PERIOD VIII
Relates the plan presented by the deputies of Philipinas for regulating the commerce of that country, in the year 1724; and its results, up to that of 1730.
112–113. [On September 28, 1724, the deputies from Philipinas presented to the Council another printed memorial, in which they proposed a plan for preventing the abuses of the Manila-Acapulco trade. This document contains ninety-four paragraphs; it enumerates the provisions of the decree of 1720, the objections made thereto at Manila, the difficulties of navigation on the Pacific, and the reasons why one large galleon is better for that commerce than two small ones; describes the frauds and injustice practiced in the lading of the galleon, for which the responsibility rests mainly on the governors of the islands, who use their great power for their own personal advantage, regardless of the rights of the citizens; and opposes the requirements that each shipper must swear that the goods he sends are his own, that no one to whom space is allotted may sell or transfer it to another person, that the valuations of goods must be made by samples, and some other restrictions which seriously embarrass the citizens who have but little wealth to invest. It is represented that the seamen are allowed to carry each 30 pesos’ worth of goods as a private investment, in order to encourage Spaniards to enter the marine service; but this ought to be increased to 300 pesos (the allowance made to the men on the fleets that go to the Indias), for more Spaniards are needed on the Acapulco trade-route—hardly one-third of the men on a galleon being of Spanish birth, the rest being Indians and on the rivera of Cavite. The citizens of Manila ought to be allowed to carry back all the produce of their shipments, since but few of the products of Nueva España are adapted to their needs in the altogether different climate and other conditions of the islands. They also ask that they be allowed to compound the payment of dues at 100,000 pesos each voyage, or less pro rata if the amount of goods shipped fall below the 300,000 pesos allowed for the trade. The transgressions of law connected with the Acapulco commerce have been mainly committed by high officials, but have not been so great, or so injurious to Spanish trade, as Sevilla and Cadiz represent; the deputies assert that “these abuses cannot be checked, or most of them even ascertained, so long as the terms of the concession are in pesos,” and that it ought to prescribe a definite number of piezas, of specified measures and weight. They therefore propose a new ordinance for regulating the traffic, which embodies the above suggestions and requests, with some additional points. They ask for a permission of 4,000 piezas, of which 500 shall be half-chests filled with silks and very fine cotton goods, “which do not admit the use of the press;” the size and weight of the piezas is fully described. They ask permission to ship pepper and storax besides the amount of the permission, without restriction of quantity. The galleon for carrying these goods should be of dimensions here specified—the keel sixty codos [or cubits] long, the breadth of the vessel twenty codos, and the inside depth of the hold ten codos—and its crew should contain 250 men, besides the officers. The governor should not be allowed to act on the committee for distributing the allotments of lading-space; in his place is proposed the archbishop, the other members to represent the Audiencia, the municipality, and the merchants. The amount of merchandise which may be sent by the governor and all other royal officials ought to be limited to one hundred piezas, and this should go outside of the permitted amount. A share in the lading is asked for the ecclesiastical cabildo of Manila, on account of their poverty and their high dignity and character; also for the officers on the galleons, and for the widows of merchants and military officers. An allotment of space should be made transferable; and permission should be given to send some packages of goods intended as gifts to friends, affidavit being made that these are not intended for sale. The governor and officials of the port of Acapulco should not be allowed to exercise any authority or pressure over the Manila traders, beyond the proper inspection of the vessels and lading and the collection of duties; and the traders should be allowed to sell their goods as they please, either in or out of the fair there, or transport them to Mexico, if they prefer. They should not be expected to pay alcabala on the first sale at Acapulco, or any extraordinary imposts. The memorial specifies the provisions to be made for the lading and inspection of goods at both Manila and Acapulco, the functions of certain officials, the penalties for transgression of the regulations, and the customs duties to be paid on each kind of goods; and offers certain payments to be made by the Manila merchants, which will add much to the royal revenues. It states the present number of “citizens and traders” in Manila as 868.]
114–121. [The above document was handed to the fiscal, who advised the Council not to make the concessions therein asked, as they would destroy the entire system on which that commerce had thus far been conducted, and abrogate the provisions of the decree but recently granted for the benefit of Manila, which gave that city sufficient advantage. On January 12, 1725, the Council requested one of the ministers, Don Antonio de la Pedrosa, to examine the scheme proposed by Manila, and render an opinion thereon. He was willing to grant a number of the concessions requested, but would insist that the total of the permitted trade be restricted to 300,000 pesos, and the returns to 600,000 pesos, as before; and he proposed even harsher penalties for the transgression of the laws governing the trade. The Manila deputies, on learning of the opinions of the aforesaid royal officials, desisted from their efforts to obtain further concessions from the Council, but appealed to the king, who sent to the Council a decree (dated July 22, 1726) permitting the scheme of Manila to be tested (although with some restrictions), for two years.]
122–127. [The deputies of Manila were not satisfied that this concession should be limited to a term of two years, and again petitioned the king, asking that the trial be made for two or three five-year terms, on account of the many difficulties which that commerce must encounter. The king consented (October 21, 1726) to extend the term to five years, and a despatch of September 15 prescribes the conditions and regulations under which the trial of the new plan should be made—for a term of two years, extended to five by another decree of October 31. The annual galleon shall carry no more than 4,000 piezas, 500 of these being half-chests [medios caxones] containing the silken fabrics and the finer ones of cotton; the rest shall be half-bales [medios fardillos] bags [churlas] of cinnamon, cases of porcelain, and cakes of wax. The size or weight respectively of these packages is prescribed: the half-chests and half-bales shall be each 1¼ vara long, ⅔ vara wide, and ⅓ vara deep,[27] an allowance of two dedos on each measure being made for the outside cover or packing of the half-chest and for the compression used on the half-bale. The bag of cinnamon shall weigh 150 libras gross (that is, including all packing and covers), but at Acapulco it may be allowed four or five libras more of weight, the difference between the weight of Manila and that of Nueva España. The case [balsa] of porcelain must be one vara high and 2¼ varas in circumference at the mouth, no allowance being made. The cakes of wax must weigh twelve arrobas at Manila, four or five libras being allowed at Acapulco for the difference in standards of weight. Besides the 4,000 piezas, unlimited pepper and storax may be shipped; and Chinese cabinets and screens [biombos] may go in larger boxes than the regulation size, provided that the capacity of these be figured in terms of piezas. Passengers on the galleons are allowed each two chests containing their personal property, without any articles of merchandise. The dimensions and crew of the galleon shall be as stated by the Manila deputies. The committee for allotting lading-space shall be as suggested by them, save that the governor shall be included therein. Space is allowed to the extent of 100 piezas to the governor and other royal officials for their personal shipments, but these must come out of the 4,000 piezas. A limited amount of space is allotted to the ecclesiastical cabildo and to the officers on the galleons; also to the widows of traders and military officers. Allotments of space may be transferred to other persons who are approved by the committee. Due provision is made for the valuation, registration, and lading of goods at Manila, and the inspection and sale at Acapulco; for the allowance of small quantities of merchandise to the Spanish seamen and artillerists; for the shipment of the returns from the investments, whether in money or goods; and for penalties against transgressors. The Manila merchants are to pay alcabala on any sales outside of Acapulco; 25,000 pesos annually on each galleon which shall arrive at Acapulco (afterward changed to 20,000 pesos a year during the five years’ term), as a contribution to the royal service; duties of five per cent at Acapulco “for the embarkation of the entire product from the aforesaid 4,000 piezas, and the pepper and storax, which is the same that the traders of España pay at Cadiz;” and the following specific duties: for each half-chest, 45 pesos; each half-bale, 30 pesos; each bag of cinnamon, 25 pesos; each cake of wax, 18 pesos; each case of porcelain, 12 pesos; each chest of cabinets or screens, 18 pesos for each of the piezas to which the chest is equivalent; and each arroba of pepper or storax, 12 silver reals.]
[1] In this document we resume the history of the commerce between the Philippines and Nueva España which is presented in the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), the first two “periods” of which appeared in VOL. XXX of this series (q.v., pp. 23–101). The great length of this work compels us to condense and abridge most of it here; but “Periods” ii–vi are presented in full (save for the text of some long decrees), as being of earlier date, and covering a longer space of time, while they are comparatively brief in statement. In thus condensing this work, it has been our aim to retain all matter of vital interest and real value, eliminating only “vain repetitions” and matters of trifling importance. The first memorials presented by Manila and Cadiz respectively set forth various facts connected with the Manila-Acapulco trade, on which are based their main arguments, each endeavoring to justify its own side of the controversy and its demands from the Spanish government; the succeeding memorials largely repeat these statements and arguments, in new combinations, with wearisome iteration—kaleidoscopic effects produced by the same old bits of glass—which it seems useless to reproduce in our translation. But we have carefully preserved all new facts, dates, and arguments adduced, and whatever will throw additional light on that commerce, or on the social and economic conditions of Spain, the mother-country, at that period, since these must naturally affect those of her colonies. Wherever possible, we have used the exact wording of the text, and have made full citations from it which are indicated by quotation-marks; and the numbers of sections are everywhere retained, thus facilitating easy reference to the original work. The Extracto, thus made accessible to English and American readers, and all that is really important in it presented in compact form and accurate translation, is a valuable addition to the history of commerce, as well as to that of colonial development and administration. Not are its psychological aspects less interesting and valuable, although perhaps not so obvious at first glance; it shows the demoralizing effects on the Spanish people of their conquests in the New World and of the flood of wealth poured into Spain in consequence of these, and the results of too paternal a mode of government in her colonies—in both cases destructive to ambition, industry, personal initiative, patriotism, and even common honesty. (Cf. notes in our VOL. XXX, pp. 71, 77.) [↑]
[2] Expediente: “the collection of all the papers belonging to a subject in a transaction,” here evidently referring to the documents pertaining to the Manila trade, which as Abreu says (see VOL. XXX, p. 24), were placed in his hands by the Council of the Indias (of which he himself was a member) for use in compiling the Extracto. [↑]
[3] Consulado: equivalent to the American phrase “board of trade.” [↑]
[5] The phrase regulacion de derechos apparently means, in reality, a (special) rule for the payment of duties; that is, if the Manila merchants would pay the 100,000 pesos which they had offered as an “adjustment” according to the special rule for the collection of those duties—a rule going above the duties as prescribed by law—they should be permitted to do so, and should be excused for the penalties which had accumulated, or at least for the back dues remaining unpaid during the time when the “indult” bad been conceded to them of compounding the duties at 74,000 pesos only. The stress seems to be laid upon the fact that they must not be permitted to consider their payment as an “indult,” but us an arrangement, and one that was based on a somewhat higher rate than had previously been granted to them. Even though it may be considered as a sovereign favor to them, objection is made to having it specifically stated as an “indult.”
The usage of the word indulto in this connection will become more clear if it is remembered that it means a special favor in one form or another, a grace of the sovereign, a special exemption from rule or penalty. Barcia and others define indulto as an impost levied on the cargoes of the galleons from the Indias; but it seems doubtful if this be strictly correct, as no impost by that name can be found in Leyes de Indias or Ordenanzas de Bilbao, even in connection with averías and almojarifazgos. I take it to mean, rather, the exemption from the duties on ships’ cargoes which would, under other provisions of law, be owed. There is one interesting instance of the use of indulto to signify exemption, in Teatro de la legislación universal de España é Indias (Madrid, 1790–97; 28 vols.), ii, p. 341, under the head, “Administration of averías,” where it is provided by Carlos II that “the proceeds of certain indultos for gold, silver, and merchandise unregistered shall be applied to the fund from averías, in order that it may result to the benefit of those who shall not have transgressed the laws of registration; and notification shall first be given to the Council.” This seems to confirm my belief that the indulto was not properly a tax, but the favor of an exemption, in cases, from the tax; or of exemption (in this case, it would appear) from the penalty to fall upon him who had evaded the tax by concealment; it was, then, by derivation a composition of the tax. But the king here provided that it should not be paid into his coffers, but be applied to the fund from averías, thus swelling the fund from which all shippers benefited, and to which they were supposed to contribute to make the trade possible; see the chapter on “Averías,” in Leyes de Indias. The foregoing statements suggest a reason why the royal authority was opposed, in this Manila trade controversy, to having the composition of the duties, and of the penalties which the merchants had incurred by past violations of the rules, regarded or considered as an “indult,” and not as a “regulation” or rule specifying a lump sum to be paid as duties. This indult might (by this and other laws) have had to go into other funds; though I know of no fund for averías in the Manila trade, yet the Spanish mere desire for uniformity of legislation and practice might explain this strenuous objection to considering this regulation as an indult or grace of the sovereign (in the special sense that had been established for this sort of favor) in the galleon trade with the West Indies.—James A. LeRoy (now [1906] U.S. consul at Durango, Mexico). [↑]
[6] The Duke de Alburquerque took possession of his office as viceroy of Nueva España on November 27, 1702; his term of office lasted a little more than eight years. Little of importance occurred therein except several raids by pirates (among whom was Captain William Dampier) in Mexican waters. Alburquerque was succeeded (January 15, 1711) by Fernando de Alancastre, Duke de Linares, who was an able, vigorous and benevolent ruler, and spent or bequeathed the greater part of his fortune for the benefit of the poor—whose number and sufferings were enormous at this time, through unusual calamities of floods and earthquakes, famine and pestilence. Linares’s term of office expired on August 15, 1716, and he died in June of the next year; he was succeeded by Baltasar de Zúñiga, Marqués de Valero. (Bancroft, Hist. Mexico, iii, pp. 278–290.) [↑]
[7] Spanish, harrieros, “muleteers;” for goods and silver were transported across Mexico by pack-trains of mules. [↑]
[8] That is, the present attempt by Linares to inquire into and settle past irregularities; for it gives those who are suspected an opportunity to compromise the affair. [↑]
[9] That is, not only because money can (speaking generally) easily open the way for a settlement in such case, but because, in this specific matter, it is a fair supposition that large speculations cannot be carried on with small capital—and indeed most of these Mexican transgressors are too poor to pay the penalties incurred by their past infractions, if these were strictly adjudged against them. [↑]
[10] Barracan is a woolen fabric impenetrable to water, about half a vara wide, of which rain-cloaks and other articles are made; picote is a coarse, rough fabric made from goat’s hair (Dominguez). [↑]
[11] At fol. 40 verso of the Extracto, elefantes are defined as “linen goods of that country [i.e., Filipinas], having no durability, and but little valued in that kingdom [i.e., Mexico].” [↑]
[12] It is apparently a lapsus calami by which the consulate of Cadiz is mentioned in nos. 61–64, and that of Sevilla in nos. 45–50, here cited in the text; but the commerce of both cities was included under the former consulate. [↑]
[13] Linens (Spanish, lienzos and lencería) have always been one of the chief products of China, especially around Canton; and the term “Canton grass linen” is often used to define the particular kind of linen most commonly produced there, which very closely resembles the linen produced from flax. The European languages have always defined these Chinese textiles as “linen.” The term “elephant” must here refer to the mark or brand of a certain kind of linen goods; the Chinese are greater devotees of the “trademark” idea than perhaps any other people. The mark of a kind of goods to which they are accustomed is known today as the “chop,” and it is exceedingly difficult to induce them to try a new “chop” if the old one has established itself. “Cambayas” are cotton cloths from Cambaya. “Chitas” (more generally spelled “chites”) mean India calicoes, and sometimes chintzes. The Filipinos knew how to weave in colors, although not to figure goods (as they do not yet); and the Spaniards would be apt to designate by the words lienzos and lienzos pintados (perhaps also by elefantes) the Philippine fabrics woven from hemp and banana fibers, which have somewhat that texture, and which have stripes of red, blue, and other colors run through them more often by far than they are left plain. Strictly speaking, these are neither linens nor cottons; but they have the feeling of linen rather than of cotton. The goods thus designated probably included not only those of Philippine manufacture, but those made in India and other Eastern countries and traded in at Manila. Sayasaya was the Spanish name for a kind of Chinese silk; and I would conjecture that pitiflores meant some kind of Chinese brocade.—James A. LeRoy.
The term “Canton grass linen” mentioned above apparently means the fabrics made from the so-called “China grass” (see VOL. XXII, p. 278). Note the statement in sec. 92, post, that the lencería sent to Acapulco “are all of cotton,” evidently being made in imitation of the real linen goods; cf. the statement in Casa-Fuerte’s letter, in VOL. XLV, sec. 164. The name “chimones” in the text suggests, especially in view of its context, the Japanese garment called “kimono,” so generally adopted in America for negligé wear.—Eds. [↑]
[14] In the text, mantas de hilazos, evidently misprinted for Hilocos. On fol. 61 a similar list has mantas de Ilocos. [↑]
[15] i.e., of the vessel and carge, in case of attack by enemies—whom the seamen would resist more valiantly if they also had property of their own to defend. [↑]
[16] In all, making 3,500 piezas, as in sec. 79, post; the same explanation is given on fol. 110 verso of the Extracto. [↑]
[17] A marginal note in the text adds to this name “y Ossorio.” [↑]
[18] Spanish recopiladas, apparently meaning that these decrees have been included in the official Recopilación de leyes de Indias. [↑]
[19] “The censos yield only five per cent.” Censo refers to annuities in some form or other, and especially to “quit-rent;” it also sometimes means “interest,” which is a derivative and special meaning; in a general sense, it may be rendered “income.”—James A. LeRoy.
Dominguez (Diccionario nacional) enumerates several different kinds of censo (which he defines as “a contract by which one person sells and another buys the right to receive a certain annual pension”); the statements in our text relative to the status of houses and lands in and near Manila would indicate the probability that the censos there mentioned were what Dominguez calls consignativos, “in which a certain amount is received for which must be given in return an annual pension, giving security for the said sum or capital with rent-producing property or real estate.” He instances as a censo reservativo the arrangement made by Joseph with the Egyptians ([Genesis, ch. xlvii]), by which, after all the land in that country had become the property of the crown, the people received back their fields on condition of their paying to the king the fifth part of their produce, which constituted an annual pension or quit-rent (censo). The same word may also mean “census” and “tax-register;” Dominguez states that when the Spaniards conquered America they found the tax-register established in Mexico and Peru.—Eds. [↑]
[20] A marginal note at the beginning of each of these letters states its authorship; but that on the Jesuit provincial’s letter adds, “with very well-grounded arguments” (muy fundamentalmente). [↑]
[21] Spanish, theatro; that is, the personnel of the Spanish body of citizens. [↑]
[22] Cf. the prices paid somewhat later for the wine monopoly, in the first document of VOL. XLVI. [↑]
[23] Spanish, trage de golilla. The golilla was “a certain ornament made of pasteboard faced with taffeta or other black fabric, which surrounded the neck, over which was placed a pleating of gauze or other white stuff, which was starched. At present this decoration is used only by the togated officials and others attached to the courts of justice.” (Dominguez.) [↑]
[24] For notices of this missionary, see VOL. XXXVI, pp. 218, 219. Calderon’s memorial is more fully described post, near the end of sec. 94 of the Extracto. [↑]
[25] See account of Quiroga’s proceedings in VOL. XXX, pp. 50–52, 85–88, 91, 105. [↑]
[26] Millones: “an excise or duty levied in Spain on wine, vinegar, oil, meat, soap, and tallow candles, to defray the expenses of the army” (Velázquez). [↑]
[27] These dimensions are equivalent in English or U.S. measure to 41¾ inches long, 22¼ wide, and 11⅛ deep; and the allowance of two dedos, to 1⅓ inch. [↑]