Relation of the Discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas, and Various Negotiations Concerning Them
From what may be gathered in the said account and various agreements concerning the navigation, discovery, and commerce of the Western Islands, especially those of Maluco, Philippinas, and Çubu, we must assume that the discovery of the Yndias was begun by order of the Catholic Sovereigns, in the year ninety-two, and on the second of May of the following year, ninety-three.
The supreme pontiff, Alexander the Sixth, granted to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and to their successors, the navigation of the Yndias, with all the privileges, favors, indulgences, and prerogatives which had been granted to the kings of Portugal in respect to the Yndias of Guinea, part of Affrica, and other Yndias which they might conquer. This is contained more fully in the bull of concession, an authentic copy of which is to be found in the Archives of Simancas. On the third of the said month and year, the same supreme pontiff made a concession to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and their successors, of all the Yndias in general, the islands and mainlands which had been discovered or should be discovered in the limitless Page 101future, drawing a line from pole to pole, one hundred leagues west of the Acores and Cabo Verde islands. All land already discovered and to be discovered, found west and south of this line (being not actually occupied by any Christian prince before Christmas and the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three)[1] was to be the navigation and discovery of the kings of Castilla, and was to come under their kingdom, seigniory, and jurisdiction. He who passed this line without permission would incur blame and punishment, as is more fully shown in the original bull, which is sealed with lead and deposited in the Archives of Simancas, and dated at Rome on the fourth of May of the said year.
On the twenty-sixth of September of the said year one thousand four hundred and ninety-three, the same supreme pontiff conceded to the Catholic Sovereigns, and their successors, besides the general concession of the Yndias, whatever conquest they might make in their name in the eastern, western, and southern islands, “provided they be not occupied by any other,” etc., as is more fully shown in the original bull given in Rome on the sixth of October of the same year, and deposited in the Archives at Simancas.
These concessions made to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon and their successors, as well as that made to the Kings of Portogal, respecting the navigation of the East Indies, caused and still cause dispute and controversy between the kings of Castilla and those of Portugal, concerning the boundaries which should separate their navigation and discovery—the limit and bound which is to be Page 102drawn from pole to pole on this side of our hemisphere, and concerning the other bound and meridian line which is to be drawn in the hemisphere corresponding to the upper one.
Differences have existed and still exist between the kings concerning the line of demarcation which was to be drawn between their respective navigations and discoveries in this our hemisphere. The kings of Castilla claim that it was to be drawn according to the papal concession, one hundred leagues west of the islands of Acores and Cabo Verde; the kings of Portugal claim that it was to be drawn farther west, so that their side of the demarcation might include most of the coast of Brasil, and of that Tierra Firme[2] adjoining it. They agreed to settle this controversy, and the kings of Castilla consented to have the line of demarcation drawn two hundred and seventy leagues farther west than the line decreed in the bull of concession, as is set forth in a deed of agreement.
(In the original instrument, drawn on paper, the said year, in the presence of Fernand Alvarez of Toledo, secretary of the Catholic Sovereigns, and in the presence of Estevan Vaes, secretary of the king of Portogal, is found a confirmation by the Catholic Sovereigns. The said instrument, drawn on parchment, in Arevalo, on the second of July, 1495, is fully signed by the Sovereigns. The signature of the prince is found below. The instrument is countersigned by the said secretary. The seal was removed, but the cord to which it was attached remains. The Page 103confirmation of the said instrument of Tordesillas by King Don Joan of Portogal is attested by a contract written on five pages of parchment, signed by the king, and countersigned by Martyn de Veyra. The confirmation was given in Ebora on February 27, 1525)
[It] practically reads that on the seventh of June, one thousand four hundred and ninety-four, the attorneys of the Catholic Sovereigns and of the king of Portogal empowered by their masters met in Tordesillas, and drew up the said instrument. The agreement reached was that a line or meridian was to be drawn from the Arctic to the Antarctic pole, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the islands of Cabo Verde. Everything west of the said line or meridian was to belong to the kings of Castilla, and that east was to be the navigation, discovery, and conquest of the kings of Portogal. The sea of the king of Portogal was open for navigation to the kings of Castilla, with the understanding that the latter should follow their course without any deviation. Whatever should be found up to the twentieth of the said month of June in the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the three hundred and seventy, was to belong to the kings of Portogal; and that which should be found in the remaining hundred and twenty leagues was to belong to the king of Castilla.
Item, both parties agreed to send within ten months an equal number of ships, pilots, astrologers, and sailors to mark out the said line of demarcation.
It is not specified that within the said ten months they did send the said pilots, astrologers, and sailors to draw the said line of demarcation; on the contrary, Page 104it is clear that the said line was not drawn; for according to the copy of a decree and declaration of the Catholic Sovereigns given in Madrid on May the seventh, 1495, and signed by the secretary Samano, it is urged that the said line be drawn—from which it is evident that the line had not been drawn within the ten months. That this line had not been drawn appears also from the conferences and records concerning the possession and ownership of the Malucos, between the commissioners of both parties in the year twenty-four at the bridge of Acaya, Yelves, and Badajoz, where the determination of this line of demarcation was discussed; and the determination thereof, discussed under three heads.
First, whether a spherical or plane surface should be considered in drawing the line of demarcation.
Second, how should the islands of Cabo Verde be properly situated and located.
Third, from which of the said islands should they begin to measure the three hundred and seventy leagues for the demarcation.
The Castilians agreed with the Portuguese to employ the spherical surface and still not to exclude the plane surface and other measurements. The second point appears not to have been discussed. As to the third, the Castilians disagreed with the Portuguese, saying that the three hundred and seventy leagues were to begin from the island of Santo Anton, the most western of the islands of Cabo Verde. The Portuguese claimed that they ought to begin from the islands of La Sal and Buena Vista, the most eastern of the group. It seems (the original having been destroyed) that each party was striving to have the islands of Maluco fall on his side of the Page 105demarcation—thus contending for the contrary of what they claimed in the year 1494, when each party, ignorant of the differences which would arise about the Malucos, was striving to have the coast of Brasil fall on its side of the demarcation.
Item: From the Castilian and Portuguese sea-charts it appears that the said line of demarcation was neither drawn nor determined; because, in the model sea-charts deposited in the India house of trade in Sevilla, this line or meridian is found drawn from pole to pole so as to cut our hemisphere three hundred and seventy leagues from the island of Sancto Anton, the last of the Cabo Verde islands. It also cuts the coast of Brasil about two degrees from the equinoctial line through the land of Humos, the tropic of Capricorn, the Cape of Dospermitas, and the river of Sant Salvador. According to these charts, the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal includes three hundred and ninety leagues through which the line of demarcation passes inland, and for a distance of six hundred leagues down along the coast. Within the line of demarcation of the kings of Castilla fall all of Tierra Nova [Newfoundland], of the Bacallaos, and of Labrador. In the Portoguese sea-charts, this line of demarcation is so drawn as to cut Brasil farther north than the great river of Orellana or Amazonas, two degrees from the equinoctial line, and thirty-eight degrees south, through the low submerged districts, so that it cuts the land seven hundred leagues inland and almost one thousand three hundred leagues along the coast, including within the demarcation of Portogal all of Tierra Nova, Bacallaos, and Labrador.
[Here follows some matter which we omit, as Page 106superfluous—an account of Portuguese settlements in Brazil, decisions of the Junta of Badajoz, and the Treaty of Zaragoza.]
After the execution of the said deed, one of the first and chief instructions in the settlements and discoveries made, as well as on the merchant vessels and fleets despatched, is that no one shall go beyond the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal, and the boundaries specified in the said contract. A similar injunction forbidding men to go beyond the boundaries of demarcation of the king of Portogal was made after the execution of the demarcation deed, in the year fourteen hundred and ninety-four.
1535. In the year thirty-five, Simon de Alcaçava was despatched with two hundred and forty men. He passed the strait of Magallanes and one of the ships returned to Santiago de Cuba.
1536. In the year thirty-six, Cortes sent Grijalva and Alvarado with two ships below the equinoctial line. They reached the Malucos.
1542. In the year forty-two, Don Antonio de Mendoza sent from Nueva España Ruy Lopez de Villalobos with four ships, four hundred soldiers, and four hundred Indians. He discovered Mindanaos, Çubu, and Nata.
1543. In the year forty-three, Villalobos despatched Bernardo de la Torre to give an account of the expedition and its route; he discovered and named the Philippinas islands.
1545. In the year forty-five, the said Villalobos went to the island of Nuzo, to the city of Sanuso, to Gilolo, and to Tidori. From Tidori he sent Yñigo Ortiz de Roda as captain, and Gaspar Rico as pilot. On the way they discovered the coast of Nueva Page 107Guinea, which had been discovered by Saavedra in the year twenty-seven.
1545. On November the ninth, 1545, his Majesty the Emperor wrote from Bruxas [Brussels] to Don Antonio de Mendoça, viceroy of Nueva España, saying that the ambassador of the king of Portogal had in behalf of the latter complained that the fleet of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos went to the islands of Maluco; and that, being requested by the governor of that place to leave, had gone to another island, where it remained.
(Ruy Lopez de Villalobos died, and his companions endured so many hardships, that finally they were obliged to return to Spaña by way of the province of Yndia. This is verified by a letter of Fray Gonzalo de Santistevan, an Augustinian, who was with the fleet.)
In order to please the king of Portogal, his Majesty ordered the captain and his people to leave that place immediately. The said viceroy and other magistrates in whose districts the captain and his men might land were requested to arrest them, and to confiscate their drugs and spices. His Majesty warned the viceroy that this decree was issued to please the king of Portogal, and requested him to send news of the outcome. Dissembling and secrecy was required, etc.
1559. On September 24, 1559, a decree of his Majesty was sent from Valladolid to Don Luys de Velasco, ordering him to send men to discover the Philippinas islands, and other places where spices could be found; but in doing this they were to avoid Maluco and other places forbidden by the compact. Page 108
1560. On May 28, 1560, Fray Andres de Urdaneta wrote from Mexico that he had received the above-mentioned decree of September 24, and offered himself to undertake the expedition. He sent a memorial in which he declared that the Philipina island does not come within the agreement, and that the expedition could be made under the pretext of going to rescue the men who were captured from the fleet of Fray Garcia de Loaysa in the year 1525, from the one which Cortes despatched in the year 1527, from that which Don Antonio sent in 1542, and from another ship despatched by Cortes, which was lost on its course from Nueva España. Don Luys began to get ready the fleet. At his death the Audiencia of Mexico made haste to complete the preparations; and on the first of September, one thousand five hundred and sixty-four, instructions were given to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had been appointed governor and general of the discovery of the Western Islands. The latter set sail with four ships on November 21, 1564. On April 27, 1551 [sic], he reached the island of Çubu, where he built a fort. He took possession in his Majesty's name of the Barbudos Islands, the Ladrones, Çibabao, the bay of Sant Pedro and Maletie in the island of Camiguinni, and Bohol. He despatched the flagship under command of his grandson Phelippe de Salzedo, and Fray Andres de Urdaneta. They set sail on June the first, sixty-five, and on September the eighteenth they came in sight of the first land of Nueva Spañia, the island of Sant Salvador, which is in twenty-nine and five-sixths degrees north latitude. On the first of October, they reached the port of La Navidad; but, without stopping there, they proceeded to Acapulco Page 109which is a better port, forty-five leagues nearer to Mexico.
As soon as the flagship arrived, an advice-ship was despatched from Nueva Spaña. It reached the royal settlement at Çubu on the fifteenth of October, 1566, without the store of arms, ammunition, and other provisions needed. The captain and ensign were missing, for they had been killed in a mutiny.
Phelipe de Salzedo as general, Captain Artieda with a company, and another company of Juan de Aguirre for Captain Andres de Ybarra, set sail in April, 1567, with two ships and three hundred men, both sailors and soldiers. They reached Çubu August 20, 1567.
The general Miguel Lopez despatched a ship commanded by Joan de la Ysla. It reached Nueva España November 16, 1567; and España June 5, 68.
The Council hastened to get ready a ship in Santander with the said aid, arms, and ammunition, and to entrust it to the said Joan de la Ysla. The preparations were carried out by Joan de Peñalosa, administrator of the marine tithes, to whom the affair was entrusted. The ship set sail with good weather August 27, 1569. The ship, its repairing, and the goods it carried cost four million eight hundred and seventeen thousand eight hundred and seventy-six and one-half maravedis, as is evident by the memorandum of Joan de Peñalosa for the said day.
The ship reached Nueva Spaña on the last of October, 1569. On March 9, 70, it left the port of Acapulco with two hundred men including sailors, soldiers, workmen, and married men. Joan de la Ysla says that the officials of Nueva Spaña wasted one hundred and twenty-six thousand pesos on his Page 110expedition, and as much while he remained there. He reached the islands at the end of May, and cast anchor in the island of Marapite. Thence he sent despatches to the governor and awaited his orders. On the arrival of the orders he set sail, June 20, and reached Panae, where the governor was, on the twenty-third of June.
On July 27, he left Panae for Nueva Spaña, with two of the three ships which the other had brought, and reached the port of Acapulco in Nueva España, November 21, 1570. January 25, 1571, he left Sant Juan de Lua, and reached Sant Lucas April 17, 1571. Through an advice-ship sent by the viceroy, Juan de la Ysla was requested to set sail with the two ships, not later than the month of February. The time to set out from Nueva Spaña is from the beginning of November to the latter part of January; the voyage will last two months. The time to set out for Nueva España is from the end of July to the beginning of August; the voyage will last three months. Page 111
[1] The matter in parentheses is side notes in the original.
[2] Tierra firme: this term means simply “the continent,” and was at that time applied to the northern mainland of South America, as distinguished from the adjacent islands.
Requisitions of Supplies for the Spanish Forces in the Philippines—1570–71 (circa)
Memorandum of the articles asked for by the governor of the Felipinas islands—with a note of what can be supplied from Nueva España, and what must be brought from España. This memorandum was brought last year by the advice ships.[1]
First, he asks for rigging. We must buy some of that brought by the merchant fleet; for none was sent here from España on his Majesty's account. A supply must be sent, for it is very expensive here.
(Six hundred and forty-five arrobas and fourteen libras of small rigging were taken.)
They ask also for pitch. It will be sent from here
(A large quantity of pitch and tar was taken.)
Tow. We have very little of it in this country.
(There were taken cxxxvii arrobas of tow, and cvii arrobas of old rigging for the same purpose.)
Saltpetre. We shall send what we have from here.
(Six quintals, nine libras were taken, because they Page 112need it there only to refine the powder; likewise xi arrobas of sulphur.)
Powder. We have it here.
(There were taken cl quintals[2] and three arrobas.)
Two shipmasters to build ships and galleys. Shipmasters are not to be found in this land.
(Only one carpenter was taken, for we could not supply more.)
Twelve carpenters for the same purpose. We shall look for them here although it will be difficult to find any.
Twelve calkers. They also will be supplied from the merchant ships.
(Four were taken.)
Two overseers. They will be procured here.
(Enough men were sent for that purpose.)
Galley captains who know how to make lateensails. They are not to be found in this land, unless some come on the merchant ships.
Fifty bombardiers. There are none here, except those who are in the port. We shall try to send some.
(Five were taken, and these are sufficient; for Robles, who went there as artillery founder after having served all his life in these royal houses, will instruct enough of the soldiers going from here so that they may serve whenever it is necessary.)
Two artillery founders.
(One went, Robles by name—he who is mentioned above.)
Two military engineers to fortify a stronghold. They are not to be found in this land. Page 113
(Some of the soldiers who went there can make valuable suggestions in that respect.)
Five hundred pikes. We shall send the iron heads from here, for the wood can be found in the islands. (Three hundred pikes were sent; for we heard afterward that the wood of that land was of an inferior quality. Therefore may your Majesty be pleased to order that a thousand pikes be sent us, for the wood of this country is irreparably worm-eaten.)
Corselets. Any quantity. There are very few of them in our military stores.
(None of them will be found here, unless your Majesty orders that they be sent from España. It is not right that the military stores of these royal households be left without corselets.)
Large artillery, six pieces, averaging forty quintals; and two swivel-guns. We do not have them here, and it is very difficult to transport them to the wharf; so that it will be better to cast them in the islands.
(The governor wrote that he had there a number of pieces of artillery which he had bought; and others that had burst, from which some might be made. Eighty arrobas of tin were taken; and now they are taking cc quintals of copper, for we had no time to extract it last year.)
A good arquebuse officer. He will not be easily found here.
(He was sent.)
Thin wrought iron for forelock plate-bolts. We shall send it from here, although Valero said that it would be less expensive if it came from España.
(Ninety-two quintals, two arrobas, and nine libras were taken.) Page 114
Thin iron plates. We will send them also from here.
(The ninety-two quintals, two arrobas and nine libras contained a quantity of iron plates.)
Fine steel for carpenters' axes and other tools. All of this that comes in the merchant ships will be sent from here.
(Twenty arrobas of steel were taken.)
Two pairs of bellows of the best kind. We have them here.
(Four pairs were taken.)
Two screws. We shall send them from here.
(They were taken.)
One anvil. It will be sent from here.
(One large anvil was taken.)
Two screw plates to make screws for arquebuses. We shall send them from here.
(One was taken.)
Two grind-stones. They will be sent from here.
(Two were taken.)
Two dozen carpenters' axes. We will send them from here.
(They were taken.)
Six French saws. They shall be sent from here.
(They were sent.)
Oil. We must send some of that which comes in the merchant ships.
Lead. We have it.
(cc quintals were taken. But this is the first time that we have been asked for lead; for each time that soldiers go, they take with them all the lead they wish; and it was never known that they needed it there. The vessels here are leaded, but not there; for never until now has any vessel been launched Page 115there, that has to sail on this course [between the Philippines and New Spain].)
Tin. We must buy some of that which comes from España, for we have none here.
(Eighty arrobas were taken—those above-mentioned.)
Copper. We have it here.
(cc quintals are being taken now; for it had not been extracted when the ship sailed.)
Tallow.
(ccxix quintals and three arrobas, less a small quantity used in repairing the ship in the port, were taken; and more of it will be taken this year.
Trumpeters and mechanics.
(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have any now.)
Indian workmen of all trades: tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, masons.
(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have them now.)
In addition to all the above the vessel took the founder who was going to cast artillery.
One tulcapoté, to cover the clay mould for the artillery. Two levels. One claw hammer. One medium sized saw. One quintal of steel to make files, punches, and drills, for boring the artillery. Twenty-nine arrobas and ten libras of wrought iron for the manufacture of animas, sledge hammers, tongs, and hammers with which to work the iron for the artillery. A screw-plate with seven holes; and seven sledge-hammers. One anvil and forge. Another small forge and three screws.
[Endorsed: “Without date or signature.”]
[All these items apparently refer to articles subsequently Page 116added to the list; for on the MS. each one is checked off.]
Memorandum of what we need in this camp of his Majesty which is stationed and has its residence in the Western Islands, in addition to the requests made in the letters and memoranda which have been sent in the past. It is as follows:
Bellows: First of all we need four pairs of bellows—two pairs made of dressed leather, and the other two of rawhide. They should be sent wrapped in coarse frieze, and placed in their jars, so as not to be gnawed by worms.
Tubes: Four pairs of bellows-tubes large enough for the forges.
Axes: One hundred Viscayan iron axes for the carpenters.
Anvils: An anvil weighing about one quintal or six arrobas.
Pitch: Three hundred quintals of pitch.
Tar: A large quantity of tar.
Tallow: Tallow in quantity, as may be needed, to be sent in suitable skins or casks.
Nails: Item, nails one span in length, and for crosswise timbers. Item, spikes and clinch nails.
Sail-cloth: A quantity of sail-cloth.
Paper: A large bale of paper, for we have none.
Books: Twelve books of large paper, bound in parchment, for the accountant.
Twine and sail needles: Some sailmaker's twine and long sail-needles.
Saws: A dozen carpenters' hand-saws.
Steel: Some good steel, for the kind we have here is worthless. Page 117
Tacks and leather: Tacks and some pieces of tanned leather for the pump.
Hoops, casks, and staves: Casks and hoops suitable for this land, because we have used a third of those brought here by the ships, in repairs for the return, voyage. Let a large quantity of staves be sent.
Coopers: Item, two coopers.
Carpenters: Item, some ship-carpenters, provided they be good workmen.
Rope-maker: Item, a rope-maker, for we are in great need of one to make rigging here.
Tarpauling-nails: A quantity of tarpauling-nails.
Grappling-irons: Some grappling-irons, for the frigates have lost those brought by Captain Juan de la Ysla in the year seventy. Let some be of five arrobas' weight, and the others from four to six arrobas.
Anchors: Some anchors, of three or four quintals each.
Boilers: Half a dozen pitch boilers, for we have none of them.
Wine: Wine for the sacrifice of the mass, and for the sick; also some vinegar.
Assayer: Item, an assayer, for we are in much need of one.
Negroes: We are in great need of negroes for the labors of this camp, so as to avoid the inconveniences that arise from [depending on] the natives.
Soap: One or two quintals of soap; we greatly need it for the rigging which is being made in this land.
Padlocks: A dozen padlocks, for they are not to be found here. Page 118
Mariner's compasses: Half a dozen of mariner's compasses.
Hour-glasses: Twenty hour-glasses indicating one to one-and-a-half hours.
Screws: Two good screws for filing arquebuses.
Iron wire: Six libras of iron wire to repair arquebuse locks.
Tin: Two libras of sheet-tin for the tinning of locks.
Rigging: All sorts of rigging.
Sawyers: Sawyers.
Smiths: A smith who knows how to make crowbars, adzes, axes, and chisels, and how to sharpen tools.
Gunpowder: A large quantity of gunpowder.
Sulphur and saltpetre: Sulphur and saltpetre.
Medicines: Some medicines for the sick and wounded.
Lead: Lead, both in bars and in sheets.
Gunners: Gunners are much needed.
Pickaxes, shovels: Pickaxes and crow's-foot shovels.
Kettles: Large and small mess-kettles, for there are none.
Balances: Two new balances, one of them small.
Weights and denominations: Weights to weigh gold and silver, graduated from two to four libras.
Bells: Small and large bells for churches.
Measures: Measures of one arroba, half-arroba, azumbre and quartillo.
Half-hanega: Two half-hanegas, one celemin, and one half-celemin.[3] Page 119
Fishing-nets and fishermen: Two fishing-nets and a couple of fishermen [pescadores], if they are to be found.
Stamps for the tithes: Stamps for branding the tithes, for those which were sent are out of order; also a small anvil and hammers, for marking the fifths.[4]
Tow: A large quantity of tow, for we have none.
For the main church: Item, we need a pair of chalices with their silver pitchers, two missals, and some altar-cloths and linen for the main church of this city. We need them because all that was sent us was taken by the Augustinian religious, and we are unable to get any of them.
Andres Cauchela Salvador de Aldave Page 120
[1] Internal evidence indicates that this list was prepared in New Spain. In the MS., in the right-hand column are enumerated the articles demanded for the Philippines; on the left is a statement of articles sent—various memoranda being made on each side. As here presented, the items in the left-hand column follow (within parentheses) the corresponding items on the right hand.
[2] The Spanish quintal (100 libras), varied in different provinces; that of Castilla was equivalent to 101.6097 United States pounds. Other denominations: 25 libras = 1 arroba; 4 arrobas = 1 quintal; 20 quintals = 1 tonelada.
[3] Of these measures of capacity, the first set are for liquid measure: 4 copas = 1 cuartillo; 4 cuartillos = 1 azumbre; 8 Page 119nazumbres = 1 arroba mayor or cantara. This arroba equals 4.26304 gallons, and is supposed to contain the weight of 35 libras of pure (i.e., distilled) water. The arroba for oil, however, is only 3.31853 gallons.
The other measures are for dry substances. Hanega is only another form of fanega (= 1.599 bushels), which is described in Vol. II, note 72; the celemín is the same as the almude (note 20, ante). Table: 4 ochavillos = 1 racion; 4 raciones = 1 cuartillo; 2 cuartillos = 1 medio; 2 medios = 1 almude; 12 almudes = 1 fanega; 12 fanegas = 1 cahíz.
[4] References to the shares, in goods discovered or produced, which were to be set aside for the king and the church.