The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 17 of 55 / 1609-1616 / Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the Islands and Their Peoples, Their History and Records of the Catholic Missions, as Related in Contemporaneous Books and Manuscripts, Showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of Those Islands from Their Earliest Relations with European Nations to the Close of the Nineteenth Century

by Unknown

Some Things Worth Knowing About the Governors of the Filipinas Islands

[Juan José Delgado, in his Historia (chapter xvii, pp. 212–215), makes the following remarks about the governors.]

In no kingdom or province of the Spanish crown do the viceroys or governors enjoy greater privileges, superiority, and grandeur than in Filipinas. That is advisable because of the long distance from the court, and their proximity to so many kingdoms and nations, some of them civilized but others barbaric. Consequently those assigned to this government should be well tested and picked men; for, because of the difficulty of appeal, as so many seas and lands have to be passed, where shipwrecks are continually suffered, there are great setbacks. Therefore it is very difficult and at times impossible to remedy quickly the disadvantages which may arise (and which have been experienced) from an absolute and selfish governor—who has no one to oppose him in his cupidity, cruelty, headlong disposition, or other vices to which the disordered condition of these so distant lands inclines one. Father Alonso Sánchez of the Society of Jesus, ambassador of this community at the two courts [i.e., Spain and Rome], presented to his Majesty Don Felipe II a standard or description of the qualities which should adorn the person who should be appointed governor of Filipinas. That most judicious monarch thought it so difficult to find a man of so many and such gifts, that he bargained with the father, and arranged that the latter himself should seek and select the man. Those same gifts and qualities must be found in those appointed as governors, especially in these times,[3] when it seems as-if cupidity, ambition, pride, and haughtiness have fortified themselves in these lands. For it often happens that the governor is so facile, that he allows himself to be governed by one whom he should not [allow to do so]. Consequently it is very advisable that he should have great courage, in addition to goodness and disinterestedness, so that he may act and judge in his government without subjecting himself to any private person—whether he need such for his temporal advancement, or, through friendship or relationship, incurs that disadvantage by undue intimacy.

Thus it happened to Governor Don Diego Fajardo during his term, as is read in various provincial histories; but the experience that he continued to gain daily opened his eyes to the recognition of his error. Seeing certain disadvantages arising from his protection of certain individuals, he dismissed them from his favor to the prison in the redoubt of Santiago, and confiscated their property, without respect to, or fear of, the influence that they had acquired in the community because of their wealth and support. A governor, whom I knew and with whom I was familiar, was told in México that he would come to kiss the hand of a certain citizen distinguished for his wealth and rank. But he, being a man of great courage and spirit, who knew how to hold every one in his own position, without permitting him to rise to greater, immediately upon his arrival in these islands ordered that man in the king’s name to perform a certain necessary and useful service. As he, trusting in his favor among the citizens, did not obey the order, the governor condemned him to be beheaded. For that purpose he tore him from the church in which he had sought refuge, and would have executed the sentence, had not the ecclesiastical estate interposed all its influence by pointing out several disadvantages, upon which his punishment was lessened and the penalty commuted. Thus did he hold each one to his post, and all praised his rectitude, disinterestedness, and magnanimity; and he left his government with great honor and reputation.

These islands need disinterested military governors, not merchants; and men of resolution and character, not students, who are more fit to govern monasteries than communities of heroes. They should be men who can make themselves feared and respected by the enemies who surround us on all sides, and who can go in person to punish their opponents (as did the former ones, with so great glory to God and credit to the Spanish arms), so that in that way the islands may be conserved in peace and be respected and feared by the Moro and Indian chiefs—and those who are called kings or sultans of Joló and Mindanao, who go with feet and legs bare, and have to go to sea to cast their fishing nets in order to live, are that and nothing more. But if a governor comes to these islands with the intention of escaping his natural poverty by humoring the rich and powerful, and even obeying them, the wrongs accruing to the community are incredible, as well as those to Christianity, and to the country—which is at times on the point of being lost because of this reason—and especially since appeal is so distant, as was seen and experienced in the year of 1719.[4]

The governors of these islands are almost absolute, and like private masters of them. They exercise supreme authority by reason of their charge, for receiving and sending embassies to the neighboring kings and tyrants, for sending them gifts and presents in the name of their king, and for accepting those which those kings and tyrants send them. They can make and preserve peace, declare and make war, and take vengeance on all who insult us, without awaiting any resolution from court for it. Therefore many kings have rendered vassalage and paid tribute to the governors, have recognized them as their superiors, have respected and feared their arms, have solicited their friendship, and tried to procure friendly relations and commerce with them; and those who have broken their word have been punished. The legitimate king of Borney, who had been dispossessed of his kingdom, because his brother, who had no right to it, had usurped it, begged help from Doctor Don Francisco de Sande, governor of these islands. Governor Sande went with his fleet, fought with and drove away the tyrant, and put the legitimate king in possession [of his throne]; the latter rendered obedience to the governor, appointed in the place of the king of España, and subjected himself to this crown as vassal and tributary. The same happened during the term of Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, to whom the king of Siao came to render homage. Governor Don Pedro de Acuña went to Ternate with a fleet, fought, conquered, and took the king of that island[5] prisoner to Manila, as a pledge that the Ternatans would not again admit the Dutch and English—who, with their consent, were beginning to engage heavily in that commerce, and were seizing the country. Although Don Juan Niño de Tabora had a royal decree ordering that that king be restored to his kingdom, he did not execute it, as that seemed unadvisable to him. Consequently the king died in Manila. One of his sons was also a prisoner of war, and the governor appointed a cachil to govern in his stead. That king, the king of Tidore, and others in the same islands of Ternate rendered homage to Don Pedro de Acuña, and became friends of the Spaniards. The said governor received them under the canopy in the name of the king of España, and took them under his protection and care. In the year of 1618, the same governor [i.e., Alonso Fajardo y Tenza] made peace and treaties with the king of Macasar, who also placed himself under España’s protection, so that the governor might protect him in his needs and necessities.

The country formerly had very peaceable relations with the emperor of Japón, and also a very rich and useful commerce; and his Majesty ordered by a royal decree of June 4, 1609, that it be preserved, although at the expense of gifts and presents of considerable price and value. That friendship lasted until the year 1634, when the Japanese were found lacking in it because of the Dutch—who, always following in our footsteps, introduced their commerce into that empire.

Friendship and commerce have been maintained from the beginning of the conquest with Great China, and are still preserved. The emperor of China ordered a port to be assigned so that the people of Luzon could establish a city and factory under the same conditions as the Portuguese in Macao. His Majesty also ordered, by a decree of April 9, 1586, Doctor Francisco de Sande to sustain the friendship, and prohibited him from making war; for, as some authors say, Sande had the intention of conquering that empire.[6] That does not seem to me so certain, for that empire had so many millions of men, with innumerable cities, forts, and walls, and fleets that guard the ports with great vigilance. Moreover at that time the soldiers in these islands did not number five hundred, and were scarcely sufficient to guard them; and it was very difficult to transport them from Nueva España and other kingdoms. Although it might be that that idea was simply speculative, the council prohibited it, and ordered them thenceforth to observe what was prescribed.

The king of Siam captured two ships of these islands in his ports in 1629. Don Juan Niño de Tabora, who was governor at that time, immediately despatched two warships to punish so great violence, and they made many prizes and inflicted many injuries along those coasts. After that he sent ambassadors to the king to ask satisfaction for what the latter had done, and the restoration of the Spanish ships. Although the king who had had the ships seized was dead, his son was forced to return them, and did so. The Mindanaos and Joloans, chastised because of the fleets that they were sending to plunder these islands, have been subdued and have made peace several times. But, whenever it appears good to them, they break the peace, make war on us, and sack and burn the towns of the Christians, capturing many thousands of them; this is done not only by the Mindanaos, but by their vassals, the Camucones and Tirones. Consequently, one can and ought to make war on them very justifiably, until they are destroyed and annihilated, if necessary—as was done before, and is being done in this year of 1751.[7] During this and previous years the king of Joló lived in Manila, was baptized, and made a subject of the Spanish crown. He solicited aid against one of his brothers named Bantilan, by saying that the latter had revolted with the kingdom. However it is hoped that the truth of the whole thing will be discovered in time.[8] It was resolved by a royal provision of May 29, 1720, that all the prisoners made among those nations during the war should be declared slaves forever.

Besides the above, the governors of these islands have absolute authority privately to provide and attend to all that pertains to the royal estate, government, war, and consultations in difficult affairs of the auditors of this royal Audiencia; to try in the first instance the criminal causes of the soldiers; and to appoint alcaldes, corregidora, deputies, and chief justices of all the islands for the exercise of government, justice, and war, together with the chief scrivener appointed by his Majesty for government and war matters. The governor also enjoys the privilege of a permanent body-guard of twelve halberdiers, with a captain of the guard, who always accompany him, besides many other preeminences conceded by royal decrees to the presidency of the royal Audiencia and Cnancillería. He is, finally, captain-general of all the archipelago. For these his employments, his Majesty assigns him annually a salary of eight thousand pesos de minas—or thirteen thousand one hundred and thirty-five pesos, three granos of common gold—besides the many profits and gains assigned to him by domestic and foreign fees and privileges, which amount annually to great sums of money.