Letter from Father Pablo Cavalleria to Father Francisco Sanchez
Isabela de Basílan, December 31, 1886.
Pax Christi.
My very dearly beloved in Christ, Father Sánchez:
Replying to your favor, in which your Reverence asks for information concerning the inhabitants of this island of Basílan, I have deemed it best to write the following.
Races
The races of this island are the indigenous race and the Moros. The indigenous is Christian and there is little or nothing to say of them, since they are well known to your Reverence.
The Moro[9] race is infidel, and lives on the coast and in the interior.
The indigenous race forms the settlement of Isabela de Basílan, consisting of some eight hundred souls.
Further sixteen families of Christian Indians reside in the visita called San Pedro de Guibáuan distant six leguas from Isabela. Their absolute lieutenant in chief is Pedro Cuévas.
The Moro race is now greatly degenerated, for many are coming down from the Bisayas who were formerly captives.
The Moros of the interior of the island are called Yácanes,[10] and are employed, although but little, in the cultivation of palay, sweet-potatoes, cacao, etc.
The Moros of the coast are called Sámales Laút. They are employed, although little, in fishing. They are pirates, and whenever they can do so with impunity, they capture the Christians, or the Moros of the interior themselves, or those of distant Sámal rancherías, or those of other islands. On that account there is a certain hostility between the Sámales and the Yácanes. At present, Pedro Cuévas, so far as he is able, executes justice upon those who exercise such boldness, and applies the law to them.
Among the Sámales Laút, there are Joloan Moros, and Malays.
The total number of the Moros of this island is ten or twelve thousand.[11] Their skin is of a deep bronze color, and they have black eyes, rather meager eyebrows, thin beard and their cranium is flattened on the occipital part.
Religion
They are not very observant in their ceremonies.
They omit many of the rules of their false prophet Mahomet, add others which are not prescribed, and observe some, but in the time and manner that appears best to them. For example, they do not pray even at least once a day, almost never observe Friday, and it is never seen that any of them has gone to Meca.[12]
They practice baptism or gúnting, which they have learned, although badly, from the Christian captives.
For the administration of baptism, they prepare cocoanut oil, rice flour, water from the cocoanut and natural water. When the child is four or six months old, on that day that they think best, the imam takes a little of each of those ingredients abovesaid, and places them on the forehead of the child, at the same time uttering certain words from the Koran. At the end of the ceremony the feast follows, and the imam is the first to whom the large tray of food must be presented.
Marriage
The fathers or owners of the young girls rather sell than give them for wives. Fees are assigned for the petitions made by the young men to the fathers or masters of their sweethearts. Consequently, it is seldom that the young woman is given to the suitor at his first or second petition. The young woman is granted to the suitor, who pays greater or less fees, according as the family is more or less principal and as the young woman is more or less good-looking. Consequently, thirty, fifty, or more pesos are demanded for her delivery, besides the marriage feast.
The ceremonies observed by them, as I have seen them, are as follows. The groom chews his buyo as he is required, then goes into the midst of the guests, makes some wry faces, and passes his hands along his face. By that means they say that he is asking pardon of God by confessing his sins. This is called magtanbat. Then if the groom has not paid because of poverty, for a suitable banquet, some of the chiefs present strike him several blows on the back with a rattan formed like a hand, more or less numerous, according to what he has neglected to prepare for the banquet.
Then the groom goes to wash his feet and clothe himself in white garments. On coming out he seats himself on a mat, and places his right hand between the two hands of one chief, and his left upon the right hands of the other chiefs. Then the imam covers his right hand and that of the groom with a white handkerchief, and thus being united, they utter some words from the Koran. The imam lifts his hands, and extends them so that his palms are turned outwards and at a distance of two cuartas,[13] and lifts them to his head. The groom does the same, but the palms of his hands are turned toward his face. They clasp hands again with the chiefs in the manner abovesaid, and then the feast immediately follows. At the end of the feast, they go to the home of the bride, and the same ceremonies are there repeated with her as with the groom.
At intervals they play the culintíngan, and if the groom is an influential person, there is a discharge of musketry, and a cow or carabao is killed, and innumerable Moros invited in. The richer one is the more guests there are; and at intervals there is generally a war dance.
Burial
When the sickness is severe, the imam performs the magtaual, by sprinkling a little water on the sick person, and reciting some prayers to their false prophet. They clothe the deceased in a white garment which covers them from top to toe. Those who are present or who visit the deceased, are invited to a feast. The grave that is made is deep or shallow according to the rank of the person who is to be buried, but it is always one and one-half or two varas deep, and in the shape of a crescent. In one side of it they open a kind of cave, where the body is to be buried. Once the body is deposited there, they set upright stakes in the cave and then make a platform over the hole while two persons scare away the flies with a white cloth so that they may not come near. At the ends of the grave they place a tabo[14] of water and food. The imam comes, recites some Mahometan prayers, approaches the dish of food which they have placed there for him, and there at the very grave, he stuffs himself with dexterity, and retires. At the termination of that gastronomic operation, the death-guards (or tunguquibul) who watch the dead for the space of a few days and nights, enter. This is done by various families in turn, according to the wealth or property of the family of the deceased, for they are paid in food and cloth whenever they stand guard. When the deceased, or rather his relatives have nothing more with which to recompense them, the guards cease to watch the dead.
If any of the family of the deceased do not wish that guard to be made, the imams and some others circulate the rumor that the dead person has escaped and is running through the hills terrifying the passers-by. That ghost they call pañata, and until the guard has been made, that rumor does not cease to be circulated.
Religious feasts
When they unite for public worship, which is when it pleases them, the people are summoned by loud sounds produced by the blows of a stick upon a sort of drum. The imam begins an invocation in a sad tone to their impostor and reads a bit of the Koran. In the meantime the people chew buyo, talk, lie down, laugh, scream, and then they retire without either the imam or the people having understood what has been read.
The principal feast, and almost the only one that they celebrate is the maúlut or birth of Mahomet. Each ranchería, and at times each family even, celebrates it on whatever day they choose. They ought to hold it on the tenth night of the month called Rabié aual, which corresponds to the month of September. But they generally celebrate it after the harvest. This year the Moros of this place have celebrated it in December. I asked them once why they did not celebrate it on a fixed day. They replied that they celebrated it when they had food for a good feast. On the said occasions several chiefs are accustomed to meet with the imam and sing in so doleful a voice that the song appears to come from a cavern, the while the women prepare the feast. This year I have noted that the imam of Panigáyan has gone on separate days to celebrate the feast at different rancherías.
They are very superstitious, and greatly fear Saítan (the devil) whom they endeavor to placate. When the epidemic of 1882 was here, the Moros of Panigáyan, among whom the cholera made especially severe ravages (for one-half of them died), threw boatloads of food into the sea, so that on encountering them, the devil might be satisfied with the food and leave them in peace. They also hung food to the trees with the same end in view.
On that occasion, the sherif reaped a fine harvest by selling clear water, which had curative properties, as he asserted. In return for the cure they had to recite some Moro prayers. If they were cured, it was by the water; but if they were not cured, it was because they had not recited well the prayers of Mahomet. The affair did not result ill for him.
In January 1883, I had occasion to observe another superstition in Lucbútun, a Moro ranchería one legua distant from this place by sea. A sailing fragata, which they called an enchantress, because they did not descry at a distance more than its sails passed not far from the said ranchería. Then because they did not salute it, they believed that they had irritated the devil, and in order to repair the fault they made two closets, and placed in the midst of them burning brasiers and lamps.
Some Moros believe also that the sherif can by his mere will send a sickness on whom he pleases. All is for the purpose of terrifying them and so that the sherif can get whatever he wishes from them. Whenever I have opposed this error, I have asked them why, if the sherif had this power, he did not send diseases upon the Christian village, since he is hostile to the Christians, but they do not reply to the question, but remain in their obstinacy.
Once when there was an eclipse of the moon, the Moros of Pasanjan began to make a great racket with their culintíngans and other things. When they were asked why they made so much noise, they answered that it was in order to scare the serpent which was eating the moon.[15]
For their long voyages they look at the cuticáan, which is a book containing certain figures. By means of that they try to discover whether they have fortunate voyages or not.
Follies
He who knows most among them is the sherif yet his learning does not go beyond the ability to write a few words in Arabian characters. In regard to heaven and hell they know nothing more than their existence. In regard to the soul they know almost nothing.
The following is what a sherif asserted regarding heaven and hell. There are seven heavens and seven hells to express the various rewards or punishments:
1. A heaven called Yattu Atúan. Here there is only rest.
2. A heaven, [called] Firdéos. Here there are good things to eat.
3. A heaven [called] Naím. If one wishes to eat, there is plenty of food [here].
4. A heaven [called] Nauá. The water [here] has the taste that one desires.
5. Aínum naím. Here [there is] great wealth.
6. Salsabila. Here [there are] golden vessels from which to drink.
7. Jatard al Cots. Here [there are] pearls and diamonds.
Hells
1. Naruk Yahanna. Here [there is] confusion.
2. Naruk Sacar. [Here there are] contrivances and animals for inflicting torture.
3. Naruk Sigmilti. [Here there are] tortures in language.
4. Naruk abus. [Here there are] most ugly things.
5. Naruk Jauya. Here one is run through with spears.
6. Naruk Zaalt. Here one suffers thirst.
7. Naruk Jamia. Here one is tortured with fire.
So did one Tuan Sarib describe heaven and hell. On a certain occasion several chiefs and imams gathered together; and when speaking of Adam and Eve, they did not succeed in telling who were their parents, and they had recourse to the missionary in order that he might instruct them on that point. They do not know either, the day on which their Mahomet was born, or much less any of his history.
They scarcely know their era, nor do they know how old they are. Once a man asked me to tell him how old he was. They count by moons, saying “Only two moons have passed;” “Three moons from now we shall do this;” etc., etc.
Much more might be said of their errors and foolishness, but I consider this sufficient, and it would be a prolixity to adduce more facts to prove those errors and follies.
Dress
The dress consists of pantaloons narrow at the bottom and wide at the top and a tight shirt. The women dress like the men except that they cover themselves with a loosely sewed mantle (jábul) which covers them from top to toe and is fastened under the armpit thus forming folds.
They cut their hair to a little fringe on the forehead, and shave themselves. Their teeth are dyed black in order to distinguish them from the Christians.
The Sámal Moros dress in pantaloons that are tight from top to bottom.
The Moro will not eat flesh,[16] unless the imam sacrifices the animal, and performs the Sumbálig.
The Moros are dirty, lazy, fickle, importunate, stingy in giving, and fond of conversation and amusements.
They fight without giving quarter, and in the attack, advance, stop, give ground, leap, creep among the cógon,[17] cover themselves with their shields, etc.
In their wars against the Spaniards or Christians, they build forts defended by ditches, and invested with thick earthen walls. They are fierce and bold, and when dripping with blood they fight until death on the field of battle, impelled by their hatred toward the Christian or Spaniard.
Below are some verses of a song of theirs which was dictated to me by a Moro chief, so that your Reverence may better see the hatred with which they fight.[18]
A song I will chant,
Which is that of the Saliban[19] Sauan,
In order that I may have luck
At my sailing on Tuesday.
Look after the lantacas,
The weapons at embarking;
And though there are no enemies
It is wise to be prepared.
This Saliban Sauan
Is going to Zamboanga;
Although there is no trade,
He will return quickly.
He begged from the Castilian;
He mounted treacherously;
The Castilian demanded his arms;
He got them with his death.
Ever will I fight,
And even glad will I be if I fall;
I will encounter danger
In the name of God.
I take pleasure in talking;
I will fight valiantly with my keen kris;
And although my blood is poured on the ground,
I will slash on hearing it fall.
The language that they speak consists of Tagálog, Visayan, and Malayan words. But they make no difficulty about changing, omitting, and adding letters and syllables.
This is as much as I have to tell your Reverence. Pray excuse me for not having written before, for I have already stated the reason. I beg you to overlook the faults of this document.
I have no time to copy it, for I have to go to Joló.
Your Reverence’s most affectionate servant in Christ,
Extract from a Letter written by Father Pablo Pastells to the Father Provincial, Juan Capell, S. J.[20]
Manila, April 20, 1887.
... Now considering Mindanao under its social and political aspect, its population is divided into Christians, heathens, and Moros, all of whom proceed in general from the Malay, Indonesian races,[21] and the indigenous or Negrito race, and from crosses of the same races among themselves and with other superior races, especially the Chinese and Spaniards. The Christians are divided into old and new. The old Christians number about 186,000, and occupy in the ethnographical map accompanying our letters, the place represented by color no. 1. Their customs smell of the greater or less familiarity that they have or have had with the heathens from whose races they proceed. Without the powerful and efficacious influence of religion one would note in them a marked tendency to idleness, drunkenness, gambling, and lust. On the other side they are naturally hospitable, docile, and generous. They are pious in the performance of their religion. In their family and married life considerable morality is observed when there exist no rocks of scandal in the villages. I have observed in certain parish books which register more than two hundred baptisms per year, that two or three years pass without the notice of a single natural child.[22] They are given to the cultivation of rice, abacá, sugar-cane, coffee, tobacco, bananas, lumbias, cocoa-palms, and other fruit trees, and to that of tubers such as sweet potatoes, gabe, and arorú, which are an article of prime necessity for them in times of famine. They extract mastic and other resins, as for example piao and guísog, and refine the oil of cocoanuts, biao, and balao, but do not extract castor or peanut oil as they are ignorant of their use.[23] Wax and honey are very abundant. From the latter, and from sugar-cane, nipa, cocoanuts, rice and cabo negro they prepare their drinks, and their vinegars from the last named and from camagon.[24] They also get salt from sea-water by means of rapid evaporation.[25] In general, the men are farmers, but among them there are carpenters, smiths, metal workers, masons, tailors, and even some who devote themselves to the making of weapons. The women weave the filaments of piña, tindog,[26] abacá, cotton, and silk. They embroider and sew most delicately and tastefully. In certain seasons of the year, many Indians of the coasts, travel and fish especially for sea-turtles, whether they have any shell or not.[27]
The Philippine barangay
[From photograph taken by Otto Fischer, 1888; procured in Madrid]
They live in humble houses of nipa, bamboo, and even of wood, which are quite luxurious among the most powerful. The animals that they use for their work, conveyance, and travel are the carabao, the ox, and the horse. Their implements for farming are reduced to the plow and the bolo. Their domestic animals are the dog, cat, cock, and swine. Their games are cockfighting, cards, and sipa, a hollow ball of split bamboo, which they move with the feet. They also use dancing as a means of diversion, especially the moro-moro dance and the tapáiron. During their principal feasts, they adorn their houses with hangings and hold modest banquets. They are very fond of excitement and noise, especially that caused by fireworks. Their usual cutting weapons are the hatchet, súndan, lígdao, kris, campilan, tabas, and the badí for the women. The missile weapons are the spear which may be of four kinds, namely, púyus, búdiac, lináyas, and pinuipui; arrows of bamboo, palma brava,[28] iron, and steel. Those weapons used both for cutting and thrusting are balaraos or two edged daggers, whose hilts and scabbards are usually adorned with various designs in silver engraved by themselves. The boats used by them are vintas, barotos, bancas, bilus, pancos, falúas, paraos, and lancanes. For fishing they make use of the harpoon, arrows, bolos, corrals, and nets. For the same object they also use the bark of the tree called tuble and the fruits of the tuba-tuba, and lagtan.[29] There trade is, as a rule, reduced to the articles of prime necessity in food, drink, clothing, and work utensils. Among the old Christians of Mindanao, tulisanes by profession are not known, and if there are any in the south, they are deported.
The new Christians, from 1876 to the present time, reach some 25,000. In their general characteristics and customs, they are not distinguished from the races to which they owe their origin. Nevertheless, after they receive holy baptism, and while they live as Christians under the civil and religious organization to which they are subjected by the father missionaries, a very marked difference is noted, for by the habit of subjection to law which they acquire by means of the mild means of Christian education which the missionary who has been able to merit their confidence, strikes, the change of their customs is facilitated in a remarkable manner, and in a short time the moral condition of their families and individuals is changed. I mean [that the above is true] when they persevere [in the Christian life] for in regard to this, there are some tribes who are more fickle than others. Thus for example, the converted Mandaya is much less inconstant than the Manobo, for the importance of being subject to a beginning of authority is more impressed on his mind.
The heathen to the number of about 300,000, are divided into different nations or families of three races properly so called: the Malay, the Indonesian, and the Negrito. They have many crosses with other superior races, as the Chinese, Japanese, and even according to some, the European.[30]
The Mamanuas (man-banua, “inhabitant of the country”) are the true indigenous aborigines of the country.[31] Their color is dark, and their hair is oily, woolly, and curly. They are nomadic and go naked. They pass the night where it overtakes them, taking shelter under an improvised hut of palásan[32] or of any tree branch. Their food is the fruit and the roots of the forest and the flesh of deer, boars, monkeys, snakes, and reptiles. Their weapons are the bow and arrow, spear, and knife. They have an idea of God and of a worship, as well as some maxims of natural law. They are timid, and miserable creatures, moved by necessity, and loving of ease. They inhabit the small peninsula of Surigao and extend to Tago through the mountains. Their chiefs generally contract marriage with the Manobo women. This race is almost extinct in consequence of the privations incident to their wandering life. Four small villages of Mamanuas exist in the parish of Mainit and another in that of Gigáquit. The total number of this tribe does not exceed two or three thousand. Those baptized number about five hundred. In the map they occupy color number 2.
The Manobos or Manuba (man-subá,[33] “river dweller”) as is indicated by their name itself live near the rivers. They inhabit the valley of the Agúsan, which extends from Butúan to Oloagúsan. They live besides on the point of San Agustin on the southern shore of the bay of Malálag, and in the district of Cottabato, as may be seen in the ethnographical map, accompanying these letters, color no. 3.
This tribe is numerous, wild, fickle, easy to reduce,[34] somewhat difficult to preserve, and suspicious and treacherous in their attacks. They build their houses near the rivers and often in the forks of trees. Their religion is very like that of the Mandayas. They annually change their abode in order to make new fields, being compelled to do so because of the grass and briars which spring up. As they have no means for the deep working of the soil, consequently permanent possession has no charm for them. They abandon their houses as soon as anyone dies in them, and if the deceased is an outsider, they demand the worth of the abandoned house from his relatives. Their system of life is the patriarchal, under the protection of their respective bagani. The Manobo, according to Dr. Montano,[35] presents two extreme types: one athletic, and of much slighter build than the other. Those two types combined in the majority of the individuals constitute another medium type whose characters are more plainly marked in the Manobos of Dávao, than in those of the Agúsan. Their clothing, weapons, and ornaments closely resemble those of the Mandayas, with the exception of the strings of glass beads, which are black rather than red among the Manobos. Tattooing is practiced among the Manobos, and is done by means of a needle and powdered charcoal. The number of the Manobos in the valley of Agúsan is about 20,000, half of whom are now reduced. The number of those of the district of Dávao and Cottabato is unknown.
The Mandayas (man-daya, “people of the upland”—ilaya) is a tribe extending from Tago to Mati, and from Gandía to the source of the Agúsan, and in the district below the Sálug, as may be seen at color no. 34, of the adjoined ethnographical map. The manners and customs of the Mandayas are described in a letter written by Father Héras, June 8, 1878. The Mandayas number about 30,000 of whom 8,000 are already reduced and baptized.
The Manguangas[36] (man-gulangas, “people of the woods”) live on the upper part of the Sálug. They are warlike and have continual quarrels with the Manobos and Mandayas of the Agúsan, the Moros of the Hijo, and the Atás. They are easy to reduce. In the map, they occupy the place corresponding to color no. 5.
The Monteses (Buquid-non)[37] of the second district of Mindanao are divided into two groups: those adjacent to the Manobos of the Agúsan between Gingóog and Nasípit, who approach to the habits, and the social and religious life of the latter; and those who people the mountains and valleys of the Tagalóan River. Comprehended in the parish of Balingasag, there are several reductions of them. Their number is about 4,000. They are shown in the map at color no. 6.
The Atás (from itaas, ataas, atás, “those who live on the heights”) are the indigenous natives who generally live about the western districts of Mount Apo.[38] They are warlike and fight against the Moros and the Bagobos. The Atás extend to the northwest of Dávao, and in their ramifications finally reach to the borders of the Bagobos, Guiangas, Mandayas, and even to the Subanos and the Monteses of Cagayan and Maguindánao. The number of this tribe is unknown, even approximately, but it is conjectured with foundation that it must be very numerous. In the map they occupy the place corresponding to color no. 7.
The Guiangas[39] (guanga, gulanga “inhabitant of the woods”) live, according to Father Gisbert, scattered between the rivers and rancherías of Dulían, Guimálan, Tamúgan, Ceril, and Biao near Dávao, and they number about 6,400. Their dialect is entirely different from those of the others, and they show sufficient intelligence, but they are very barbarous, and human sacrifices are still held among them. In the map they occupy color no. 8.
The Bagobos[40] inhabit the eastern slopes of the Apo. They are of moderate stature, and well built, for the deformed children are smothered at birth. They are fond of work. They perform human sacrifices in order to placate Daragó (Da-dagó, Du-dugó, Mu-dugó, “he who sheds blood,” or “the shedder of blood”) or Mandarangan. They believe in two beginnings, are difficult to reduce, and easy to keep after reduction. They are warlike and cruel, excellent horsemen, and daring fishermen. They dress luxuriantly, and at times wear shirts which cost them two or three slaves. They drink íntus (the sap of the fermented sugar-cane) and offer it when they make visits to all those in the assembly beginning with the most worthy. The number of the Bagobos, according to Father Gisbert, is about 12,000, of whom 800 have been reduced and baptized. In the map they are found at color no. 9.
The Caláganes[41] are not Moros. Their captain and all his family have been baptized, and, in consequence of that, a new reduction has been formed from the individuals of this tribe in Dígos, between Píapi and Santa Cruz. They are fine fellows and very tractable. In the map they occupy the color corresponding to no. 10.
The Tagacaolos[42] (taga-ca-olo, “inhabitant of the head,” or “source of rivers”) are as capable as the Bagobos, without being as cruel and superstitious as they. In their contests they are generally very valiant especially those who are widowed; for to become a murderer is a good recommendation for the contraction of second nuptials. The Tagacaolos are of good figure and of a somewhat clearer complexion than those of the other tribes with the exception of the Mandayas. The Tagacaolos occupy the mountains of Haguimítan in the small peninsula or the cape of San Agustin. Between Malálag, Malita, and Lais, are found 7,000 and about 2,000 in the peninsula of San Agustin. There is a small village of this tribe in Malálag of those newly reduced, which has already 186 Christians. The Loac are wild Tagacaolos still more degraded than the Mamanuas who live on the heights of Haguimítan. In the map they will be found at color no. 11.
The Dulanganes (Gulanganes) called also Bangal-bangal, like the Manguangas, are people of the woods, and live in the mountains, about fifteen leguas from the Rio Grande, toward the southern coast. They are savage and fierce, and the Moros themselves who do not dare to meddle with them call them a bad race. It could be that the so cried-up ferocity of the Dulanganes bugaboo was invented by the Moros for their own ends, according to a note in one of the letters of Father Moré. Their number is unknown. They go completely naked, and for the most indispensable covering they use a kind of small apron made of bark or the leaves of trees. Their food is the same as that of the Mamanuas. They do not have houses either, and live in caves or inside the trunks of trees, or like the Mamanuas. Their weapons are usually arrows poisoned as I have heard with the curare. Is this perchance the same curare that is discussed by Father Gumilla in his Orinoco ilustrado?[43] They will be found at color no. 12 in the map.
The Tedurayes or Tirurayes[44] live on the slopes at the left of the lower Pulangui. They number from 8,000 to 10,000 at the most. They occupy on the map the place corresponding to color no. 13. They are amiable, friendly to the Spaniards, but oppressed by the Moros. Their fear of molestation from the Moros together with their nomadic tendencies, due to the lack of carabaos and farm implements, make their complete reduction difficult at present. Their system of government is patriarchal, and the chief of the tribe is called bandarra. They pay their tributes to the Moro datos as an annual rent for the lands which they cultivate. The women adorn their hands and legs in an insupportable manner, with huge brass rings; and they pierce their ears in which they place pendants more than one centimeter in diameter. The men allow their hair to grow like the heathens of other tribes, but do not tie it up like those tribes. Their weapons and industry show the influence that they have received from the Moros. They gird the body with belts interwoven from brass wire a decimeter or so in width. Their religion is a shapeless aggregation of superstitious ideas. It is not accurate to say that the Tirurayes have so low an idea of their self respect that they believe themselves to be honored in prostituting their wives and daughters with the Spaniards. Given the supposition of some isolated deed which might seem to prove the abovesaid, a general rule could not be deduced therefrom against the integrity of the customs of the Tirurayes in this matter, against which the nature itself, not only of man but also of the brute animals themselves, cries out with a loud voice.
The Tagabili or Taga-bulú are, together with the Bilanes, the owners of the lake of Bulú-an, and live on the southern shore of that lake. This tribe is warlike and friendly to the Moros, Tirurayes, and Manobos, who live near them. The Moros of Sarangani are wont to ally themselves with the Bilanes of Bálud and Tumánao in order to fight against the Tagabilíes. I believe that their reduction will be as easy as is that of the Bilanes. In the map they occupy the place corresponding to no. 14.
The Sámales[45] of the island of Sámal near Dávao are Moro and Mandaya mestizos. They are brave and well inclined to the Spaniards. Their population reaches about 2,000. There is a new reduction of Christians in Sámal. They are not so difficult to reduce as are the Moros. They occupy color no. 15 in the map.
The Bilanes or Buluanes (Bil-an, Bul-u-an, Bulú-an)[46] reside in the vicinity about the lake of Bulúan and in the mountains between the said lake and the bay of Sarangani. They are the most exploited tribe and the most degraded physically except the Mamanuas. They are fugitive, timid, docile, amiable, and easy to reduce. In two of the islands of Sarangani, Bálud and Tumánao, live also about 1,500 Bilanes who maintain good relations with those of their race in Mindanao, and with the Manobos of Culáman. They occupy color no. 16 on the map.
The Subánon (“people of the river”)[47] are a tribe that has become degenerate because of the persecutions which they have had to endure from the Moros who collect large tributes from them. They are husbandmen, but the Moros gain the benefit of their sweat. They are long-suffering and pacific for they are not accustomed to the handling of arms; and they are superstitious and ignorant. Their docility would render their complete reduction very easy. They occupy almost all the peninsula of Sibuguey, and are contiguous to the Moros of Lánao and of the bay of Illana. The latter make use of them, for they enslave them in order to make them work their fields. The military road from Tucúran to Maránding which has been ordered to be built by his Excellency, Captain-general Terrero,[48] will destroy the dominion exercised by the Illanos Moros and those of Lánao over the Subanos, for it will destroy the piracy and captivity because of the impossibility of communication. At the same time it will facilitate the action of the missionaries in the reduction of the said heathens. At the present time there are five reductions of Subanos in the Dapitan district, which have about 2,000 new Christians; another in the Zamboanga district in the jurisdiction of Ayala; while three reductions have already been begun successfully on the bay of Sibuguey, namely, Tupilak, Bulúan, and Bancálan. The Subanos are designated on the map at color no. 17.
The Lutangos Moros are Calibuganes. They are of a timid and peaceful nature and live in Silanga de la Olutanga. They engage in fishing, and have no other dwelling, according to Figueroa, than their vintas in which they live. Each family carries with it its miserable possessions, and they pass years without setting foot on the land for even the fuel that they need is furnished by the mangrove trees. They generally go naked. Their number does not exceed three or four hundred. On the map they occupy color no. 20.
The Calibuganes are Moro and Subano mestizos, who are peaceful and but little warlike. They share in the religion of the Moros which is altered by the superstitions of the Subanos. They are considered by the Moros as a free people, and hence the latter only exact from them personal service with their vintas. That runs at the account of the datos, on whom depend the maintenance of the same people. They live in small groups on the coasts of the peninsula of Sibuguey and occupy color number 21 on the map.
Moros. The Moros compared to the Christians of Filipinas, are what the Jebusites are to the village of God. Consecrated to piracy and the taking of captives since the beginning of their installation in Joló and Mindanao that profession has always been for them the most solid support of their formidable power. Until 1860 when eighteen steamboats came to this archipelago it was impossible to break their indomitable pride, and assure communication with the sea of Mindoro. Later with the increase of the navy and the installation of the steamship post it has become impossible for those people to leave their lurking places in order to practice their infamous raids. The expeditions of General Claveria against the Moros of Balanguingui; those of Urbistondo and Malcampo, against the Moros of Joló;[49] and the definitive establishment of our forts in Dávao, Rio Grande, and Joló, have given the deathblow to Mahometanism in the archipelago,[50] and it is now become shrunken to the reducible circle of the territory that they overlook, and in that of the heathen rancherías which surround them, where the beneficent influence of the Spanish domination has not yet been able to penetrate in an efficacious and immediate manner. Nevertheless the Moros will be from today and forever under the vigilant eye of the victorious Lion of Castilla, so that they may not commit any offenses outside. The day on which the missionaries shall have succeeded in planting the cross among the heathens who surround the Moros, then the latter deprived of the slaves who cultivate the earth for them and clothe them, erect their houses, and serve them as an object of luxury and trade, will on that day see their necessity to change the campilan and the kris for the ploughshare and the plough, the fierce arrogance of the warrior or pirate, for the pacific gentleness of the man who is forced to gain his bread by the sweat of his brow.
The worst Moros are those of Joló and some rancherías of the coasts of Basílan called Sámal Laut (see color no. 23); the Illanos (no. 18), who occupy the bay of Illana which gives them their name, and who form a few groups on the coasts of Sibuguey; those of the lake of Lánao; those of the valley of the Rio Grande; and those of the coast between Cottabato and the gulf of Sarangani.
The most pacific are the Yácanes Moros (no. 22) of the interior of Basílan; the Sánguiles (number 19); and those of Sarangani, except some who have come from the Rio Grande. The Moros of the gulf of Dávao and Mayo are not feared both because of their isolation and their small number.
[Continuing Father Pastells speaks of the ethnographical map that accompanies this volume of the Letters. He mentions the fact that Blumentritt published a map of like character in 1884. The present map is made from information obtained directly by the Jesuit missionaries. Concrete information as to the various dialects is still in so incipient a condition that nothing can as yet be written definitely on the subject, but Father Pastells holds out the hope that such information may be given in the near future.]
[1] The Carolinas were discovered first by the Portuguese navigator, Diogo da Rocha, in 1525, and different groups of them were seen by early Spanish navigators. In 1686, one of them was discovered by the Spanish admiral, Francisco Lezcano, who named it Carolina, in honor of Cárlos II, and the whole archipelago finally took its name from it. They number about 525 islands counting reefs and uninhabited rocks, and contain about 525 square miles. In the beginning of the eighteenth century they were entirely abandoned by Spain, and were only brought back to public notice in the beginning of the nineteenth century through several scientific expeditions. Gradually German commercial interests became paramount, and in 1885 the German flag was hoisted in the island of Yap in the presence of two Spanish gunboats. The pope arbitrating on the matter declared that the islands belonged to Spain, but gave special privileges to Germany. In 1899, the Carolinas, Palaos, and all of the Ladrones except Guam were ceded to Germany in payment of 16,750,000 marks. See Montero y Vidal’s Archipiélago, pp. 483–505 (who gives the propositions submitted by the pope); Gregorio Miguel’s Estudio sobre las islas Carolinas; and New International Encyclopædia.
[2] The volcano of Apo is located on the highest summit of the Philippines, which is 10,311 ft. high. The first to attempt its ascent was José Oyangúren in 1859, but he failed. It was first ascended in 1880 by Montano, Joaquin Rajal, and Mateo Gisbert, S. J. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 202–204.
[3] The Bilans are an exceedingly timid and wild people, fleeing, it is said, even from Moros with whom they are unacquainted. They inhabit the mountains south and west of Lake Bulúan, in South Mindanao, their range being southeast of that of the Tirurayes. Their religion is a sort of demon worship and they are very superstitious. They do not live in communities but each family by itself in a house at least one-half mile from any other house. The brief examination of those houses by Lieutenant H. Rodgers of the Philippine scouts, leads to the belief that the Bilans are a race superior to the Moro, being more cleanly, industrious, and more wealthy. The Moros do not allow them to trade direct with the Chinese merchants. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 560, 561.
[4] Dr. Barrows says (Census of Philippines, i, p. 461): “Manobo is a native word which, in the Bagobo language on the Gulf of Dávao, means ‘man.’ It is so given in Padre Gisbert’s vocabulary and also in a special vocabulary taken for the ethnological survey. Blumentritt, however, suggests—and I believe with merit—that Manobo here in Northern Mindanao is a derivation of Manubo, which is itself derived from Masuba, meaning ‘people of the river.’ This term Manobo should be retained for all of this great group living along the affluents and tributary streams of the river Agusan, and the term might, with propriety, I believe, be extended to the Montes farther west and back of Misamis. If there are objections to applying the term Manobo to these pagans of Misamis, I would suggest the application of our general term Bukidnon.”
[5] This letter is addressed directly to the superior of the mission.
[6] On the prevailing custom of making slaves among the peoples in Mindanao, Father Gisbert says in a letter written May 20, 1886 (Cartas, Manila, 1887): “The slavehunt is not always easy. By availing themselves of tricks and surprises, they can generally capture the old people, women, and the children easily. They first kill those who can make any resistance.”
[7] Literally “shields.” That is, the rice was measured into the shield.
[8] i.e., So so, or, just as it was.
[9] On the Moros, see Census of Philippines, i, pp. 465–467, 561–585.
[10] The Yakan are a primitive Malayan tribe of the same type and general culture as the Subanon of the Mindanao mainland, who live in Basilan, and who, some generations ago, accepted the Mahometan faith and are fanatical adherents thereof. They live scattered over the island cultivating a little maize, rice, and tapioca, bringing out some jungle product, but living as a whole miserably and in poverty. Some of them have migrated to the peninsula of Zamboanga and the islands adjacent to this coast. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 465, 466.
[11] According to Census of Philippines, the population of the comandancia of Basilan is 30,179, of whom 28,848 are uncivilized.
[12] Among the Sámal Laút boys are trained for the priesthood by making their homes with priests, where they remain for several years in the capacity of servant and pupil. Occasionally, when grown they are sent to Singapore for continuous study, but such cases are rare. If a man goes to Mekka he is given the honorable title of pilgrim and is held in high consideration. See Census of Philippines, i, p. 571.
[13] i.e., A distance of two palm-lengths.
[14] A dish made in the Philippines from the inner and harder shell of the cocoanut.—See Echegaray’s Diccionario etimológico, and Noceda and Sanlucar’s Vocabulario de la lengua tagala.
[15] See beliefs and superstitions of the North American Indians in regard to eclipses in Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), vi, p. 223, xii, pp. 31, 73, xxii, p. 295.
[16] The principal articles of food are rice, for which corn is sometimes substituted, fish, chickens, vegetables, wild fruits, and cocoanut oil. The natives are fond of chickens and eggs, and most families raise poultry for the table. Pork is forbidden by their faith, and the use of venison, or the flesh of the carabao, ox, sheep, or goat, is limited, the Moros being apparently not fond of meat. See Census of Philippines, i, p. 564.
[17] Cogon (Imperata koenigii) is a species of grass of general natural growth, the young shoots of which afford excellent food for cattle. The grass is used in some localities as a substitute for nipa, where the latter does not grow, in thatching roofs. The name “cogon” is applied to many coarse, rank-growing grasses. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 118.
[18] We give the verses in the original language with the Spanish translation of Father Pablo Cavallería, and add the English translation of the latter, which is necessarily crude.
[19] An authority among the Moros, after the panglima, and as well a name denoting nobility of race and blood. See Cartas de ... la mision de Filipinas (Manila, 1887), p. 34, note.
[20] The letter occupies pp. 326–349, and is accompanied by an ethnographical map (which we do not reproduce) made by the fathers of the Society of Jesuits. Our extract relates to the ethnology of Mindanao, and occupies pp. 336–349.
[21] Dr. Barrows (Census of Philippines, i, pp. 462, 463), says in speaking of the tribes of Mindanao that the term Indonesian has been applied to some of them to explain their higher stature and finer physique, which means that they are connected with people of mixed Caucasian blood, who were in primitive times distributed across the Malay Archipelago, and who find their purest living type in the Polynesians. He does not accept the evidence, as the perceptible gain in height among such peoples is not apparently accompanied by the other distinguishing marks of the Caucasian or Polynesian, and consequently regards them as Malayan. See also Le Roy’s Philippine Life (New York, 1905), p. 20.
[22] See laws of the Sámal Laút in regard to family and social life in Census of Philippines, i, p. 569.
[23] The root of the plant gabe (Colocasia antiquorum variety) is highly prized and extensively cultivated, the leaves also being used as food. Of the resins and oils mentioned, piayo, also called conferal and galagala (Agathis orantifolia—Salisb.) is used for burning and lighting, and the manufacture of varnish; and balao or malapaho (Dipterocarpus velulinno—Bl.) is used for calking. See Census of Philippines, iv, pp. 121, 202, 221; and Philippine Gazetteer, p. 78.
[24] Cabo Negro (Caryota urens) is a palm from which a kind of starch or sago is extracted. The camagon (Diospyros discolor) is a native persimmon tree 30 to 45 ft. high growing in Luzón and some of the other islands. See Census of Philippines, iv, pp. 139, 143.
[25] Salt is produced by evaporation, from a method taught prior to the coming of the Spaniards by the Chinese. Sea-water, enclosed in a depression surrounded by dykes, is evaporated by the sun’s rays; when the water has disappeared, the salt deposited on the floor of the basin is gathered up and cleaned by filtration. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 469.
[26] This is the Musa sapientum, which is a variety of banana. This fiber is inferior to abacá. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 167.
[27] See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 566, 567, for the industrial life of the Moros. The occupation of smith is especially honorable.
[28] The Coripha minor. Its trunk is black and very straight, and the wood is very hard. It is also used for making stockades and for conducting water. See Blanco, p. 161.
[29] Blanco describes a shrub called tubli, the fruit of which is very small, and which he does not believe to belong to the species Galactia under which he describes it. The lagtan or lactang (Anamirta cocculus) is a coarse woody plant whose stems are used for tying and binding. The wood is of a yellow color. It like the preceding plant makes the fish that eat mixtures containing it exhibit the appearance of intoxication so that they can be caught by the hand. The fruit is called bayati by the natives. See Census of Philippines, iv, p. 155; Blanco, pp. 411, 557, 558.
[30] The claims often put forward by many writers that some of the peoples of the Philippines arise from a mixture of Chinese and Japanese blood with the Malay have no foundation. The Chinese have, it is true, mingled with almost every tribe in the archipelago, but they have not given rise to a new tribe or race.
[31] i.e., They are a Negrito tribe.
[32] This is the Calamus maximus, a very large species of rattan. See Blanco, pp. 185, 186; and Census of Philippines, iv, p. 159.
[33] See ante, p. 241, note 106.
[34] Throughout the friar chronicles and accounts the words “reduce” and “reduction” are frequently employed. As used the words have a rather wide application. The primary meaning is of course “conversion” to the Christian faith, but along with this idea must be understood the settlement of the converts in villages in a civilized manner, where they could be under the immediate eye of their spiritual directors. Hence the words bear in a sense a two-fold meaning—the one religious, and the other civil.
[35] An allusion to Joseph Montano’s Rapport à M. le ministre de l’instruction publique sur une Mission aux Îles Philippines et en Malaise (Paris, 1885). Of him Pardo de Tavera says (Biblioteca filipino, p. 270): “Doctor Montano is a French anthropologist and physician.... This book is very important and the author divides it into five parts, namely, geology, meteorology, anthropology, pathology, and dialects and political geography, with a few notices regarding agriculture and commerce. The most important chapters are those relating to anthropology and linguistics.”
[36] Census of Philippines, i, p. 473, calls these people a branch of the Mandayas.
[37] Dr. Barrows (Census of Philippines, i, p. 460) restricts the term “Buquidnon” to mountain-dwellers in Luzón and the Visayas, who escaped reduction when those islands were christianized. The term “Buquidnon” means “people of the mountain forest.”
[38] These are the Negritos. Aetas is the oldest known name for that people. It is probably derived from the Tagálog word itim, “black.” In many places the Negrito seems to have disappeared by absorption into the conquering Malay race. There are about 23,000 of them still in the islands. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 468, 478, 532, 533.
[39] Dr. Barrows (Census, i, p. 471) calls this people a division of the Bagobos.
[40] The Bagobos, together with the Moros and Mandayas, are migratory in habit, though they do not leave the province. They are said to be fire worshipers. The blood feud prevails. The Ocacola Bagobos have discontinued their annual sacrifice which they would eat. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 462, 463, 531.
[41] Called by Barrows (Census, i, p. 470) a Bagobo tribe.
[42] See ante, p. 199, note 84.
[43] A more complete title of this book by Jose Gumilla, S. J., is, El Orinoco ilustrado, historia natural, civil, y geographica, de este gran rio ... govierno, usos y costumbres de los Indios sus habitadores (Madrid, 1741).
[44] See ante, p. 197, note 82. Pardo de Tavera derives Tiruray from atew rooter, “people living above,” that is, “up the river.” This branch of the Manobos are described by First Lieut. G. S. Turner, Tenth U. S. Infantry, who collected information for the Census among them, “as ignorant, shiftless savages ruled by superstitions and fear, with little moral or legal restraint upon their desires or passions. They were formerly much preyed upon by Moros and Manobos, but they are troubled no longer in this respect.” See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 462, 549–552.
[45] The Sámal are an exceedingly important element in the Sulu Archipelago. Their former locus, where the pure Sámal dialect was spoken, is in the islands between Basilan and Joló, especially Tonguil and Balanguingui. These were the very latest pirate haunts to be broken up by the Spaniards. The Sámal are now scattered along the coast of Zamboanga and nearly everywhere in the archipelago of Sulu. See Census of Philippines, i, p. 475.
[46] It is the custom among the heathen to change, suppress, and add vowels. For example: biñag for buñag, “baptism;” bidi for budi, “girl;” isug for usug, “man;” buhay for bahay, “woman;” guianga for guanga, “forest;” inay for ina, “mother;” budiay for budi; di for dili, “no;” etc.—Pablo Pastells, S. J.
[47] An important pagan tribe whose habitat is about the bay of Sibuguey and the bay of Dumanquilas. See Census of Philippines, i, pp. 461, 462, 476.
[48] “The campaign of General Terrero in 1887 against the Sultanates of Buhayen, Bacat, and Kuduranga in the ‘cuenca’ of the Pulangui resulted in the occupation of Liong, Bacat, and Kuduranga, taking possession likewise at this time of the cove of Pujaga (east coast) of the bay of Sarangani, the port of Lebak, and that of Santa Maria, commencing work on the trocha of Tukuran.” Memoria de Mindanao by Julian Gonzales Parrado.
In 1902 two military roads were planned by General George W. Davis through Mindanao, one passing from the south and one from the north coast of Mindanao into the very heart of the Moro country, and meeting on the waters of Lake Lanao. See the story of the building of the roads by Major R. L. Bullard of the 28th U.S. Infantry, who is stationed at Iligan, Mindanao, in the Atlantic Monthly for December, 1903.
[49] Governor Narciso Clavería personally conducted an expedition against the Moros in 1848. The three vessels were under command of José Ruiz de Apodaca, of the royal navy. He administered heavy defeats on the Moros at several points. The expedition of Antonio de Urbistondo against Joló was made in 1850–1851. The expedition of Jose Malcampo y Monje was made in 1875. By these three expeditions the Moro power was badly crippled. See Montero y Vidal, Historia de la piratería, and Historia general, iii.
[50] Speaking of the efforts of the Jesuits in Mindanao in his Memoria de Mindanao, Julian Gonzales Parrado says: “This proper zeal causes them, nevertheless, not to see this question clearly and leads them to an excusable optimism, but which gives them credit for the success obtained in so many years of preaching and teaching as to what relates to the Moros. In spite of their efforts, sacrifices, and infinite constancy, neither in Joló nor in Mindanao have they succeeded during the three centuries in causing to be admitted into the labarum of the Evangelist more than an insignificant number of Mahometans, and even of this small contingent of converts and baptized, nearly all have been observed to have abjured their new religion and returned to their former practices as soon as possible; or the interest or the danger that impelled them at receiving the baptism more than anything else, has ceased.” He concludes by saying that this is not to the discredit of the Jesuits, but due to the peculiarities of the Moros, and to their fanatic religion. It is advised that no forcible attempt be made to convert them, but that they adopt Christianity only if they so desire.