sent. I have barely succeeded in maintaining the forces with the least possible harm to the natives, and I shall try to do the same until I see your majesty's command, and know your royal will; because if we should make war upon these people, I think that great harm would ensue, but little advantage would be gained, and we should suffer hardships greater than those which have been suffered, although they have been bad enough. By the blessing of peace, we have succeeded in attracting into the obedience of your majesty many towns. As they have come from all this neighborhood of which possession has been taken in your royal name, the list of the towns accompanies this letter. And as these people are fickle and treacherous, and know not how to obey or serve, we ought to have here a fort and a number of Spaniards, who by good treatment might restrain them and make them understand what justice is; and who may settle in other places most convenient for the security of all those of this region. For this purpose married men should be sent and those who would have to remain permanently in this land. I beg your majesty to be pleased to have provided with all despatch what is most in accord with your royal pleasure, and give the commission to some one in Nueva España, who with all care and special diligence, will provide all that is necessary, without there being so much delay as in the past.

For the security of these parts, and in order to get this needed security, it would be fitting and necessary to have built half a dozen galleys. For this, and even to provide them with crews there is reasonable provision here, provided you send officers and workmen to build the vessels, as has been written to the royal Audiencia of Mexico. With these vessels all these islands may be protected, as well as many others that are farther away from them; and it might even be possible to coast along the shores of China and to trade on the mainland. They would be very profitable and effective. Your majesty will cause to be provided in this regard what is most pleasing to you.

In November of last year arrived, very near where we are, a large fleet of Portuguese who were coming from India to Maluco, where they must have thought that we were. Having arrived near our settlement, they stopped a few days, giving out that they were coming in search of us. They sent two small boats to reconnoiter our colony and station, afterward resolving to continue their voyage without stopping here. It may well be imagined that they were not pleased to see Spaniards in these parts.

Farther north than our settlement, or almost to the northwest not far from here, are some large islands, called Luzon and Vindoro, where the Chinese and Japanese come every year to trade. They bring silks, woolens, bells, porcelains, perfumes, iron, tin, colored cotton cloths, and other small wares, and in return they take away gold and wax. The people of these two islands are Moros, and having bought what the Chinese and Japanese bring, they trade the same goods throughout this archipelago of islands. Some of them have come here, although we have not been able to go there, by reason of having too small a force to divide among so many districts.

The people who remain here are very needy and poor, on account of having had, hitherto, no advantages or profits in the islands; and they have endured many miseries and troubles, with very great zeal and desire to serve your majesty, and are worthy of receiving remuneration. I humbly beg your majesty to be pleased to be mindful of their services, to grant them all favor (since these regions and districts contain sufficient for it), because a hundred merit it, and have served well and will serve much more in the future. Therefore I beg your majesty in addition, that your majesty approve the duties and offices given and assigned for these districts, and that your majesty confirm them to the persons who hold them, together with the greater favors that you may confer on them; for in these men are found the necessary qualifications, and they fulfil their duties with all fidelity.

As this ship was about to sail, there arrived at this port two small galleys from Maluco, carrying certain Portuguese with letters from the captains of the fleet that came to these regions last year for the assistance and fortification of Maluco. In these letters they ask us to go out to their fleet, as your majesty will see by the very letters which accompany this present letter, together with the copy of the one I sent back to them. Some of those who came with the letters gave us to understand that, if we would not go willingly, they would take us by force; and that very shortly they would attack us in so great force that we could not resist them. I do not consider that they have any right to attack us or make war on us, since we, on our part, are causing them no trouble or harm; and although they come, we cannot do anything else than wait for them, notwithstanding that we are few and short of ammunition and other war material, since help has not come from Nueva España as we expected; and we have neither vessels nor equipment in order to escape. May God provide in this what he sees necessary, and as is your majesty's pleasure,—whose sacred royal Catholic person may our Lord watch over for many and prosperous years with increase of more kingdoms. From this island of Cubu, July 23, 1567. Your sacred royal majesty's very humble and faithful servant who kisses your hands and feet.

Miguel Lopez De Legazpi

Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:

When I arrived in these Filipinas islands in the year sixty-five, I despatched a ship to discover the return route to Nueva España. I also sent to your majesty a relation of the events of the voyage, and of my colonization in this island of Çubu, where I should await the reply that your majesty should be pleased to have sent me; and stated that I was writing to Nueva España that they should provide me with all the most necessary things; and those we lacked most. Seeing so much delay on all sides, last year I sent another ship with the relation of all that had occurred here, begging your majesty to be pleased to order that we should be helped and provided, with all possible expedition, with the things that we have asked for, and which were extremely necessary and important; and that the matter be committed to some one in Nueva España, who should provide and have charge of it, because although they sent us reenforcements of men, they sent us nothing else that we had asked for. They said that they had not your majesty's commission for it, and that they were expecting every day the warrant that your majesty will be pleased to give in this case, so that by virtue of it they could supply us with what was needed. This great delay has subjected us to hardship and distress, and to great danger and risk—especially through our lack of powder and ammunition, and rigging and sails for the vessels, of which we are quite destitute, and of which there are not, and cannot be, any here. I beg your majesty to have the goodness to have these things seen to, as is most in accordance with your royal pleasure, with the expedition required in a matter of so great importance; and that henceforth this matter be entrusted to some one in Nueva España, at your majesty's pleasure, who shall administer it as is most fitting to your royal service and the good of those here.

By the vessel that left last year, I sent your majesty seventy quintals of cinnamon which we got in trade with the natives; and this vessel about to sail carries one hundred and fifty quintals more. There is abundance of it, and we could send more, were it not for the lack of articles of barter; for those we bring are valueless, and these natives do not desire them. There are also other drugs, aromatics, and perfumes which our people do not know; nor do the natives know them, for they have but little curiosity, and care nothing for these things. In some places there are oysters, and indications of pearls; but the Indians neither know of them nor fish for them. There are gold mines; pepper might be had also if it were cultivated and cared for, because pepper trees have been seen, which some chiefs keep in their houses as curiosities, although they value the pepper at little or nothing. The country is healthful and has a fair climate, although it is very rough and mountainous. All trade therefore is by sea, and almost all the natives live on the sea-coast and along the rivers and creeks that empty into the sea. In the interior there are few settlements, although in some islands there are blacks living in the mountains, who neither share nor enjoy the sea, but are most of the time at war with the Indians who live down on the seacoast. Captives are made on both sides, and so there are some black slaves among the Indians.

If this land is to be settled, to pacify and place it under your royal dominion, in order to civilize its inhabitants and bring them to the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith, for it cannot be sustained by way of trade, both because our articles of barter have no value among them, and because it would be more expense than profit—in order to possess it for pacification, it is most necessary and important that your majesty maintain here a half-dozen galleys, with which to explore all this archipelago, and make further discoveries. Likewise they could coast along China and the mainland, and find out what there is there, and achieve other things of great importance. The galleys could be built here at very slight cost, because there is plenty of wood and timber. Your majesty would have only to provide tackle, sails, anchors, and the heavy bolts and nails for these vessels. You would also have to send from Nueva España two skilled ship-builders, two forges, and two dozen negroes from those that your majesty maintains at the harbor at Vera Cruz who might be taken without causing any shortage. Pitch, oakum, and grease, which are not to be had here, could be made without any further cost. The ships could be manned by slaves bought from these natives, or taken from those places which do not consent to obey your majesty.

Likewise if the land is to be settled, the mines here ought to be worked and fitted up. Since at first it will be difficult and costly and very laborious, for many causes and reasons, your majesty ought to do us the favor of giving up your royal rights and fifths, or a part of them, and for a time suitable, to those working the mines, so that they might reconcile themselves to undertaking it and expending their possessions therein; your majesty ought likewise to give them permission to buy the slaves, whom these natives barter and sell among themselves, and whom they can use on their estates and for their advantage, without taking them from their land and native home. In everything your majesty will examine and provide according to your pleasure. May our Lord keep your sacred royal Catholic majesty, and increase your kingdoms and seigniories for many and prosperous years, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Çubu, June 26, 1568. Your sacred royal Catholic majesty's faithful and humble servant who kisses your royal feet.

Miguel Lopez De Legazpi

Negotiations Between Legazpi and Pereira Regarding the Spanish
Settlement at Cebu—1568-69

(I, Fernando Riquel, [112] notary-in-chief of the royal armada which came forth to discover the Islands of the West, and to govern them for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, certify and truly testify to all who may see the present, or its duplicates authorized in public form, that while his excellency Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the above-mentioned royal armada, was located with the people thereof in this island and port of Çubu in the said Felipinas, there came to the said port a certain Portuguese armada, the chief commander of which, they said, was named Gonzalo Pereira. He, after arriving at this said port and remaining therein a few days, sent certain ordinances and documents to the said governor, to which the latter replied sending also other documents of his own; and the ordinances and documents of the said commander-in-chief, Gonzalo Pereira, remained in the hands of me, the above-mentioned Fernando Riquel; while the papers and documents which the said governor sent in response to the said captain-general, under his own signature, remained in the hands of the captain-general himself. The duplicates, signed and authorized by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of the Portuguese fleet aforesaid, I, the above-mentioned Fernando Riquel, possess, and do insert and incorporate them one with another; and the copies thereof, one placed after another, constitute what now follows, arranged according to the order in which they were presented.)

As for the requisition and protest which I, Gonçallo Pereira, commander-in-chief of this fleet of the king, our sovereign, do make to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, captain-general of the fortress and settlement which he has recently established in this our island of Cebu: you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet, are directed to lay it before him, and with his reply—or, if he be unwilling to give one, without it—to return to me. You shall present to him the document and documents, which I must send him, to the effect that it is true that, coming from India in order to favor and increase the Christian communities in these islands, which had been persecuted by the unbelievers, I learned in Borneo that his grace had entered into this our charge and conquest, and established himself in this island of Cebu, and that he had entered by accident and not intentionally through his having encountered severe storms, and had reached land in this possession of ours. Wherefore I arrived on the sixth of October, one thousand five hundred and sixty-six, from Borneo, having come in quest of him to aid and assist him in his need, as was my duty as a Christian, and because of the close relationship and friendliness of our sovereigns which obliged me to do this, and nothing less, in order to fulfil on our part, the compact made between the emperor Don Carlos, whom may God preserve, and the royal sovereign Don Joham the Third, whom may God maintain in glory. As it turned out I did not see him, owing to the stress of weather which constrained me to go directly to Maluco—whence I sent Antonio Rombo Dacosta and Baltesar de Sousa in two caracoas [113] to visit his grace, and ascertain from him what he needed from our fleet, offering him most willingly everything that it contained. From the fortress likewise, the same offers were made by Alvoro de Mendonca its commander; but his grace neither accepted nor besought anything from the fleet or from the fortress. And hearing from Antonio Rombo that there was great need of many things, through lack of which much hardship was suffered, I left Maluco again on the thirteenth of October one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven, in search of his grace, very well provided with everything necessary for his aid—no inconsiderable amount—at the cost of his highness and of his captains. And I failed again to see him, in spite of all my efforts, in consequence of setting out late, and having encountered a very violent monsoon. On the twenty-sixth of August, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight I returned to Maluco, only to retrace for a third time my way. And our Lord was pleased to allow me to arrive at this our port where I encountered him in peaceful wise without any hostile manifestation whatsoever. And I did not take from and defend against him any vessels or supplies, a thing both easy and profitable for us to do; but, on the contrary, I favored his grace in every way, and gave him the title of governor. But—seeing that the fortress was being strengthened more and more each day upon the land; and that he was trying to enter into communication with the people about, and constraining them in some measure by force of arms to obedience in the payment of tribute to his majesty the king Don Felipe; and entering into agreements, in the name of his majesty, with the people near and far to the effect that they might sail safely all around the land and through the waters of this archipelago,—I am in considerable apprehension, for all this region belongs to the conquest and demarcation of the king our sovereign; and I cannot persuade myself that his grace comes here with the delegated authority and consent of the king Don Felipe, who is so closely connected and allied with the king our sovereign. Wherefore I request his grace, both one and many times, on the part of the very Catholic and Christian sovereigns, [114] to send me word as to the cause of his coming and his stay, and to show the commission which he brings; for if the consent of the sovereigns is in any wise therein contained, I wish to conform thereto, as I am very desirous to give help and favor in every way which will be of service to the said sovereigns—as, in letters, and in the interviews held, I have given his grace to understand thoroughly. And if his grace is not willing to do anything in this matter, and will not consent to come with all his camp and join this fleet, as I have also asked him to do, I summon him, on behalf of the very Catholic and Christian sovereigns, to depart from this land and archipelago of ours forthwith, with all his camp, fleet, and munitions of war, and leave it free and unembarrassed to the said lord thereof. And otherwise I protest that all the loss and damage which may ensue in this matter will fall upon his grace, and that he will be obliged to give account of them to God and to the sovereigns our lords. Given in this galley "San Francisco," in the port of Cebu, on the fourteenth of October one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Goncalo Pereira.

(Notification: On the fifteenth day of the said month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public for the king our sovereign in this his fleet, went at the command of Goncalo Pereira, the captain-general thereof, to the camp of Çebu of which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi is the commander; and I presented to him in his lodgings there, two hours, somewhat more or less, after noon on the said day, month, and year, and delivered to him, word for word, the demand and protest above mentioned, given to me by Afonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the fleet, who was granted due authority for this business by the said commander-in-chief. At this delivery were present the said factor and Baltesar de Freitas, the notary of the fleet; Andres d'Ibarra, captain; Guido de Levazaris, his majesty's treasurer; Amador de Arrayaran, first ensign, and Graviel da Rabeira, head aiguazil, of the camp—all of whom signed here with me, Pero Bernaldez, notary, who writes these presents.

Pero Bernaldez, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, Baltesar de Freitas.

And then the said Miguel Lopez, after the said demand had been read by me, said that he had heard it, and begged that a copy thereof might be given him, to which he would reply in due form; and, that there may be no doubt about the matter, Lopez says upon another line that it will be truly done. And I, Pero Bernaldez, who drew up this writing in the said day, month, and year, and at the said hour, do witness thereto, in company with the said witnesses already mentioned.

Andres de Ybarra, Guido de Lavezaris, Amador de Arrayaran, Graviel de Ribera.)

Authorization: Guonçallo Pereira, commander-in-chief of these south-by-east regions: by my authorization power is granted to Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the king our sovereign in this his fleet, so that he may, for me, and in my name, present and require from his highness all the papers and documents which may serve the ends of justice, with all the powers which I myself should have in these affairs which I am carrying on with the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha. Therefore, in certification of the above, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, signed this document on the galleon "San Francisco," in the port of Çebu, on the thirteenth day of the month of October, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Goncalo Pereira, Pedro Bernaldez.

(Reply: This is the copy of the answer which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi sent to Gonçalo Pereira, captain-general of the armada in the South Sea. I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king our sovereign, copied the summons of the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.)

I, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, of his forces and the royal fleet, for the discovery of these islands of the West: inasmuch as certain demands, contained in a summons which Pero Bernaldez—notary-public, as he said, of his armada—read to me on behalf of the very illustrious Gonçalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese armada, have been made upon me on the petition of Alonso Alvarez [Furtado], factor of the said armada (as in the said summons to which I refer, is set forth, at greater length); therefore replying to the said demand and to the things contained therein, I say that I came by command of his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, and with his royal fleet as the governor and general thereof, with the purpose of discovering the lands and islands of the West, which are and always were within his demarcation, in order to propagate and teach therein the gospel and the evangelical law, and to spread the Christian sway of our holy Catholic faith—the thing which, most of all, his majesty purposes in these parts. In the course of my expedition I arrived at these islands, where I was obliged to provide myself with certain supplies which I needed and which I did not have at hand; and in search of which I went about among the said islands for many days without being able to secure them, until by chance I arrived at this port of Cubu, where I was obliged to spend the winter. I sent from here the flagship, in which I came, to Nueva Spaña with a report of all that had happened during the expedition; and I wrote to his majesty saying that I would await here his answer and despatches in order to learn whither he commanded me to go. And it was because no despatch or answer came to me from his majesty that I stayed here so long, and not from any intention or desire to settle or remain in this land. As a matter of fact, in my instructions I am commanded not to make entry in the islands of Maluco, or to infringe the treaty made between the kings of Castilla and Portugal, our sovereigns. In a clause contained therein, moreover, I am ordered to come to these Felipinas islands and seek for certain people, lost here, who had belonged to the armada of Rui Lopez de Villalobos; and, in case I found them alive, to ransom them at his majesty's expense and deliver them out of their subjection to the infidels, in order to return them to their native lands and to the Christian faith in which they were born and reared. This I have successfully accomplished; of those who had come over in the said armada one was found in the island of Tandaya, and I ransomed him. And I have also received notice that two Spaniards were sold by the natives of the island aforesaid to the Indians of Burney, which piece of information has made me desirous of knowing their whereabouts and what was done with them, that I might bestow upon them the same benefit of ransom. By this it is clearly seen and inferred that his majesty is convinced and believes that the Filipinas islands are within his demarcation, for on the one hand he orders me to come to them, and on the other not to infringe the royal treaty of our kings and sovereigns. And in this faith and belief I came and have remained here in his royal name, and not with the intention of injuring the most Christian king of Portugal or harming any of his possessions, or in any way to transgress the said treaty. And even though the lands belong to his majesty, my will and intention has, up to the present time, not been to settle in them or in any others until I should have the authority of his majesty; and the assurances and letters of protection which have been given to the natives of this land were so given, to the end and purpose that the warriors and soldiers who go and come from one place to another in search of provisions should not be harmed or injured or robbed. In this, indeed—even though the lands do belong to his highness, as is set forth in the said summons—a service has been done him; for all was done with the intention of protecting and preserving the natives thereof. Moreover, just as soon as I arrived at these islands I endeavored to learn and ascertain if the Portuguese had come here, and if they had any intercourse and commerce with the natives; and if the said natives did them any service, or paid them tribute, or if the Portuguese derived any other advantage from them. And the said natives assured me that this was not the case, and that they neither knew them nor had ever seen them. This assurance emboldened me in thinking myself the more authorized to provide and supply myself from among them, without harm to anyone. As regards the tributes mentioned in the summons aforesaid, the fact is that on a few occasions no supplies were to be bought; and, in order not to make war upon the natives and do them any injury, or to take the supplies from them by force, we persuaded them to give us some provisions by means of which our people might be maintained. Some of them gave and have given, of their own free will, a certain amount of rice and other food, but nothing whatsoever through which his majesty has derived any profit—on the contrary, a large amount of gold has been paid out for the provisions aforesaid; and this, moreover, the natives gave, when, and in what manner, and in what quantity they themselves desired, without suffering any violence or receiving any reward. Everything which I have enumerated was to protect and defend the natives aforesaid, without doing them any harm or injury whatsoever. And as for what his grace says in the summons aforesaid about sending Antonio Runbo de Acosta and Baltesar de Soza to visit me, and how they came in the month of July of the past year to this camp, with letters from his grace and other captains entreating me to go to their fleet and fortress of Maluco with all my people, together with other offers, I would say that they were received in this camp with all peace and amity and good will, in accordance with the custom of the land. And through them personally I replied to his grace giving them the reasons for my coming and my stay in this land, which are those above-mentioned; and telling him that I was unable to accept the kindness which was proffered me in the fleet and fortress of Maluco, inasmuch as it would be contrary to the commands and orders which I bore from his majesty. And certain persons who came in company with Antonio Runbo, gave us to understand very differently from what had been written me in the letters, and stated and declared that the said captain-in-chief was on his way with all his fleet, with the intent of coming here and taking prisoners all the Castilians that they should encounter. The same purpose was indicated in a letter which Antonio Lopez de Segueira, captain of a galley, wrote at Point Coavite to the master-of-camp Mateus del Saz (may he rest in peace). Consequently, the horizontal rampart of this camp was constructed, in order to guard the munitions and the property of his majesty; for up to that time there had been no fort or protection therefor whatsoever, save only a palisade of palm-logs driven into the ground to keep the natives from doing damage at night—for concerning all the rest our minds were fully at peace, as was natural in the case of people who had no idea or intention of remaining in the land, but only of awaiting the message from his majesty and then going whither his majesty should command. And so I stated and declared to the said Antonio Ronbo that what I needed was ships to leave the land; and I intimated the same to his grace at our interviews, and begged him to give me two ships of his own, with which I might depart, on condition of my paying for them from his majesty's possessions here. And the same I say today, as the most expeditious means of departing hence and leaving the land in the hands of its rightful owner; and if I have the said ships I will do so now, in order to give satisfaction to his grace. Without them, we are absolutely obliged to await the ships which are to come from Nueva Spana in order that we may depart; and when they come I promise to fulfil and accomplish what I specify above, without any injury attaching to any one whomsoever from my stay in this island. And although the intention and offers of his grace seem favorable, pacific, and impelled by Christian feeling, the statements made public by the people of his fleet are very much in opposition thereto; for they say and declare that he comes only to take us prisoners, and that he has sent for reënforcements from many sources to carry this purpose into effect, and (which has the worst sound of all), that he is sending for reënforcements from among the Mahometan Moros and pagans, to fight against Christians and vassals of his majesty. This I do not believe, as the fleet of his grace is so large and powerful that he may do what he pleases, especially with people who desire to serve him and who will vindicate themselves in everything pertaining to the service of God and of the sovereigns our lords. And as regards the request he makes, in the said summons, to be shown what authority I have for entering these islands, I say, that I am ready and prepared to show it to him as often as he may desire to see it, as I have told him personally. And I likewise on my own part beg him, and if necessary even summon him, in the name of his majesty, once, twice, and thrice, and as many times as I am by law required: to show me if he have any order or command from the kings our lords in order that I may obey and fulfil it, as I am required to do; or if he has order and command from his highness to trouble and make war upon the vassals of his majesty who may be in these regions. Without that, I find no cause or adequate reason, nor can I believe that his grace desires, to do me violence or any injury, in transgression of the peace and amity and relationship which is so close and intimate between the kings our sovereigns; moreover, it would be a matter of very great displeasure to God our lord. And if, through unwillingness to do so, injuries and scandals should arise and increase on one side or the other, I declare that it will be the fault and blame of his grace, and that he will be obliged to give an account therefor to God and to our sovereigns and lords. And this is what I say and respond to the said summons, not consenting to the protests contained therein. And I sign it with my name, and request you, the present notary, to read and make known this my answer to the said captain-in-chief in person, and that the same be incorporated and inserted in the said summons; and that testimony thereof be given me, as well as the copies necessary, in due form. Done in Çubu, the fifteenth day of the month of October, of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.

Notification: In the island and port of Cubu, in the galleon said to be called "San Francisco," I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief, and government notary at the instance of Andres de Mirandaola, factor and inspector for his majesty, read this response and summons to the very illustrious Gonçalo Pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of Portugal, in person, de verbo ad verbum exactly in accordance with the tenor thereof. He said that he had heard it, and would reply. The said Andres de Mirandaola in virtue of his authority presented it, in the name of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, there being present, as witnesses to all above-mentioned, Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the royal fleet of Portugal; Pedro Dacuna de Moguemes, captain-general of the sea of Maluco: Sancho de Vasconcellos, nobleman; Guoncallo de Sousa, nobleman of the household of his highness, the king of Portugal; Pero Bernaldez, notary public; and Christoval Ponze, scrivener, notary, all of whom signed it together with me, the said Fernando Riquel.

Andres de Mirandaola, Pero Dacunha de Moguemes, Sancho de Vasconcellos, Afonso Alvarez Furtado, Guoncallo de Sousa, Pero Bernaldez, Christoval Ponce de Leon.

In testimony thereof

Fernando Riquel.

(This copy herewith above-written was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would occasion doubt: only the word perjuizio [harm], and the interlineations premio [reward], and dha [for dicha—said] are scratched out. Everything there is correct, and the said Fernaõ Riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison and subscribed his name here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who affixed here his assent, on this day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.

Baltesar de Freitas.)

(On the said day, month, and year above-mentioned, I was present at and saw the correction and comparison of this copy.

Fernando Riquel.)

(Authorization: In the island and port of Çubu, on the fifteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty over his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, before me, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and government-notary, and in the presence of the witnesses hereunto subscribed, said that, in the name of his majesty he gave and granted all and every authority he possessed—as in such case is by law required, and it may and ought to be sufficient—to Andres de Mirandaola (who was present), factor and overseer of the royal estate of his majesty, in order that in his place, and as if it were he himself, the said Mirandaola might present whatever summons, protests, and replies, and other documents whatsoever, that might prove necessary, to the very illustrious Gonçalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet anchored in this port, in regard to the affairs under negotiation at the present moment between them concerning the service of God our Lord, and that of the kings our sovereigns; and in testimony thereof I sign the present with his name, the witnesses being Martin de Goiti, the master-of-camp, and Captain Diego de Artieda.

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.

Done before me,

Fernando Riquel.)

(This copy was well and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interpolation or erasure which would occasion doubt; and the said Fernaõ Riquel was present at the comparison, and signed here with me—together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet of the king our lord, who affixed here his assent—on this day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, in the said day, month, and year, aforesaid.

Baltesar de Freitas.)

(On the said day, month, and year, above-mentioned, I was present at the correction of this copy.

Fernando Riquel.)

Second Summons: Replying to this reply to my first summons, made by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the camp and of the people of Nova Spanha, I declare that the essence, subject, and right of all this matter is not contained in words, but in deeds; and that his grace has up to the present time acted in a way very displeasing to God, to his majesty and to the king our sovereign, as I shall set forth in detail. As regards his grace's coming by authority of his royal majesty, the king Don Felipe, in order to discover lands, the islands of the West lying within his demarcation, and to propagate Christianity therein, as should be the principal purpose of so Christian a prince; and bearing withal instructions not to enter into aught, or in any way infringe the treaty and agreement made between the emperor Don Carlos and the king our sovereign Don Joan the Third (both of whom I pray God may have in glory): this does not absolve, but rather condemns him, inasmuch as he has acted in a manner so contrary to his instructions, neither making discoveries, nor founding any Christian communities, nor limiting himself to his own demarcation, but hastening with great speed to penetrate so many leagues through our demarcation—contrary to the faith, oath, agreement, and instructions of his true king and lord. He would indeed be able to say that he was ignorant of the bound and limit of these two demarcations, if Father Urbaneta had not told and requested him to settle such of the Ladrones Islands as, on his way around them, he might discover; if his majesty had not charged him not to enter, under any consideration, into the territory belonging to the king our sovereign; and if he had not been told and informed by the ships which were in this vicinity that the islands belonged to us, all which will appear, in proper time, in documents sworn before a notary. His grace's saying, in his letter written to me at Maluco, that he entered into this our conquest in consequence of stormy weather surprised me not a little, for the Portuguese in their voyages from Portugal to India (although even more exposed to inclement weather, to more violent winds, and to rough and heavy seas), never encountered a tempest of such violence as to endure for more than twenty-four hours, or in which, however far one of our ships might run, (with sails either furled or spread forth to the wind) they ever passed over an extent of more than fifty or sixty leagues—although, it is true, I have heard it said that one of our ships once ran a distance of eighty leagues; but his grace's having entered three hundred leagues into these waters of ours causes me anxiety, especially in view of his coming through a sea so calm and winds so gentle that small boats are able to navigate it, as most of the people of this region have told and declared to me. As regards his saying that he was absolutely obliged to enter, owing to lack of provisions, I reply through the lips of the captain of his company and those of ours here, who affirmed that in the Ladrones Islands where he was best employed in the service of God, so many boats brought him supplies that their number was estimated in one single day at six hundred; moreover, that in the islands aforesaid, and in others by which they passed, they obtained hens, swine, fish, rice, and yams. The same thing was told me by the father prior; and I understand that Guido de Lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty and his grace, having, in this archipelago of ours, nothing left of the six hundred boat-loads and obtaining in this region so little food in the boats or camp, sent to Panae and others of our districts for supplies at the cost of a great deal of trouble. This is a fact well attested, since I have been in this port; for I consented and allowed many vessels bearing supplies to enter, on their declaring to me that there was so great lack of provisions here that many soldiers were living upon grass. I assert it to be clear and evident, moreover, for every man of judgment and understanding, that so rich a fleet—comprising so large ships, sent forth for the purpose of discovery by its king, and departing from his kingdom of Nova Spanha, a land of so great fertility and abundance—would not lack supplies and munitions for three or even four years; and that a fleet so large as that of which his grace is commander must have come provided and supplied with everything necessary for a long period of time. And this was, indeed, declared to be the fact by the chief men of the encampment, who said that biscuit and supplies abounded on the flagship, when it arrived hence at Nova Spanha; and that there was great superfluity in many things obtained from the islands lying within their demarcation, as well as in many more which his grace brought over in his fleet. In this lack of provisions (in which he placed himself very much by his own choice), we placed Alvoro de Mendonça, who was then captain of the fortress of Maluco, at his disposal for everything that he might need from these lands and seas of the king our sovereign, in the month of July of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven through the means of Antonio Ronbo da Costa and Baltesar de Sousa, whom I sent for this purpose from Maluco in two caracoras. This his grace did not accept— on account of the abundance of everything which he possessed, as if appears—contrary to the action which would be taken by one who is in necessity, and who avails and assists himself even through the medium of his enemies; and even more so in the case of so good friends as are and always have been the vassals of the king our sovereign and those of the sovereigns of Castela, between which princes there exists a very ancient relation and intimacy. The excuse he gives, in addition to the others already mentioned, of entering into this our sea and conquest, because he knew that the Portuguese have no commercial relations as yet within these islands, is weak and of no avail; for in what law, either divine or human, does his grace find it written that, when the kings and their vassals disregard for a time commercial relations with lands belonging within their demarcations, others should consequently take therefrom gold and drugs, which do not belong to them? As for his saying that he entered here to look for Spaniards who remained in these islands from the fleet of Ruilopez de Villalobos, and that he has already ransomed one, and has information regarding two more—this is a very poor reason for violating good faith, truth, oath, and so solemn a compact between so Christian princes. This is especially true in view of the knowledge and experience (to which Guido de Lavezaris could testify) of the great affection and sheltering kindness with which those of the company of Ruilopez de Villalobos were received and transported to Spanha (at great expense to his highness and his captains), through the favor of the viceroy, and were well looked after in our merchant ships; while those who, with his approbation, wished to remain here, were likewise granted many favors, and, having become rich, now dwell in the fortresses and cities of India. Moreover, he might have trusted us in this matter of the three Spaniards, who remained here at all the less cost to his majesty, and without serving his highness. As for trying to make me to believe that he was serving the interests of the king our sovereign during his stay in this our king's land, with his safeguards and defenses. I emphatically assert that they were all erected very much against his interests; for one who has the intention alleged by his grace gives evidences plain to all, assuring the inhabitants of the land against those accompanying him, but not by means of fortifications and a so great assumption of authority in another's kingdom—usurping therein the vassalage rights of his highness and transferring the same to his majesty, who already has so many; obliging the natives to pay him tribute, and laying down the law to them as if they were his own subjects; and taking them prisoners on their coming to see the captains of their real king and sovereign, as in the case of one who was captured as he came to the pinnace of Antonio Ronbo da Costa, and prevented from speaking with me. As for the chimerical charges which his grace makes against me concerning the letter of Antonio Lopez de Segueira, and the words of the soldiers of Antonio Rumbo, in what manner could he have formed an opinion from a letter written by an individual captain who had been separated for many days from my company, if the sincerity of my intentions should be truly proved without further indications? For I do not know the words of his letter; but the statement of Antonio Lopez, after having had several shots fired against him, was not without cause, inasmuch as, having learned that alien people had a considerable time previous entered into this our territory, and had made a settlement and erected a fort therein, knowing withal but little of his grace, and much of the compact, good faith, and sincerity of his royal majesty the king Don Felipe, it seemed proper to lay the blame upon the captain rather than on the king—of which, in the judgment of many, his grace was not so ill-deserving. God forbid that I should reply to what is said concerning the words of the soldiers, for I should be very much ashamed to have to give account, in so sorry a business, for my actions in entering and remaining in this port; and to make proof of the great zeal which I have for the service of God and of the kings our sovereigns, and of my great desire to preserve peace and amity between us—suffering, as I have, whatever wrong is done me in this camp. Let his grace judge me only upon sure grounds, and not on chimerical accusations of the past, the falsity of which I prove by good deeds in the present. With regard to his claim of not having ships in which to depart from these waters of ours into his own, during the three or four years in which he has been settled in this our port of Cebu, I maintain that he had more than sufficient time and ships in which to leave; for I know that the flagship could carry two hundred men, or as many as his grace may then have had in his camp quite easily (for the return passage had already been discovered), inasmuch as his grace intimated to me in a letter which he wrote me at Maluco that the flagship held even more. And of his own accord he ordered the patache "San Joan," the other small patache, and some frigates to be run ashore; for as soon as one came from Nova Spanha the others could easily go thither—a large fleet, certainly, since it contained more than a thousand men, together with a camp much larger. He lacked, therefore, neither supplies, ships, a known route home, nor time in which to depart from our demarcation, when he entered there, as is plain; the small patache and the flagship, also, were not lacking to him. We offered him everything that he needed from the fortress and fleet of his highness.

Therefore, from the above and from other things previously written, it remains proved, not by the Portuguese, but by the Spaniards themselves, and not by camp-followers but by his chief men, that his grace is not here through necessity, but with a very definite aim, awaiting more men and a fleet, in order forcibly to wrest Maluco, China, and Japan, from the king our sovereign. This is clearly shown by the words of the foremost men of his company, and by the many questions they put to us concerning our knowledge of these regions; as well as by the letters from Nova Espanha which have fallen into my hands.

The encampment: It is shown by the people and munitions which his grace ordered to be brought, and which were brought to him; the flagship and the patache; the extent of the defenses which he is erecting day and night; the great reenforcements which he is procuring from among the infidels to help him fight against us Christians—as was well made evident at the arrival of Antonio Ronbo and at mine; his ordering these people to hasten with their arms to this camp of his, summoning them to fill all the land with snares; and by his resolve to shed, with the aid of his ships, much Christian blood. All this consists of deeds, and not of imaginations such as he brings up before me regarding the king of Ternate; for it is much more certain that the latter has not yet gone forth from his kingdom than that he is now absent from it. It is true that I summoned that king to come with his fleet, as a vassal of the king our sovereign, for many reasons: first and foremost, to induce him to leave his land and not remain there, when I should go thither to investigate his evil deeds against God and his highness in the persecution of the Christian communities of Morobachan, Anboyno, and Celebs—as on several occasions, it was suspected, happened covertly. The second, to take satisfaction upon his people for the treasonable acts which the natives of Taguima committed in their harbor against the boats of the merchantmen from Maluco and of this fleet; but I was unable to inflict punishment by effecting a landing there on account of the country being overgrown with heavy thickets. The third, that I might negotiate for provisions for this archipelago, if his grace should long remain therein. The fourth, to chastise many Moros and natives who have injured, and are injuring, God and his highness. The fifth, to make such use as should be necessary of that king's services and labor. But as for availing myself of his forces against Christians, may God forbid that I should ever do such a thing; and blood so old and free from stain as mine, and so Christian a nation as the Portuguese are, would never tolerate it. And that this is true I have already intimated to his grace, to the father prior, and to Guido de Lavezaris, not forgetting where I begin this reply of mine—wherein I declare that his grace is wronging God, his majesty, and his highness, and is, besides, quite well understood in other matters pertaining to this affair. I add, moreover, in so far as God is concerned: his ordering or consenting to the sale of iron and weapons in this camp to the infidels, so as to arm them against Christians; his ordering javelins [115] to be made in this settlement of negroes and in his own, which the Spaniards would take away to Mindanao and Cavetle to sell, exchanging them for cinnamon, hardwood machetes, axes, knives, and even for drugs. One of the principal items concerns the Lord's Supper—so jealously guarded by the holy fathers, and regarding which they have issued threats of excommunication, so stringent that no one can be absolved except by them. He suffers many men belonging to this camp to have carnal intercourse in public with native women, without punishing them therefor, although making a pretense of being rigorous in other matters of less importance. He takes other people's property, acting in all respects just as if he were ourselves, and thus takes our property against our will. As concerns his majesty, he reduces and renders null and void, in so many respects, his solemn compact (which deserves all the good faith and truth that should belong to so Christion a prince), and thus wrongs his blood relatives to whom he owes so many obligations. He takes from his highness by force these lands conquered by him; and he is awaiting more forces and a fleet to terminate completely the task of capturing them all. For this he is taking measures, with much preparation of war, in his hostility to the captains and people of his highness's fleet—among whom there is no hostile feeling, and who even offer amicably to serve, with much love and pleasure in so doing, both him and all his company. With regard to the two galleys which his grace asks from me, out of the three which I possess, it would not be right to give them to him, even though I found him doing many services to God and to the king our lord in this land. But when I find him wronging them, and intending to wrong them still more, I can but be startled at his grace's asking me for the sinews of this fleet and the sword with which to cut off my own head, as I would be doing if I should give him ships in order that he may carry out the more successfully his purpose—especially as no clause existed in the treaty which would oblige the king our lord to order ships and a fleet to be given to the Spaniards who might pass this way with the intention of doing him injury, in order that they might depart hence and continue on their way. As far as his grace's awaiting a reply from his majesty is concerned, I consider it even more unreasonable to ask for galleys; for, just as one who is committing some deadly sin displeases God all the more the longer he continues therein, so likewise, the longer his grace continues to transgress the good faith and truth of the contract made by his very Christian king and lord, the greater displeasure he will cause to God; but, if he would depart hence, upon our waters, in all peace and amity, God would be pleased and the princes satisfied, since they are so good Catholics and so close and intimate relatives. And his grace would thus be atoning for the past to the king our lord, and to me on his behalf; and would not, considering his age, be obliged, in this last quarter of his life, to oppose God in a matter so contrary to precedent and justice, by trying to remain forcibly in this our land and sea, at the cost of shedding innocent blood in the matter, or of its being wiped out at the same cost—when without any trouble or expense he may attain his wish, and be placed where he may see his sovereign; or, in case of loss, have security therefor, and profit into the bargain. Let him go forth once more to make discoveries, and to propagate our holy Catholic faith, in his own demarcation; and I entreat and summon him to depart with his camp into this fleet, where they will be treated with all the good faith, sincerity, and affection which befits good Christians and vassals of kings so closely bound. For the purpose of returning to Espanha, all necessary supplies and hospitable services will be afforded him. But let him not beg off by saying, as he has already said once, that he has instructions not to transgress or violate the treaty and compact in these our waters; for one who has, in all respects, up to the present time, done precisely the contrary will with all the more justice journey by our waters to Espanha, thus serving God and the kings our lords, rather than injure them by remaining. I also entreat him once more, and with special emphasis summon him, to have his instructions shown to me, as I on my part will do by sending him the orders of the king our lord, whenever he may, with a mind exempt from passion or self-interest, desire me to do so. And I entreat him earnestly as a favor, and I summon him in the name of God and of the said princes, to consider the agreement which I here propose to him: and, having considered it, to carry it out in all respects without distrust, reserve, deceit, or delay whatsoever. And if he does not wish to accept this fleet, which I offer him in order that he may depart, and return to Espanha, let him then depart from this island and from all others belonging to the demarcation of the king our lord, with all his camp implements of war, his master-of-camp, his captains, ensigns, sergeants, corporals, and the other officers and people of war and the royal service. If his grace be unwilling to do this, I bear witness that all the blame and fault which may ensue in this matter will fall upon him, and that he and all his camp will be held and considered as suspected rebels against the mandates of his king and sovereign; and I shall remain exempt from any fault for whatsoever injury and evil may occur. And you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public in this fleet for the king our lord, are commanded to read to him the contract, and to acquaint the said Miguel Lopez, general of the camp and people of Nova Spanha, with this reply, which shall be incorporated and annexed to the reply made by him, as aforesaid; and of this you will give me the document or documents necessary to be drawn up in public form. I likewise command you, Fernaõ Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, and all the other clerks and notaries thereof, to give and transfer to me all the summons, protests, replies, and responses which may be made in this matter, now or hereafter, and the instrument and instruments which shall be necessary to me, in duly attested form. In this galley "San Francisco," on the nineteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. Let there be no doubt in the interlineation which occurs at the hundred and third line of the said reply, namely, vindo questa; and where it reads, in the margin, e requeiro, at the beginning of the two hundred and thirty-first line above-written—for it is all correct. In the same day and year above-written.

Goncalo Pereira.

(Notification: On the nineteenth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in this port of Cebu, at the place occupied by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha, there was given to me by Afonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of the fleet of the king our lord, the compact made between the emperor Don Carlos (whom may God preserve) and the king Don Joan the Third our lord (may he live in glory), and likewise the answer which Guonçallo Pereira, captain-general, sent to the reply to the first summons of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi; and he ordered me, on behalf of the king our lord, to read it, and acquaint him therewith. And I read, and made him cognizant thereof, de verbo ad verbum, before him personally and many persons of his camp. He replied thereto that he hnd heard the same, and would make answer. Witnesses thereto who were present at all the proceedings: the said Afonso Alvarez Furtado; Baltesar de Freitas, clerk of the said fleet; Martin de Goti, master-of-camp; Andres de Mirandaiola, factor of his majesty; Andres de Ybarra, captain; Dioguo Dartieda, captain; and Guido de Lavezaris, his majesty's treasurer—all of whom affixed their signature with me.

Pero Bernaldez, notary.)

(In the said day, month, and year above written, with me signed
Fernando Herrequel, notary-in-chief of this camp and fleet. Witnesses:
Martin de Goiti, Andres de Ybarra, Andres de Mirandaola, Guido de
Lavezaris, Diego de Artieda, Fernando Riquel, Afonso Alvarez Furtado,
Baltesar de Freitas.

Pero Bernaldez.)

Compact: Don Sebastiaõ, by God's grace King of Purtugual, and of the Algarves here and beyond the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India—to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whomsoever this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: I hereby declare that, through Gonçalo Pereira, knight of my household, captain-general of my fleet, now at my fortress of Maluco, I was petitioned by Alvoro de Mendonça, captain of the said fort, and knight of my household, that I should order a copy made of the compact which was made between the King Don João and the emperor Don Carlos, my ancestors of glorious memory, in regard to the doubt and controversy of Maluco; the same to be filed in the factory of the said fortress, in order that he might thereby justify himself completely with Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, captain-general of the fleet of the king Don Felipe, my much loved and esteemed brother, now stationed at the island of Cebu. The copy of this contract I have ordered sent to the said captain; it is, de verbo ad verbum, as follows:

Don Jòhan, by the grace of God King of Purtugual and of the two Algarves here and on the other side of the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee, and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India,—to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons of my realms and fiefs, to whom this my letter of testimony may be presented, and on whom the recognition thereof is incumbent, greeting: I hereby declare that by my governor Jorge Cabral, orders were sent to my auditor-general (whom, with appellate jurisdiction, I maintain in those parts of India), to forward a testimonial letter giving a copy of the compact made between me and the emperor, my greatly beloved and cherished brother, regarding the dispute and controversy of Maluco, in the interest of which, and thus ordered in fulfilment of my duty, the said copy of the compact was forwarded in the testimonial letter by two routes. The copy thereof, de verbo ad verbum, constitutes what follows in the consecutive pages adjoining this.

Don Joaõ, by the grace of God King of Purtugual and of the Algarves on this side and beyond the sea, in Afriqua; Seignior of Guinee and of the conquest, navigation, and commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, to all the corregidors, auditors, judges, justices, officials, and persons to whom this my testimonial letter shall be shown, and on whom the acknowledgment thereof is incumbent: I inform you hereby that my attorney tells me that, for the protection and preservation of my laws he needs the copy of the compact which I have made with the emperor, my greatlv beloved and cherished brother, in regard to the dispute and controversy of Maluco. It is as follows:

[Here follows the Compact or treaty of Zaragoza, April, 1529, whereby Cárlos relinquishes all rights to Maluco for the consideration of three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. The essential parts of this treaty are given in vol. i, pp. 222 ff. of this series.]

[The summons or notification proper then continues:]

And, on his summoning of my said attorney, I ordered him to forward to him this my letter of testimony with the copy of the said compact given in the town of Almeyra on the ninth day of the month of December. Ordered by the king's decree through the licentiate Francisco Diaz de Amaral, of his desembargo; and corregidor of my court with jurisdiction over criminal affairs, Antonio Ferrãz drew up the same in the year one thousand five hundred and forty-five, and I, Pero Dalcaceva Carneiro, of the said Council of the said sovereign, and his secretary and notary-in-chief in all his kingdoms and possessions, countersigned it.

(This compact above preceding and declared was here copied entire from the copy sent from the kingdoms, which was signed by the licentiate Francisco Diaz de Amaral mentioned therein, approved by the chancellor's office, and drawn up by the secretary, Pero Dalcaceva Carneiro and Joaõ de Figueiroa. Wherefore, coming as it does in the manner above set forth, this copy, which was derived therefrom and written here, is a true one, without any thing of a nature to cause doubt save a certain interlineation reading "within the said line, which such islands or lands." For, to make the same a true copy, it was written on thirteen half-sheets of paper and compared, from beginning to end, by the official whose name is affixed hereto; and full faith shall be given the same wherever it shall be presented, in court or out, in view of the fact that, for greater assurance, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this city of Goa on the twenty-third day of April. The king ordered the same through the licentiate Christovaõ Fernandez, member of the desembargo and auditor-in-chief of India with appellate jurisdiction. Lopo Daguiar, a notary by office, had the document written and subscribed, by the authority which he possesses, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, one thousand five hundred and fifty. Pagado nihil. [116] The licentiate,

Christovao Fernandez.)

(Compared with the original copy by me, a notary, in conjunction by the official here subscribed. Antonio Fernandez, Lopo Daguiar. Pagado nihil. Lopo Daguiar. The licentiate,

Andre de Mendanha.)

(This compact previously and above set forth was in its entirety copied from the copy of another copy sent from the kingdom and signed by the licentiate Christovan Fernandez mentioned therein, which was approved by the chancellor's office, and compared by Antonio Fernandez and Lopo Daguiar: wherefore, on account of its above-mentioned source, this duplicate emanating therefrom is presented here as a true and correct copy, without there being anything therein which would cause doubt. It was all inscribed upon seventeen half-pages of paper, with the copy of the letter-patent and that of the compact, compared in its entirety by the official hereunto subscribed. Wherefore full and entire faith shall be given to the same, wherever it shall be presented, both in and outside of court, inasmuch as, to assure the same, it is sealed with the seal of my arms in this fortress of Maluco on the second day of the month of September. Ordered by the king through Alvaro de Mendonça, nobleman of his household and his captain in this said fortress, and through Thome Arnao, court-notary who had it drawn up and subscribed, by the authority possessed by him thereto, in the year of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ one thousand five hundred and sixty-seven. Pagado nihil.

Alvoro de Mendonca.)

(Collated with the original copy of the said copy by me, a notary, in company with the officials hereunto subscribed. Dioguo de Paiva, Thomé Arnaõ, of the chancery.

Vasco Martinez.)

(This is the copy of a reply which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi sent to Gonçalo Pereira, captain-general in these regions of the South for the king our lord, which reply I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, copied from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.)

I, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty the king Don Felipe, our sovereign, over his people and his royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West—in reply to the rejoinder made by the very illustrious captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, to the response which I made to his first summons, do now confirm my response aforesaid, which is absolutely true, as said and declared therein; and this will be proved and established with true and sufficient evidences and proofs, at any and all times, as it shall prove necessary. And I do not feel bound to reply to many of the things contained in his rejoinder, inasmuch as they are utterly irrelevant, and have nothing to do with the business here concerned—tending, as they do, to attribute fault, and cause for slander, where there is none; many of them, also, being untrue, and unworthy of a person in so serious and important a station, and of so illustrious and Christian blood as the said captain-general claims to possess. And thus denying it, in all and for all, and coming to the essential points, I declare and affirm that my entrance in this island was occasioned by the reasons and causes contained in my response; that it was forced and necessary, and without my knowing that I had passed the line of demarcation. And this I neither knew nor understood until the said captain-general assured me of it in his letters. And likewise I affirm that I was detained, and remained here against my will, through my inability to leave in any way for lack of ships and provisions; and not intentionally or purposely to harm, in any way whatsoever, the very illustrious and puissant sovereign, the king of Portugal, or any of his possessions, or to harm any third party. Nor had I the intention of taking anyone's property away from him, as may be proved by those principal persons of this camp by whom his grace declares himself to be informed of the contrary; for, if put upon their oaths, they will, as Christians, be unable to escape the necessity of telling the truth. And, as a man who has desired, and still desires, to depart hence, the first time when Antonio Rumbo da Costa and Baltasar de Soza came here, I informed them that what I needed for that purpose was ships, and that ships were on their way; and so I have informed his grace many times. In this necessity, however, he has up to the present time given me neither remedy, aid, nor favor—which I expected from friends and vassals of a sovereign so related by kinship and blood with his majesty; and as I would have done for them, if I had found them in the plight in which they find me. It is no valid objection to say that I have had ships in which I could have left—such, for example, as the "Capitana" and the "San Juan," which went to Nueva España—for the "Capitana" carried about two hundred persons, and the patache "San Juan" seventy, which number was the utmost that they could carry, on account of the supplies and rigging which they bore. Nor does it avail to say that I intentionally ran the flagship aground, for the opposite is the truth; nor should it be presumed or believed that a vessel so much needed by this camp (the property, moreover, of his majesty) could purposely have been run aground—which statement any person who is willing to look at the matter dispassionately, will clearly perceive. And it avails even less to say that the father Fray Andres de Urdaneta requested me to settle in the island of Ladrones, for this did not occur; nor will such a request ever appear, in truth, save in so far as it was discussed whether it would be well for us to go to that island, in view of our having no supplies, or any kind of meat, or anything to live on. It was agreed by all that we should proceed thither, as was done; and the six hundred crafts which he said came alongside the ships came to beg and not to give. For, in all the ten days of our stay there, we could not buy ten fanegas of rice; and if they brought anything it was cocoanuts, bananas, tamalle, and other articles of the fruit kind, of very unsubstantial and ordinary quality. This will prove to be the truth, rather than what is said in opposition thereto. And when we arrived at these islands, we were in great need of food, as we had on board the fleet nothing but biscuit—and even that in small quantity, as it was carried only by the "Capitana" for its return; so that the whole camp suffered for the lack of food. And even if the supply of biscuit was more than sufficient to last until Nueva España was reached, yet as the return passage was not then known, we endeavored to supply those going on the vessels with provisions sufficient for one year; and as they arrived at Nueva España instead, within three months, they had of necessity a superabundance of biscuit. Further, regarding his, accusations as to my being here against the will of God and of his majesty, I deny it; for I have always endeavored to do his majesty's will with all fidelity and loyalty like the true and faithful servant that I am, as has ever been the custom of my ancestors; and I shall try to pursue that course until I die. Accordingly, I intend to give good account to his majesty, as I have always done, of all matters entrusted to me—which here require neither allegation nor mention, for I am bound to account therefor to his majesty alone. As for what he says concerning the promises and kind services which were offered me from him, I refer to his said first summons and his reply to my rejoinder—the import of which is that I should go with my men to his fleet and depart therein for India, or some other place, and that I should immediately leave these lands with all my men; and accusing me of many losses and damages which I did not inflict. These offers, made under such hard conditions, appear more like those of an enemy than of a friend; for I do not see that the terms proposed could have been any harsher if I and all those with me had been Turks. For the first injunction, namely, that I should go to India, is contrary to what his majesty expressly orders me to do; so that, if I did it, I might then indeed be accused of violating his will. It would be, moreover, a violation of the treaty between the kings, our sovereigns, which was presented me by his grace, inasmuch as a clause thereof says that the vassals of the king of Castilla may navigate the seas of the king of Portugal as much as necessary, in order to reach the South Sea of his majesty toward the strait of Magallanes, and no more; and that if any other navigation than this through the seas of his highness occurs, it will be done by any persons in violation of the said treaty. Wherefore we are bound not to do this thing under any consideration, for our intention has been and is to adhere to the said treaty. And as for the second injunction, that we should depart and leave the land immediately with all our men and munitions of war, such a thing is impossible without ships, as is clear and evident, and as such I declare the same. And, therefore, from the offers aforesaid results, and may be clearly inferred, the intention with which the said offers were made—which is tantamount to using force upon us and injuring us, as if we were men isolated in this island, and without respect for the will of God or of our sovereigns and lords, or for peace and friendship, or for the relationship that exists between them. And that the truth of my justification may stand out more clearly, I declare myself ready to show the instructions and orders which I bear—as I have previously said I would do, on the condition that the said captain-general show me his own: and I do promise that if he will sell me ships in which to go away, that I will immediately depart, and leave these lands free to the rightful owners thereof. And in the event that I do not obtain them from this source, but that ships or message shall come from his majesty, I will do the same, without my stay in this island causing any damage or injury to any district of the kings our lords. And, to carry out the same, I am ready, if necessary, to make any instrument or instruments whatsoever; and to pay for any and all damage which may result from my stay in this island. And since God, the omnipotent and true who resides in the heaven, is cognizant of the hearts intentions, and wills of men I do appoint him judge of this dispute between us. O show the truth, and protect and aid the same in all respects. And, not admitting the protests of the captain-general's reply, I beg and require him—once, twice, and thrice, and as many times as I am by law obliged,—in the name of God our Lord and of his majesty, to accept our justification and leave us free; and that he cherish no intention to make war upon us, or harm us, or employ any force or injury against us; for our own will and intention is to inflict the same on none. And, if the contrary be done, I do protest that it will be at his own blame and responsibility, and that he will be obliged to incur all the damage and losses which may result therefrom. And I request you, Fernando Riquel, chief clerk of this camp, to read the same to him, and to notify him thereof, and to give me in public form the testimonies and duplicates thereof which may be necessary to me for the protection of my right. Given in Cubu on the twentieth day of the month of October, of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. No doubt should be occasioned by the erasure where it reads navios ["ships">[, which was erased in the interest of truth.

Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi.

(Notification: In the galley "San Francisco" of the fleet of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general, anchored in the harbor of this island of Cebu, on the twentieth day of the month of October of the said year, I, Fernando Riquel, chief clerk, and in the government employ, did read this response and that contained therein to the said captain-general in person, in presence of the factor and inspector Andres de Mirandaola, who holds power of attorney from the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty and on his behalf. And his grace, the said captain-general, having heard the foregoing, which I read to him de verbo ad verbum, said that, not replying to what did not demand reply in the said response—which had been written by one more blinded by passion than in the free use of his senses, or than by one of the descent which he claimed—but confining himself only to the most essential points concerning the service of God and of the kings, he does deny everything which his grace says in his said rejoinder, evidences for which denial he will show in their propor time by documents worthy of credence before the sovereigns. He also states that he refuses even more emphatically to show him the instructions which he carries; for since he has been in this port (now some twenty days), his grace told him continually that he would show him his instructions, yet upon his sending Don Duarte de Meneses for this purpose, his grace would not show him the same; and likewise, when he came with the said Don Duarte upon this galley "San Francisco," his grace refused to show his instructions to him. Moreover, when he went ashore to see his grace, and talked with him, the latter would not show the same; and on two occasions when he sent hither the said factor, Andres de Mirandaola, with a response, he did not order him, either in person or by another, to show the same, although he continually affirmed that he would show them. On account of these things, and of his breaking in all respects the said principal contract; and, because it appears that he was not in need, during the three years and some months of his stay here; and because of the deceptions which his grace practiced upon him, using many fine words, but very different deeds as the coast defenses and forts proved—although he [the Portuguese captain-general] did not adopt such method in his treatment of him, when he allowed many ships bearing provisions and men to enter the harbor, although he could have detained the same—through all these things, his real intention is laid bare. For, as one intending to make war takes advantage of all occasions to that end, so has his grace done and still is doing. As for the other matters, he is referred to the protest sent to him today by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of the Portuguese fleet. And this he gave as his response before the witnesses, Captain Alvaro de Mendonza, Admiral Don Duarte de Meneses, Simon de Mendonça, and the factor Afonso Alvarez Furtado, who together with me; the said Fernando Riquel, signed the same with their names. Andres de Mirandaola, Alvaro de Mendonca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Simaõ de Mendonça, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado.

I testify thereto, Fernando Riquel.)

(This duplicate has been compared most carefully with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet for the king, our lord, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt—save that there is an erasure where it read navios ["ships">[, which was done in the interests of truth. And the said Fernão Riquel, chief clerk, was present at the comparison, and signed here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. This day, the twenty-ninth of December, one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

I have compared this duplicate,

Pero Bernaldez.)

(This duplicate was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the said day and year above specified.

Baltesar de Freitas.)

(On the said day, month, and year, I was present at the collation and comparison of this duplicate.

Fernando Riquel.)

Third summons: Concerning the summons and protest that I, Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of this fleet, make to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha. You, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to present and read to him the same; and, with his reply (or without it, if he refuse to give one), to put into my hands the instruments necessary to me to prove the truth of what follows. I affirm that on arriving at this port of Cebu, and exchanging such courtesies with his grace as were befitting to the requirements of my position and rank, besides offering both by letters and requests on behalf of the king our lord, everything needful to him and to his army, and to his royal majesty, the King Don Felipe—in order, also, to serve in this matter the king our lord—his grace did not so much as consent to accept from me anything whatsoever; but descended to subterfuge, and, as answer to my rejoinder, ordered his artillery to take position in front of the fleet, to impede my passage—in spite of his being on the land and sea of the king our sovereign. In every respect, therefore, he gives evidence of not adhering to the compacts and treaties made between his imperial majesty Don Carlos, King of Castella, and King Don Joaõ, our lord (may they rest in glory), which documents I had sent and presented to him in order to obviate all doubts and disputes that might arise. He has certainly incurred, in return, the displeasure of God and the sovereigns. Secondly, I send him again the letter of the emperor Don Carlos to Ruilopez de Vilhalobos, and those of his company, that he may see more clearly its truth and purport; and I summon his grace particularly—once and as many times as I am empowered thereunto—and, in general, all his captains, ensigns, sergeants corporals, and pilots, and all the other officials of war, retinue, and justice, on both land and sea, soldiers and sailors alike—in conformity to the said compact, to assemble immediately on this fleet of the king our lord, and to depart therein in order to present themselves before the viceroy of India. From the said viceroy, in the name of the king our lord, in my own, and in that of the captains of this fleet and of the fortresses of India, I give to each individually, and, to all in general, assurance that no harm or injury whatsoever shall be done them; that they shall be left free to go to their own kingdom or remain in India, as they prefer; and that they shall receive all possible good treatment, and be given all their property, and everything of which they may stand most in need. And if his grace refuse to do this, I summon him again and many times, and all the rest of his fleet and army, individually and collectively, to depart at once and leave the said fortress, and abandon this island and all others which, by the said treaty, are seen to belong to the commerce and conquest of the king our lord, and to leave everything here forever free and disembarrassed. And likewise I notify them not to do violence to, and to leave free, the Portuguese who are in his army, to whom, by this present, I give assurance, in the name of the king our lord, that they shall not be proceeded against as criminals, for thus embarking and being in the said fleet and camp, from the day when they passed the boundaries of Castella up to the present. And I summon them all individually and collectively, and I order them in the name of the king our lord, to come immediately to this the fleet of their true king and sovereign, on the above-mentioned assurance that they shall in all respects be protected. And if they do not consent thereto, and he, Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi—and his captains and officers, and all the persons above-named—shall not, in every respect, assent to that which I request and demand as above, I declare that he—together with all his above-mentioned captains and persons aforesaid, of whatsoever rank, nation, condition, or country they may be—will be held and considered and judged as disobedient by his royal majesty, King Don Felipe, their sovereign, and by the King of Portugal, our lord, and by their officers of justice. And in the same event I do, now and forever, in the name of the said kings, hold them as rebels, if they neither come hither nor depart within the three days first following the notification of this summons. I impose this time upon them as a limit, declaring that they shall not be allowed another day's respite; that they will be condemned to death, both natural and civil, either through war or in any other way whatever, according to the custom and laws of our kingdom; and that their possessions, ships, artillery, munitions of war, and everything else which they may have brought to this land or obtained therein, or received in trade or in any other way, shall be seized and distributed and given away to the extent which may seem to me conformable to the said compact. Nor shall they, the parties aforesaid, or any one acting for them, or any of their heirs, or any relation or descendant, in particular or in general, have in this matter any right—neither they, nor likewise the owners of the said property, fleet, or munitions, which shall thus be taken from them, even though absent, wherever they may be. Moreover, even though they be not guilty of the disobedience and disrespect aforesaid, nor have given any cause for this action, they shall not, subsequently nor at any time, have any right to proceed against me, or against any captain, officer, or member of this fleet who may be holding the same; nor shall any heir of the above-named persons, at any time whatsoever, be obliged to make restitution thereof, either legally or as a matter of conscience. Likewise, in conformity with the said compact, I declare to be null and void, and of no effect or force, all right which they may have, royal, personal, or based upon any other title or right which may be named, designated, or specified, or which his majesty King Don Felipe claims to have acquired, through the compact made between the very Catholic and Christian sovereigns, King Don Joan the Second of Portugal, and Don Fernando of Castella (may they rest in glory), regarding the division of the conquest and discovery of the world, conceded by the holy fathers, in the commerce and conquest of Maluco and all its lands and seas which shall be found, perceived, or discovered by ships in that whole region west of Nova Spanha, as determined by an imaginary line from north to south through the islands of Las Velas [Ladrones]; and those rights I declare null and void from the day on which the said Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi passed to the west of the said line with his fleet. And likewise I declare that, inasmuch as this fleet contains more soldiers than men of letters, all summons, declaration, and protestation befitting the right and justice of the king, our lord, and of his descendants and kingdoms, shall be held as made and truly and completely declared, demanded, summoned, alleged, and protested, without any lack or failure, whatsoever. And neither his royal majesty, nor any or all successors to the kingdom of Castella shall have the right to require or summon the Portuguese to deliver to them their lands and conquest of the said West; or demand any payment or satisfaction whatsoever for the losses, damages, deaths, or deprivations of property occurring to the disobedient camp and fleet, or to any others who, subsequently arriving, are subject to the foregoing. For others have already come to these parts who pretended to be filled with brotherly love and affection, but did not prove this by their actions—inasmuch as they did very great injury to the property of the king our lord, and of his vassals, without the king's receiving any compensation therefor from his illustrious highness. No doubt should be entertained regarding the interlineation where the word justica ["justice">[ occurs. This day, the twenty-first day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Gonzalo Pereira.

(Notification: On the twenty-first day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the present place of habitation of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, in his presence and that of his captains and many other persons of his camp, read, de verbo ad verbum, the foregoing summons, together with the letter of the emperor Don Carlos (may he rest in glory). In reply, he said that he heard the same and would respond as was befitting. Witnesses thereto: Martin de Goete, master-of-camp; Andres de Ybarra, captain; Guido de Lavezaris, treasurer of his majesty; Luis de a Haya, captain—all of whom affixed their signatures together with me. Martin de Goiti, Luis de la Haya, Guido de Lavezaris, Andres de Ybarra.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(Response: This is a duplicate of a response which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Goncallo Pereira, captain-general in these parts of the south for the king our lord. This response, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet copied from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi.)

I, Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, governor and captain-general for his majesty King Don Felipe, our lord, of his people and the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, declare in response to the third summons of the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, served on me by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public thereof, that I am ready and prepared to do and fulfil everything specified and offered by me in the answers which I have previously given to the summons which he has sent me. Basing my reply once more upon them, I repeat that on my part there will be no failure to respect and carry out the treaty made by the kings our lords, and to maintain the peace, friendship, and alliance which have existed and still exist between them, and which is incumbent upon us owing to the close relationship of the two. As for the conditions contained in the said summons aforesaid, which command me to go with all my people to his fleet, to depart therein for India, I declare that this is impossible for me, as it would be a direct violation of the instructions which I have received from his majesty; nor could I give over my people and my fleet to any person whomsoever, without his majesty's express permission and command. Moreover, it would be a violation of the compact and treaty existing between the kings our lords. And, in the event of my not doing this, he says that within three days from now I must leave this island and these lands. This I myself desire, and would be glad to do so, if it were possible. And I promise to do the same immediately, if his grace will furnish me means therefor. But it is neither right nor reasonable to oblige me to perform the impossible. And I declare, therefore, and promise that when I shall have ships I will depart, and leave the land free to whomsoever it may belong, without allowing my stay therein to result in harm to any one; and if it shall so result, then I stand ready to pay and to give payment and satisfaction therefor, to a sufficient and adequate amount, and to do everything in my power to the end that the treaty between the kings our sovereigns shall not be transgressed, or any injury be done or ensue to any of the parties hereto. And regarding what he says in his summons concerning the new fort, I admit that it is true that some fortifications were begun—a thing most usual and customary wherever there is a garrison of Spanish soldiers—for protection from any one who might undertake to do me injury or violence. But it was not done to injure his fleet, or anything else belonging to him, which did not previously do me injury. This is especially evident in view of the fact that although yesterday I had begun the erection of the new fort, aforesaid, on receiving a letter from his grace in which he asked me to cease and not continue work upon the same, I immediately ordered that work to cease and to be suspended; and nothing more has been or will be done thereon, if his grace and his fleet are willing to keep peace and friendship with me, as is incumbent upon Christians and vassals of sovereigns so closely connected and related. This I do in order that no statement or calumny for breaking the said peace may be uttered against me. And, regarding what he says in the rejoinder to my second reply, namely, that I refused to show the instructions which I bear, his grace knows perfectly well that I have offered many times to show him the same, and that nothing was sent by him. And to do everything possible on my own part, and to make my cause a just one, I send to him enclosed herewith those clauses of my instructions bearing upon the present business, which were copied from the original, and signed and approved by the chief notary of this camp, in order that they might be produced as witness and proof, at anytime or place whatever; besides this, his grace will be allowed, if he so desire, to send some person here to see them collated with the original. Throughout these instructions is evident and deducible the Christian spirit, greatness, rectitude, and kindness of his majesty King Don Felipe, as well as the moderation which he orders to be maintained wherever we should fall in with Portuguese—which is very different in its nature from what is essayed and planned against me and the vassals of his majesty. It will be seen, moreover, how just is his majesty's cause, and, in his royal name, our own. Therefore, in the name of God omnipotent, our Lord and of his majesty, I beg and summon his grace once, twice, thrice, and as many more times as I am bound by law—not to consent to or permit any wrong or injury to be done, directly or indirectly, by evasions, or in any other manner whatsoever, in order that Christian blood may not be shed without cause or occasion, to the great displeasure of God and of the princes our sovereigns. For my intention was not to do any harm to any one; but rather I offer to pay all and any damage which may result from my stay here; and I declare that, if he do the contrary, then all the deaths, damages, losses, and interests shall fall upon his head and responsibility, and that he shall be obliged to pay and make satisfaction for the same. Moreover, I protest, as much as the rights of his majesty and our own make it incumbent upon me, to demand, allege, and protest, and, although it be not declared or specified here, I do allege, demand, and protest therein, as many times as the law and my duty require. And I do not admit the protestations and condemnations which are contained in his summons and protest; and I request that this response shall likewise be read, shown, and made known to all the captains of his fleet, together with the clauses of my instructions, in order that they may see our justification; and, having seen it, comport themselves as Christians—so that God our Lord, and our princes, may be better served, without shedding Christian blood; and that the other injuries and difficulties which, in the opposite event might ensue, may be avoided. And I require and summon you, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, to read and make known this response and protest, and the clauses mentioned therein, to the said captain-general, and the other captains of his fleet; and, with his response, or without the same, to give me the testimonies and copies necessary to me in his majesty's interest, and to my own in his royal name. Given in Cubu, on the twentieth day of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi.

(Notification: The foregoing answer and clauses, I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief in the government employ, read and made known to the said very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet, in his own person, as well as to the other captains of his fleet, de verbo ad verbum, in such a way that it was understood—those captains being Alvaro de Mendonca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Simon de Mendoca, Lorenco Furtado de Mendoca, and Mendo Ruellas de Vasconcelos—on the twentieth day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. And let it be understood, that although I reckon today as the twentieth of October, the summons to which this is the response, was made upon the twenty-first everything having been done upon the same day. The cause for this is the difference between the Portuguese and the Castilians, the former reckoning one day ahead, and so it is in all the rejoinders and summons. I delivered this notification and summons to the said parties on the galley "San Francisco," this day, the twentieth of October, in the presence of the foregoing persons, and of Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of his highness—all of whom signed their names here, together with me; likewise Christoval Ponce, notary of his majesty's camp. Simaon de Mendonca, Alvoro de Mertdonca, Lourenco Furtado de Mendonça, Don Duarte de Meneses, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, Christoval Ponse de Leon.

I testify thereto, Fernando Riquel.)

(This copy was closely and faithfully compared with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure of a kind which would cause doubt—although there is an interlineation—dha [dicha, "said">[ which was truthfully inserted. The said Fernao Riquel, notary-in-chief, was present at the comparison, and signed his name together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. This day, the twenty-ninth of December of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, on the said day and year above specified.

Baltesar de Freitas.)

(On the day, month, and year aforesaid, I was present at the collation and comparison of this copy.

Fernando Riquel.)

(This is the copy of certain clauses of [the instructions given by] the royal Audiencia of Mexico, which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Goncalo Pereira, captain-general in the regions of the south for the king our sovereign—which document was copied at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi.

I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of the royal fleet for the discovery and administration of the islands of the West, for his majesty, King Don Felipe, our sovereign, testify and affirm to all persons, who may see the present: that in a set of instructions and regulations, signed by Don Luis de Velasco, former viceroy of Nueva España; the licentiate Valderrama, visiador-general and member of the council of his majesty; Doctor Ceynos, Doctor Villalobos, Doctor Horozco, Doctor Vasco de Puga, and Doctor Villanueva—all auditors of the said Royal Audiencia of Nueva España, resident in the City of Mexico—and countersigned by Antonio de Turcios, secretary of the Audiencia, is contained, among many other clauses, the following:)

"The course of conduct which you, Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, appointed as governor and general on his majesty's behalf, for the discovery of the islands of the West, by the very illustrious viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, late governor and captain-general of this Nueva España, and president of the royal Audiencia resident therein, are to adhere to in the voyage and expedition which with the aid of God, our lord, you are about to undertake for the discovery aforesaid, with the ships which have been constructed for that purpose by his majesty's orders and are now at Puerto de la Navidad in this Nueva España, on the coast of the South Sea is as follows:"

[See ante, p. 89 ff., for synopsis of these instructions.]

[The clauses sent thus by Legazpi relate in general to the course to be pursued in the expedition in regard to the Portuguese and their possessions in the eastern seas—assuming, however, that the Philippines fell within Spain's demarcation, wherein Legazpi was ordered to effect a settlement. The document continues:]

(I took the above clauses from the said instructions and regulations. They were signed by the above-mentioned viceroy [Antonio de Mendoza], the visitador, and the auditors, as is sufficiently apparent; and to that document I refer, by order of the most illustrious governor Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi. The same are well and faithfully copied, and the comparison and collation thereof took place before Christoval Ponze, notary of this camp, and Juan de Gamboa. And they are well and faithfully copied. Given in the island of Cubu, on the twentieth day of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. Therefore, I, the said Fernando Riquel, affix hereunto my signature and accustomed flourish, in attestation of truth. Fernando Riquel.)

(I, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of the government, read and made known to the said most illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet in his own person, and to the other captains of his fleet—to wit, Alvaro de Mendoca, Don Duarte de Meneses, Simon de Mendoça, Lorenco Furtado de Mendoça, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos—the above reply and clauses, word for word, so that he might have full understanding thereof, on the twentieth day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. It is understood that, although I reckon today as the twentieth of October, the summons to which this is a reply was dated on the twenty-first, all which took place on one and the same day. The cause for this difference between the Portuguese and Castilians is that the Portuguese are one day ahead. [117] This is so in all their replies and summons. I delivered this notification and summons abovesaid in the galleon "San Francisco" on the twentieth day of October abovesaid, in the presence of those above-mentioned, and Alonso Alvarez Furtado, factor of his highness; and they all signed their names jointly with me and Christoval Ponze, notary of his majesty's camp. Simon de Mendoza, Don Duarte de Meneses, Alvoro de Mendoça, Lorenço Furtado de Mendoça, Mendornellas de Vasconcelos, Alonso Alvarez Furtado, Christoval Ponze. Fernando Riquel.)

(This copy was collated thoroughly with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. It has no interlineations or erasure which would cause doubt. There occurs only the following interlineation, namely, entender ["to understand">[, which was added to make it correct. The said Fernaõ Riquel was present at the collation, and signed here jointly with me and Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval. Collated on the twenty-ninth day of December of the year one thousand, five hundred and sixty-eight.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(I certify that this copy was collated in my presence, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day as abovesaid. Baltesar de Freitas.)

(On the said day, month, and year abovesaid, I was present at the correction and collation of this copy.

Fernando Riquel.)

Fourth summons: Replying to this third answer of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Espanha, I declare, as I have already said in my reply, that actions speak louder than words. Up to this point I have acted in a way pleasing both to God and to the kings our lords, being bound to serve both equally well, on account of the close and long enduring union which, always existing between the former sovereigns of Castella and Purtugual, does now likewise exist between these present rulers. And, understanding from the instructions which his highness [of Portugal] gives to his captains for such cases, that he orders them to serve the interests of his royal majesty, King Don Felipe, in every possible way not at variance with his own interests, I have in all respects thus carried out his commands and all the stipulations of the treaty; while his grace has violated the same in so many ways, principally in making traffic, on behalf of Nova Espanha, of gold and drugs from this region within our demarcation—a thing forbidden in specific terms in the treaty. This does not harmonize with what his grace says about stress of weather and the lack and necessity of ships—for one who has been engaged in traffic knows the remedy for such cases, and his grace did traffic in our gold and drugs, and sent for reënforcements, by the fleet—a thing which, likewise, does not harmonize with his affirmations. For, the fewer people the ships contained on coming from Nova Espanha, the better could his grace lodge himself therein with all his camp, there being none in the whole voyage to obstruct his way provided they had sufficient crews. But God exists, and heaven cannot be covered with a sieve; nor are there diseases of the eye so serious as to be able to hinder the perception of a thing so evident. His grace is condemned by his own captains for his transgressions against the treaty, while he himself admits that his instructions forbid him to enter our demarcation. And although, in view of the above, I was released from obligation to do him any favor, yet I have been begging him for a considerable time to make use both of me and of this fleet, since he himself possesses none, and to depart therein upon his way. Nor is it reasonable that his grace should depart alone in any of these ships; and he must be out of his senses, after staying here four years, to undertake to wait four more in this land of the king, our lord—for that is the least time in which ships can be constructed in Nova Espanha for him to depart in; and this season there could reach him only the patache "San Joan," and some ship or other from Peru, a very small conveyance for so large a camp. Wherefore I beg him as a favor, and summon him, once and many times, to depart in this fleet belonging to the king, our lord,—or, better, to his majesty—together with all the people of his highness, inasmuch as this tends to the latter's service; for this is the easiest and best remedy, to depart from our conquest, and observe, at least, in part, the treaty. Likewise, I again request him to come with all his camp to this fleet, that we may both continue together the work of propagating our holy Catholic faith, and destroying the sect of Mafamede [Mahomet] in Maluco, Java, and Acheen; for as this work is so pleasing to God, it should be likewise so to so Christian a sovereign as is his majesty. And—in payment for the many times when the kings of Purtugual went to Castella to render aid to her sovereigns against the Moors who were warring against them—it would be better for us to join our forces, and change our hostility to friendship, as the battle of Selado, and the raising of the great siege of Sevilha, and many other battles in which the Portuguese added luster to their name in the service of the said kings, demand—and, in our own times, those fleets of ours which participated in the capture of Tunes, in the island of Dargel, or again in the taking of Pinhao, [118] and in many other public and private undertakings in which, with both money and arms, we greatly aided the kings of Castella. In spite of all this, his grace will not grant me a thing so reasonable and pleasing, both to God and to the kings our lords, and to the advantage of their army; but, on the contrary, so obstinately refuses to accept the offer of this fleet, and will not depart from our land, but steadily continues building fortifications and throwing up new breastworks, from which he attacked the fleet of the king our lord in this his port, and fired several shots at us from the fortress, as if we were Moors and pagans. And yet I did not allow him to be bombarded, in reply, from this galley "San Francisco," although I had cannon with which I could have caused him much anxiety; but rather retired, in accordance with my constant desire, past and present, for peace—as is seen in my reluctance to make war upon him or to be the cause of shedding Christian blood. Thus I have acted very differently from his grace, who had ambuscades laid at the fords, whither I sent my boat, peaceably, without any soldiers aboard, in order to show in all respects my great desire to avoid war. As for his grace's saying that I opened fire on his fort, it was only after I had sent him word beforehand not to make this necessary; so that the desire which has since been made evident by him was shown therein also. And a few bombardments from the boats, moreover, were not sufficient either to deter his people on land from continuing their work upon our land and sea or his grace from breaking out in open war against me with great ardor and desire; while I, on the contrary, had very little desire to injure him, but allowed many vessels, people, and provisions to go into the fortress, wherewith he could fortify himself against this peaceful fleet of the king our lord. And with regard to the clauses of his instructions which his grace had shown to me in his defense, I would say that this was of service to me; for although, it is true, one of them says that he shall go among the Filipinas islands, yet, immediately thereafter follows a contrary clause to the effect that he shall in no way transgress the treaty and agreement between Castella and Purtugual, which has the more force to prevent him from going to the Filipinas, in virtue of the more effectual words contained in the solemn covenant of the treaty aforesaid. Moreover, in regard to his grace's saying that the desire entertained by his majesty was not to enter our demarcation, and that he thought the Filipinas were in his, I would say that in all kingdoms, when it happens that doubt arises in the instructions, letters, provisions, or charters of the sovereigns, it is the custom to be guided thereby according to the intention of those who gave them. Another clause declares that, if he find us in his demarcation, he shall not do us any violence; but his grace came even to our own territory and did this, acting in flagrant disobedience to what his instructions allowed him, by undertaking illegally and wrongfully thus to dispossess us of our land and sea. And again I beg and summon him, once and many times, on the part of God, and of the kings our lords, not to do us violence, but to depart in this fleet, in the doing of which he will be doing great service to God and to the sovereigns aforesaid. And if he do not this, I declare by all the declarations of the protest sent to him through Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, on the twenty-first of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, that all the losses, deaths, dispossessions of property, and damages consequent shall fall upon his grace, while I shall remain free and absolved therefrom. I request and summon you, Fernaõ Riquel, notary-in-chief of that camp, to read and make known this response to the said Miguel Lopez, and with his reply—or without it, if he refuse to give it—to deliver to me the certain instrument or instruments which shall be necessary to me; likewise that you send me such instruments, so arranged as to be authoritative, containing all the summons, protests, duplicates, replies, rejoinders, and letters which have been exchanged and written in this affair hitherto. In this galley "San Francisco," on the twentieth day of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. There is no doubt or wrong erasure herein.

Guoncallo Pereira.

(Notification: In the island and port of Cubu, in the Filipinas, on the twenty-seventh day of the month of October of the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty of the war and of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, and in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief notary of the same, there appeared Roque Bras, a servant, claiming to be in the service of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet anchored in this port; and, in his name, presented this document as contained above. And he asked me, the said Fernando Riquel, to read the same, and the said governor ordered me to read it; wherefore, to carry out his commands, I did read it, de verbo ad verbum, as well and exactly as I could, considering that it was written in Portuguese. The said governor, on hearing the same, said that he had heard it and would respond thereto—witnesses to all the abovesaid being the master-of-camp Martin de Goiti, Captain Diego de Artieda, Captain Luis de la Haya, and Captain Juan de Salzedo, all of whom signed the same jointly with me. Martin de Goiti, Diego de Artieda. Luis de la Haya, Juan de Salzedo.

Fernando Riquel.)

(Response: This is the copy of a response which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi sent to Guoncallo Pereira, captain-general in these regions of the south for the king our lord. I, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of the said fleet, copied the same from the original at the request of the said Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi.)

I, Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, governor and captain-general for his majesty King Don Felipe, our lord, of his people and royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West: in response to the summons of the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-in-chief of the Portuguese fleet, served on me the twenty-seventh day of this present month of October I declare that it is true, as contained in his summons, that "actions speak louder than words," as also do offers without actions—which in his case we have seen to be very different. For it is manifest and known to all that his actions have been, and are, very different from good words; since on the twentieth day of this month, without any cause or legitimate reason, or without the removal of the assurances given by one to the other, or without making or giving any warning or information, his grace ordered his galleys and small vessels to make an attack on certain fortifications and defenses of ours. And they attacked and fired many cannon and arquebuse-shots at the people on the shore and bank near the fort aforesaid, without any artillery being fired at them in return from this camp, which could do them harm, until the outcome of the affair was seen. On the contrary, astonished at the treatment afforded us when we had not given any occasion whatsoever for the same, I wrote to his grace that very day. He, without any reply to what I had written, sent, the next morning, two galleots and a pinnace to take up a position in the other entrance of this harbor (where they now are), in order to prevent us from receiving any supplies or provisions. He has blockaded us upon all sides; and, what is most intolerable of all, the galleys and pinnaces aforesaid have sacked, fired, and burned all the neighboring villages, and killed the natives and inhabitants, without exempting even women and children, in the towns of Gavi, Cotcot, Diluan, Denao, and Mandavi—for the sole reason, and no other, as I understand, that they had been at peace with us, and had supplied and sold us provisions for our money. All this cannot be denied, inasmuch as we have seen it all with our own eyes. This may well be called deeds, and not words: and he has answered with a war of incredible cruelty. And in view of this, it is not surprising that we should have taken or that we do take some precautions, since he has made war so openly, and now tries to do us so open violence and injury. As far as the pleasing of God and of our rulers is concerned, it is of very little service, or none at all, to say that we should go to his fleet; for this cannot be done without violating his majesty's orders, to which I shall not expose myself. Moreover, all possible justifications have been offered on my side for not departing from this land and leaving it free; and, if necessary, I now offer them again. And it has no bearing on the subject to say that I have been here four years and desire to remain four years more; for my intention and desire has not been, nor is, to remain here even one year, but to depart as soon as I receive despatches and ships from his majesty—which, at latest, will be here with the next northeast wind. And as for his saying that only the patache "San Juan" and one ship can reach me, that is all nonsense; for his majesty, if he desire, can send one, six, ten, or twenty ships from Nueva España, for they have them in the South Sea there. And, what is more, I offer to depart with those that come, whether they be few or many, this being the easiest, shortest, and quickest remedy for what his grace says he wishes and desires—namely, that I should leave this land free and unembarrassed. And in this way he will receive full satisfaction very shortly, without loss, damage, or injury whatsoever to the one side or the other, unless his grace himself chooses to give occasion therefor. And, if he do this, he will do his duty, and what he is bound to do in the service of God and of our sovereigns, and will obviate the necessity of shedding Christian blood—as well as an infinite number of damages and annoyances which might otherwise ensue and come to pass now or in the future. And if, in the event of his grace's not being willing so to do, any further damage, loss, or scandal should ensue, then I declare that he shall be guilty of it all; and that he shall be considered to have acted criminally in all respects and be obliged to give an account of his deeds to God and to our sovereigns and rulers. And I ask and summon him—once, twice, thrice, and as many more times as I am required by law—not to permit violence to be done me, or any injury or warlike action such as he has undertaken, much to the displeasure of God and of our sovereigns and lords. And I protest, in all ways in which I have already protested, and all others in which, on his majesty's behalf, I am bound to request, declare, affirm, and allege—all of which, although not specified in detail, is fully expressed herein. And as for what he says about its being better to join his fleet in the work of propagating our holy Catholic faith, and destroying the sect of Mahomet in Maluco, Java, and Achen, in compensation for the many occasions on which the sovereigns of Portugal aided those of Castilla against the Moros—I say that if his highness or he, in his royal name, wage war against the pagans in these islands, and have need of other people's assistance, I am ready and prepared to give him soldiers to help, and to go with him to the places above-mentioned, in the service of the very illustrious and puissant King of Portugal, conformably to the instructions and orders which I have from his majesty, provided that his grace give them ships and supplies, and such other securities as may be reasonable from one party to another. Regarding what he says of the clauses of my instructions, the unequivocal, holy, and sincere intention of his majesty stands clearly forth therefrom, and should be received and admitted as such; and likewise the fact that I myself have fulfilled his royal orders, and have no intention of injuring any one or taking other people's property from them. For I offer and stand ready to depart, just as soon as possible, from everything which his grace declares to belong to his highness, without any further summons; and to pay for all the years of my stay here. This—being, as it is, the truth—is sufficient satisfaction for all that his grace has said or may say in the matter; for I desire to follow his instructions provided it be within my power, and depart from this land and leave it free and unembarrassed. And therefore I declare that I will do this, as I have said—refusing at the same time to admit his allegations, and basing myself upon those which I have made on my own part, which are true and certain. Given in this settlement and camp on the twenty-eighth day of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Miguel Lopez de Legaspi.

(Notification: In the galley "San Francisco" of the royal fleet of Portugal, on the twenty-eighth day of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, I, Christoval Ponze, notary, read and made known this response and summons of the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain-general of the fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, to the very illustrious Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the royal fleet of Portugal, in his own person, de verbo ad verbum, in such a way that he understood it. He responded that he heard and would make answer to the same, witnesses being Don Duarte de Meneses, admiral of the said fleet, Antonio Lopez de Sequeyra, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, and the factor Alonso Alvarez Furtado, all of whom signed here their names. Don Duarte de Meneses, Antonio Lopez de Sequeyra, Mendornellas de Vasconcellos, Alfonso Alvarez Furtado.)

(This copy was carefully collated with the original by me, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, without there being found any interlineation or erasure which would cause doubt—although there is an erasure of the word no ["not">[ which was made without deceitful purpose. At this comparison was present the said Fernaõ Riquel, who signed here with me, together with Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, who placed here his approval on this twenty-ninth day of December, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Pero Bernaldez.)

(This copy was compared before me, Baltesar de Freitas, notary of this fleet, on the day aforesaid.

Baltesar de Freitas.)

(I was present at the correction and comparison of this copy on the month, day, and year aforesaid.

Fernando Riquel.)

Fifth summons: In response to the fourth reply which the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguaspi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Spanha, sent and had conveyed to me on the twenty-ninth day of the month of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, by Christovão Ponze de Leon, notary of his camp, I say that I cannot help being amazed again and again at seeing how his Grace attempts to depreciate my actions and give luster to his own—those on the one side being so different from those on the other, and done in sight of his camp yonder and of this fleet stationed here. When there are, however, so many noblemen and gentlemen of such reputation for sincerity and truth, his Grace will not be able to deny that during the forty days of peace in this port, he did not see any sign of hostility in this our fleet of the king, our lord, or any indication thereof, inasmuch as ships were allowed to enter to him with men and provisions aboard—when by capturing them, as could have been done easily, I could have caused him much annoyance, if my intention had been to bring about such a consummation. His Grace, however, in great contrast to my own procedure, on the same days and during the same peace, had many breastworks and defenses constructed in his fortress, and corresponding defenses outside of the same with a great amount of artillery mounted on many baskets filled with earth. These were quite sufficient to defend himself against a great army, rather than a small band of Portuguese zealous in the service of God and of the kings our lords, and reluctant to shed Christian blood even in so just a cause. Nor will he deny that—not content with having so strong a fortress, with so many Spaniards to make defense against us in our own territory in case I should undertake to do him violence therein—he ordered, during the term of the peace, an artillery station to be established on the bank opposite where he took in water, in order to prevent me from obtaining any; and up to the present time he has refused to let me have any, although this is our own land. Moreover, he desired to cannonade the fleet at short range from the fortress aforesaid, as afterward more clearly appeared; for, on my immediately writing his Grace through Baltesar de Freitas, notary of the fleet, to do me the favor to order that this should not occur again, since it seemed more the act of an enemy than of a friend, he wrote me in return things irrelevant to the case, while the rest of his letter consisted only of vain words and compliments. I wrote to his Grace again the next day, sending my letter by Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet. In this letter I asked him again to do me the favor of ordering the work to be destroyed; otherwise, I should consider myself authorized to declare that war had broken out, and that the assurances between us would remain null and void—as his Grace will see in my letters, since his memory is so feeble as he says and declares, since he says and declares that without the assurances being canceled as yet on either side, and without giving any warning or intimation whatsoever, I ordered the boats and galleys to fire on his fortifications and basket defenses. But this I did, in reality, in firing on the black people of the land, who were acting against their true king and lord. Little blood was shed in this affair, as I have ascertained, but all this business his Grace owes to his failure to reply to or satisfy me—acting as if he wished open war with me, as was seen by the breast-work which he had constructed. And—after a few volleys had been fired from the said boats, galleys, and pinnaces, in reply to the many broadsides which they let fly at us from their fortress—here on the afternoon of that same day Fernan Riquel, notary-in-chief of that camp, came with a reply from his Grace, also a copy of certain clauses from his instructions, and a message to the effect that he would finally have the work stopped, if this fleet would stand off farther from shore. This I showed to the said Fernaõ Riquel, who suddenly became short-sighted, in order not to see it; nevertheless, I ordered the boats to retire, and to fire no more. And the next day I did not, on my part, consent that they should go on increasing the work further. In what, then, does his Grace find here, up to the present time, more good words and deeds than mine? Moreover I gave him much more peace. It should be added that after the boats had killed many Indians and a few Spaniards, they ceased from further shots that afternoon and the following day. It would then have been just and due to us that his Grace should have had the basket defenses destroyed—for that was the true road to peace and amity after so long a period of enjoyment of our land—rather than to allow a bombardment, as cruel as if against heretics, to take place and endure from eleven o'clock in the morning till sunset. These ships of the king our lord were pierced with balls in his own port, killing several persons, and so aimed as to kill many more, if I had not used caution and retired. This affair is certainly an ugly and terrible one, before God and men. I did not, however, consent that any broadside should be fired from this galley, the "San Francisco," although I had pieces of very large caliber therein, which could have done much damage to the fortress and defenses. And therefore, up to the present time, I have not shed, nor given occasion for the shedding of Christian blood as his Grace has done in batteries and ambuscades—although none whatever were made against him, inasmuch as I restrained myself when I could have done him much injury by fire and sword. The sovereigns yonder, however—who are so good Christians and have clear minds—will judge of the fair words and fair deeds of his Grace, and of my deceitful words and most evil deeds; for we cannot be good judges in our own behalf in such an offense committed against the king, our lord, and his vassals. Quickly turning to the work at hand, a little later on the same day of the cannonading, I ordered the galleys to take possession of the other mouth of this harbor; for, now that his Grace has broken out in war against me, it seemed to me better service to God, and to the kings our lords, and a Christian's obligation, to pursue hostilities by means of starvation rather than by fire and sword—for although I blockade you with it, I have ordered this fleet, and it stands ready, to bring you a great quantity of supplies, that you may not perish through lack thereof. And as for the damage which the oared vessels have done in the territory of the infidels, it does not appear to me so serious and unheard-of as his Grace depicts it; for it is juster in war that we should punish those vassals of the king our lord for unfaithfulness and opposition to their true leaders than that his Grace himself, although a stranger here, should, in time of peace, give them very different kind of punishment for slighter cause, in addition to making them pay tribute. As for his assertion that he will pay and satisfy the king our lord for all the losses and damage which he has done him in this land of his, it was unnecessary to write such a thing; for his Highness is not a merchant nor is he so avaricious as to take satisfaction in money or property from any other sovereign, particularly from his captains; and he will be satisfied, and I, in his name, only at his Grace's leaving the land free and unencumbered, and thus not bringing about the death of his vassals there in so many ways. As for his Grace's being willing to give me people and assistance for the augmentation of the faith and the service of the king our lord, certainly he may be sincere in this one matter; but the Moros of Maluco, Java, and Acheen are, through our sins, so numerous, that without his Grace in person, and all his company, it would be difficult to sweep them away. But with such aid I hope in God that much service will be done Him by us all; for on His account they ought to be resigned to take a voyage much longer than from India to Espanha, inasmuch as He suffered Himself to be crucified and shed His precious blood for our salvation. For the letters of instruction issued by Christian princes do not forbid their captains the propagation of the Catholic faith and the destruction of the sect of Mafamede, in any land of in any way whatsoever—especially when the rightful king, through his captains, requests this so necessary assistance from his Grace; and when there is so much intimacy and so close a relation between these kings our lords, as to justify asking that there be given him all the supplies and munitions necessary and sufficient to their needs, and even much more. But since his Grace is not willing, for the sake of God and the aforesaid sovereigns, to go so long a way toward carrying out their wishes, I protest in the terms already on my part protested. And I require you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, to read and make known this response to the said Miguel Lopez; and to deliver into my hands an instrument drawn in public form, containing all the summons, protests, replies, duplicates, and letters, which may be needed for the outcome of this business. Given in this galley the "San Francisco" on the thirtieth day of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Goncalo Pereira

(Notification and Reply: On the thirtieth day of the month of October in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, at the place now occupied by the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and forces of Nova Spanha, at the command of Goncallo Pereira, captain-general of the fleet of the South Sea, I, Pero Bernaldez, notary, read and made known to him de verbo ad verbum, this reply as above written. He responds as follows to the same: "that the captain-general should well remember that, in the first letter in which this summons is mentioned, he asked only for the cessation of the work of erecting the wicker defenses, which request was granted immediately and the work ceased, although baskets cannot constitute war, and are rather for defense than offense. And on the following day, by a second letter which his Grace wrote, he again reiterated and requested that the baskets should be taken down, and that he should receive either yes or no as an answer, with which he would consider himself to have received a final answer. With the same letter he sent me word by the factor Andrés de Mirandaola and Hernando Riquel, notary-in-chief of this camp, that if the baskets were not taken down by nightfall, he would consider war to have broken out between us. While I was engaged in framing an answer to this, and before the time-limit set by him had expired, he sent his galleys and small boats to attack the defenses and the people who were stationed on the shore. Then our soldiers, seeing that the Portuguese were attacking them and had begun hostilities, determined to complete their defenses, and fought with the Portuguese from about noon-time until sunset, without any cannon-shots being fired at the Portuguese from this camp. And on the morning of the following day, without any new action on our part, the said captain-general sent two galleys and a small boat to seize upon the other entrance to this harbor, and this order was executed. They have been and still are located there, toward the east; and they refuse to allow any person, or supplies, or anything else whatsoever, to come in or go out from this camp—a procedure for which I am at a loss to find the proper designation, unless it be war and the intention to starve us to death, which is not a usual action on the part of Christians. Consequently, he should not be astonished if this causes us to think that his actions do not correspond to his words, and to the offers made on his part; while, on the contrary, there is in truth all possible justification on our part, and we have offered assistance and favor, should they be necessary, against infidels, and in the interest of his Highness, the very illustrious and puissant King of Portugal. For I will carry out and fulfil that promise with the same willingness with which it is offered, in the consciousness of being therein of service to his Majesty. And it is but little relevant to say that, unless I go in person with all my camp, nothing can be effected; for either there or here, or any place whatsoever, I could be of little use, and would be but little missed; nor is it just, in view of the impossibility of my performing it without the express permission of his Majesty, to attempt to oblige and bind me to perform the same. And as for the rest, I confirm what I have already said, responded, requested, and protested against, in his Majesty's name, in previous replies and rejoinder; and if it be necessary, I again request, demand, and protest, as many times as I am by law obliged, and as may be befitting. As for the war, violence, and injuries which his Grace does, and tries to do me, I elect almighty God, who knows the whole truth and the hearts of men, as judge, and pray that He, out of the infinite pity and benignity of His heart, may aid and favor him who most truly and with least injury has tried and is trying to obtain peace from the opposite side, without Christian blood being shed, to His great displeasure and that of the kings our lords. Therefore I exculpate his Majesty, and myself in his royal name, as well as all those in his royal service at this camp, so that neither now nor at any subsequent time may blame or responsibility be charged upon or imputed to them." He signed the above with his name, and said that he gave it, and he did give it, as his answer. There were present, as witnesses, Captain Juan Maldonado de Berrocál; the ensign-general, Amador de Arriaran; the accountant, Andres Cauchela; the chief constable, Graviel de Ribera; and the notary-in-chief, Fernando Riquel—all of whom, together with me, the said Pero Bernaldez, signed the same. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Andres Cauchela, Amador de Arriaran, Graviel de Ribera, Fernando Riquel.

Pero Bernaldez

Sixth summons: In response to this fifth answer from the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Leguazpi, general of the fleet and people of Nova Spanha. I admit briefly that in my first letter to him, I requested him to discontinue the defenses, and in the second, to destroy them—which his Grace refused to do, although it was a thing so just and so important to the lords of the land, as well as to my own advantage, for him not to employ hostilities against me, or give me occasion to accept the same; for it was but a slight cost or humiliation for a man who has so great a desire for peace as his Grace constantly says he has, to destroy the defenses, in which more hostility than friendship is displayed. I, on the other hand, had more than sufficient reason and justification for sending the galleys to take possession of the other entrance to this harbor, inasmuch as our respective courses of action were very unlike during the peace, as has been stated in other responses. Moreover, his Grace will not, in spite of all, deny that the galleys had not yet left this position when his people began to bombard me; and that those vessels had taken a very different route from that of going to cut off supplies. And as for his Grace's excusing himself and the rest of the company from engaging in the service of God, of his Majesty, and of the king our lord, as I have requested, more cogent reasons exist than that his presence is not very important in a case of so great urgency. Concerning his reiterated plea that he cannot violate his royal Majesty Don Felipe's instructions, I declare to him that since he entered here in violation of the same, and against the will of the king our lord, the latter will be well served by his Grace's going still farther, in his willingness to employ himself in his Majesty's service. And in all the rest, I take my stand upon what has already been said, and protest by what has already been protested. I order you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, to notify him thereof, and deliver into my hands such instrument or instruments as shall be necessary to me, drawn up in legal form. Made in this galley "San Francisco" on the first day of November in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. An erasure was made by me therein which shall not cause doubt, since it was made without intention to deceive.

Goncallo Pereira

(In the island and port of Cubu in the Filipinas, on the thirty-first day of the month of October, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, before the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the people and fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, and in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, notary-in-chief and official notary, appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who declared that he belonged to the fleet of the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general, and read this response above-written. The said governor after hearing the same, said that, "as his Grace the said captain-general says, he had written in the first letter that the work on the wicker fortifications should cease; and that, with the intention of pleasing and satisfying him in all respects, he, the said governor, had ordered the work thereon to cease; and it would not have continued, had not his Grace ordered them to be bombarded with many pieces from four galleys and small boats—whereupon the soldiers seeing that they were being fired upon completed their defenses at the great risk of their own lives and persons. And on the following day, when the galleys and small boats went off to seize and blockade the other entrance to this harbor, the purpose of their expedition was shown clearly, and afterward put beyond the shadow of a doubt, by their own acts. And it is unjust that his Grace should prohibit the conveyance of provisions to this camp, for those therein are Christians, and vassals of his Majesty, King Don Felipe, our lord. This act, beside being disobedience to God our lord, will greatly displease the princes, our sovereigns. And so I beg and request of him, and, on behalf of God and of his Majesty, I summon him, to allow the unrestricted entrance to and passage from this camp of provisions, as should be done and permitted between Christians, and between vassals of princes so intimate and so closely related. By the copy of the clauses of his instructions sent to the captain-general, his [Legazpi's] entrance into these islands, is shown to have been by the orders of his Majesty and not against his royal will; and he declares that, in order to depart from the islands, the shortest way open to him is that which he has requested in his past replies. It is also evident that his Grace could very easily provide for this, especially now that additional ships have come to him aside from those of his fleet. In doing this he will greatly please God our lord and the kings our sovereigns, and extricate this whole camp, as well as his own fleet and person, from a bad predicament. The said captain-general must understand that he will therein particularly serve his own sovereign, for he will prevent the necessity of other soldiers and fleets being sent here to attack us. Wherefore again, I request, summon, and protest to him all that has been requested, summoned, and protested in the past response, and the answer thereto." And this he said he gave as his response, and he signed it with his name, in the presence, as witnesses, of Captain Andres de Ybarra, Captain Juan de Salzedo, Captain Juan Maldonado de Berrocál, and the accountant Andres Cauchela, who signed the same with me. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Andrés Cauchela, Andres de Ybarra, Juan de Salzedo, Juan Maldonado de Berrocal, Pero Bernaldez.

Before me, Fernando Riquel)

Last summons: I conclude with this my last response, weary of so many papers containing so many irrelevancies on a thing so clear and evident; for though I admit the possibility of his Grace's having ordered the work to cease, as he affirms in his rejoinder, yet I declare it to be of no avail to give an order if the order be not carried out, or not obeyed. The work, on the contrary, was continued with greater haste and care for four hours after the time-limit which I had written to his Grace, saying that if the work were not destroyed I should consider myself as answered. I stated that oared boats would then be sent to frighten them, and prevent the execution of a work so unjust and of so ill a purpose, in addition to the many acts of injustice which have already been committed here in this land of the king our lord, greatly to his displeasure—and, as I believe, that of his Majesty, which is the same thing. On my complaining several times to his Grace, during the continuance of peace, and when I had so great a desire of serving him—as even now I feel no hesitation in doing—in regard to his erection within the aforesaid camp of many breastworks and fortifications, he replied, by letter, that it was the custom of camps and soldiers always to be thus throwing up fortifications. Nevertheless, he was erecting those defenses, not in his Majesty's demarcation, but thirty leagues within that of his Highness, and against one of his captains—one, too, who is so peaceably inclined as I have always been, until the moment when war was waged against me, and a considerable time after that, for which reason I am surprised at his acts. I then ordered the galleys to the other entrance of this harbor—the justest and most Christian means of acting, for it was my intention not to starve him to death, but to oblige him to cease from this injury to his Highness, and accept shelter in this fleet and make up for past privation. For what Friar Quapucho [i.e., fustian-clad] is so humble, so long-suffering, and so charitable to any one as I have been to a person who has not deserved it from his king and lord? The more ships that come to me to join this fleet, the better service will his Grace and company be able to enjoy therein, and they will experience much friendship and satisfaction therein—thus performing great service to God and to the kings, to whom we are all so closely bound, and for whom we ought to endure and surfer hardships with exceeding joy. And this the more, because his Grace neither possesses nor gives any just reason for being excused from so virtuous a work (in which he will always take personal part in company with me who follow and accompany him), or for being unwilling to concede what I have requested so many times, and now request again, much more earnestly, on behalf of God, of his Majesty, and of the king our lord. All that has happened or which may subsequently happen, therefore, I declare shall fall to his own responsibility; and I protest, by the protestations already made, and by all which may redound to the justice and right of the king our lord, and of the subsequent heirs of the kingdoms of Portugal. And you, Pero Bernaldez, notary-public of this fleet, are directed to make the same known to him, and give and deliver to me such instrument or instruments as shall be required by me. In this galley "San Francisco," on the second day of the month of November, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight.

Goncallo Pereira

(In the island and port of Cubu, on the first day of the month of November, in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-eight, in the presence of me, Christoval Ponze, scrivener of this camp of his Majesty, there appeared Pero Bernaldez, notary-public, who claimed to be of the royal fleet of Portugal, and read this answer from the very illustrious Goncalo Pereira, captain-general of the said fleet, to the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and captain-general for his Majesty of the royal fleet for the discovery of the islands of the West, in his own person, in such wise as to be heard by him. He declared that he had already answered and replied to the said captain-general, on many distinct occasions, concerning the fact that his intention and will had not been nor is to injure the exalted and puissant king of Portugal, or anything belonging to him in any way; or to seize upon or take from him, or occupy this or any other land belonging to him. "I desire, as I have desired always, to depart from this land; and if up to the present moment this design has not found realization and I have not departed, it has been through lack of equipment and of ships, and not through any expectation of reënforcements of men and a fleet, as, on the contrary, he affirms." Wherefore he begged the said captain-general to sell him ships, in order that he might immediately depart; or else to suggest to him some other way by which he could leave, since he neither wishes nor desires any other consummation. As for the fortifications and defenses which his Grace mentions, they are for the purpose of defense against any one trying to do him violence or injury unjustly and unreasonably, until such time as he may be enabled to depart and leave this land free, as he has declared and promised he would do. Neither on his own part nor on that of anyone belonging to his camp has he desired to make war upon his Grace or on the members of his royal fleet; but rather to serve them in all possible ways, as he has offered in past summons and responses, to which he begs to refer, and on all of which he takes his stand anew. On the other hand, it is quite clear and evident that the captain-general is trying to do him violence and injury in wishing to carry him to India with him without consenting to any other means whatsoever; and in having begun and initiated war against him and blockaded him, by ordering the entrances and outward passages of this harbor blockaded, on account of which he is bound to make defense. And since the said captain-general wishes it so, and continues doing so great injury to God our lord, and to our sovereigns, by the war, and sheds Christian blood, unreasonably and without justification, all the blame and responsibility, and all the damages, losses and deaths resulting therefrom, shall be upon his shoulders. He protests again by all protested and demanded by him in his past replies, and by all which most devolves upon him in this case to protest, demand, and summon, as many times as is proper and to which he is by law obliged; and he thus challenges him as testimony, in the presence, as witnesses, of Captain Diego de Artieda and Captain Andres de Ybarra; the factor, Andres de Mirandaola; the treasurer, Guido de Levazaris; and the ensign-in-chief, Amador de Arriaran, all of whom signed here their names. Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, Diego de Artieda, Andres de Ybarra, Guido de Lavezaris, Andres de Mirandaola, Amador de Arriaran, Pero Bernaldez.

Before me, Christoval Ponze, notary)

(All the above papers, writings, replies, responses, and other documents above set forth, I, the said Fernando Riquel, took manu propria, as best I could, from the originals, writing them down de verbo ad verbum and letter for letter, at the request of the said governor Miguel Lopez de Lagazpi, who signed the same here with his name. And they are accurate and true, witnesses of the correction and comparison with the originals thereof being Miguel Lopez, Francisco de Cocar, and Juan de Gamboa y Lezcano, soldiers in this camp—in testimony whereof I have made my usual signature and rubric. Given at Cubu, the second day of the month of June in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine.

In testimony of the truth, Fernando Riquel)

(This copy was written on twenty-three sheets of paper, including the present, and bears the corrections, erasures, and interlineations following: [These follow, in the original document.] And note should be taken that the contract was corruptly and badly written for so it was in the original.)

(In the City of Mexico, on the twenty-third day of the month of December in the year one thousand five hundred and sixty-nine, the presidents and auditors of the royal Audiencia of Nueva Spaña said that, inasmuch as in a docket of letters and despatches from Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, governor and captain in the islands of the West, which came addressed to this royal Audiencia, this relation was found therein of negotiations between the said governor and Goncalo Pereira, a Portuguese, captain of the most serene King of Portugal, regarding the summons repeatedly served, to the effect that the said Miguel Lopez should depart from the islands, region, and spot, where he was situated as is declared in the said relation, it is fitting that this docket be sent to his Majesty in his royal Council of the Indies. In order that entire faith may be given thereto, a judicial inquiry shall be received confirming the signature as that of the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, and of the handwriting and signature of Hernando Riquel, his notary. Having been received as signed from the secretary of this royal Audiencia it shall be sent to his Majesty. And accordingly they ordered it, by decree, to be set down in writing.

Sancho Lopez de Agurto)

(Attestation: And then upon the said day, month, and year above specified for the said inquiry, there was received an oath in the name of God and the blessed Mary, and upon the sign of the cross +, in the form prescribed by law, from Sancho Lopez de Agurto, secretary of the royal Audiencia of this Nueva Spaña, and he took the same in the presence of me, Juan Augustin de Contreras, notary of his Majesty and receiver of this royal Audiencia, under which he promised to tell the truth in this affair. On being interrogated by the aforesaid, and after having seen the writing contained in this other part, and the signatures thereof, where occur the names of Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, he said that this witness knew the said Miguel Lopez and Fernando Riquel, whom many times he had seen write and sign their names; and that he knows that the said Miguel Lopez de Legaspi went as governor and general to the islands of the West, and took as his official notary the said Fernando Riquel, on the authority of the viceroy Don Luis de Velasco; and that the said signatures at the end of the said narration and writing, to wit, "Miguel Lopez" and "Fernando Riquel," together with the handwriting of the said narration are, of a truth so far as this witness knows, those of the parties aforesaid; and he says this without the slightest doubt, for, as already said, he has seen them write and sign their names, and he has written papers and signatures of theirs in his possession similar to those of the said narration, without the slightest variation. The said Hernando Riquel was held and considered as an upright man, and a lawyer of much veracity; and as such this witness held and still holds him. And he declares on the oath taken by him that his entire deposition is true, and he has affixed his signature to the same.

Sancho Lopez de Agurto

Before me, Johan Augustin, notary of his Majesty.)

[The sworn depositions of Juan Augustin de Contreras and of Alonso de Segura, made before Sancho Lopez de Agurto, follow. They are substantially the same as the above. The document continues:]

(I, the said Sancho Lopez de Agurto, notary of the chamber of the said royal Audiencia of Nueva España, who was present at the said inquiry made therein, affixed my seal in testimony of the truth. [119]

Sancho Lopez de Agurto)

Bibliographical Data

Expedition of Garcia de Loaisa

Résumé of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, dated from 1522 to 1537, are briefly synopsized from Navarrete's Col. de viages, v, pp. 193-439. This editor obtained the material for his series from the archives of Sevilla, Madrid, and Simancas.

Voyage of Alvaro de Saavedra

Résumé of contemporaneous documents.—These documents are dated in 1527-28, and are published by Navarrete, ut supra, pp. 440-486.

Expedition of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos

Résumé of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, also synopsized, for the period 1541-48, are obtained from Doc. inéd., as follows: Ultramar, ii, part i, pp. 1-94; Amér. y Oceania, v, pp. 117-209, and xiv, pp. 151-165.

Expedition of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi

Résumé of contemporaneous documents.—These documents, covering the period 1559-69, are also synopsized from Doc. inéd. Ultramar, ii, pp. 94-475, and iii, pp. v-225, 244-370, 427-463.

Warrant for establishment of Augustinian Mission (1564).—The original of this document was found among the archives of the Augustinian convent at Culhuacan, Mexico. The only publication of this Patente of which we are aware is that (in Latin) from which our translation is made, in a work by Elviro J. Perez, O.S.A.,—Catalogo bio-bibliografico de los religiosos agustinos (Manila, 1901), pp. xi-xiv. At present, we are unable to give further information concerning the document.

Possession of Cibabao (Feb. 15, 1565).—The original MS. (from a copy of which our translation is made) is conserved in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y poblaciones de las Islas Filipinas, años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." It has been published in Doc. ined. Ultramar, i i, pp. 351-355.

Proclamation regarding gold found in burial places (May 16, 1565).—The data for the preceding document apply to this one also—save that to pressmark should be added "ramo 25;" and that the pagination for this one in Doc. ined. is 355-357.

Letter to Felipe II (May 27, 1565).—The original MS. is also in Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descubrimientos, descripciones y gobierno de Filipinas; est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 1, 23." It was published, ut supra, pp. 357-359. There are two copies in the Archivo, one of which is incorrectly endorsed "1569." In such cases it should be remembered that despatches and other official documents were often sent in duplicate—sometimes in triplicate, or even quadruplicate,—and by different vessels, to ensure that at least one copy should reach its destination.

Letters to Felipe II (May 29, June 1, 1565).—The original MSS. (from copies of which our translations are made) are also in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark. "Patronato, Audiencia de Filipinas—Cartas de los gobernadores." More definite designation is not possible, as these MSS. were not in their regular place in the above patronato at the time when our transcripts were made. With the letter of June 1 we present a photographic reproduction of the signatures. Both of these documents were published in Doc. inéd. Amér. y Oceania, xiii, pp. 527-531.

Letter to the Audiencia of Mexico (May 28, 1565).—The original MS. is in the Archivo de Indias; pressmark, "Simancas—Filipinas; descub. descrip. y pob. Filipinas, años 1537 á 1565; est. 1, caj. i, leg. 1, 24, no. 24." This letter was accompanied by a memorandum of supplies needed for the military post established in the Philippines by Legazpi; and with the above-named MS. is a list of this sort—which, however, must have been placed in this legajo by some error, as it mentions some articles that had been sent in the year 1570. But in another patronato—which has the same title as the above, but for the years 1566-68—in "est. 1, caj. 1, leg. 2, 24," is a list of similar character, with the title, Memoria de los rescates y municiones que se pidieron á Nueva España, para enviar al campo de S.M. que reside en el puerto de Cubu. This document is undated; but internal evidence makes it probable that it is the list which was sent with this letter to the Audiencia, with which we have accordingly placed it, transferring the other list to a later date, 1571.

Legazpi's Relation (1565).—The original MS. is in the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid; pressmark, "170-20-3_a_, caja n_o_. 22." It has not, so far as is known, ever been published. Nothing indicates positively the name of the person to whom it was written; but we may reasonably conjecture, from the style of address, that it was probably sent to the president of the Audiencia of Mexico. As Legazpi's own account of his voyage and achievements, this document possesses special interest and value.

Copia de vna carta venida de Seuilla a Miguel Saluador de Valencia (1566).—This little pamphlet (Barcelona, Pau Cortey, 1566) is generally regarded as the first printed account of Legazpi's expedition. But one copy is known to exist—the one which was in Retana's collection, now the property of the Compañia General de Tabacos de Filipinas, Barcelona. For this reason, we present this document in both the Spanish text and English translation—the former being printed from an exact transcription made from the original document at Barcelona. The original is in two sheets (four pages) of quarto size, printed in type about the size of that used in this series; it is bound in red boards, and is in good condition.

Letters to Felipe II (July 12, 15, 23, 1567, and June 26, 1568).—The original MSS. of these four letters (from copies of which our translations are made) are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Simancas—Secular, Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y expedientes de gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el consejo. Años de 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6."

Negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira (1568-69).—The originals of these documents are in the Archivo de Indias at Sevilla; pressmark, "Est. 1. caj. 1, leg. 2, 24, n_os_. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9." A MS. copied or compiled from these originals for use in the South American boundary negotiations at Paris in 1776, is in the Archivo general at Simancas; pressmark, "Leg. 7412, fol. 87 y 88;" from a copy of this MS. our translation is made.