The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 49 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

by Unknown

ANDA AND THE ENGLISH INVASION, 1762–1764

[The following is synopsized and translated from a series of documents bound together under the following modern title: “Documents for the history of the invasion and war with the English in Filipinas, 1762–1764; faithfully copied from the originals in 1765.”]

[Anda y Salazar,[1] in a letter written from Bulacan, October 8, 1762, to the archbishop, Manuel Antonio Rojo del Rio y Vieyra, states that in accordance with his appointment by the latter as visitor-general of the provinces, he appoints the necessary persons for the performance of that duty, forms a court, and goes to Bulacan on October 4. There on presenting his credentials he is recognized by the alcalde-mayor José Pasarin. Manila is taken by assault by the British next day, and the president and auditors of the Audiencia remaining in the city are taken prisoners. Citing laws clxxx and lviii of título xv, book ii, of the Recopilación[2] Anda declares that, by virtue thereof, the Audiencia is continued in him alone; and since the archbishop (who has been acting as governor and president of the Audiencia) is also a prisoner, the duties of the office of governor and captain-general devolve upon him. He says:]

Having been aware of the respect and love with which the natives venerate their parish priests, ministers, and missionaries, and that these, by means of their greater knowledge of the nature, customs, and civilization of the natives, can maintain them and incite them to the defense of the country, against the English enemy: I have considered it fitting and necessary to send the present to your Excellency, by which, in the name of Don Carlos III, the Catholic king of España, I request and ask you, and in my own name, petition you, by means of the curas, rectors, and other members of the secular clergy of your diocese, to be pleased to represent to, persuade, and inform the natives of their obligation to maintain themselves as vassals of their natural king and sovereign, and to conserve this country under his dominion and fidelity, and to defend it from the English enemy, so that the latter may not make them their tributaries. For notwithstanding the loss of Manila, if the natives remain firm in their loyalty to their sovereign, the islands can be conserved and defended. In order to obtain this, I am ready to follow and conform to the useful orders of your Excellency with the understanding of your flock, and to those of the curas of the doctrine, with the understanding of their parishioners. I hope that the curas will, through their zeal, instruct, animate, and encourage the natives thoroughly in the matters that may be necessary at this critical time; and that your Excellency, immediately on receiving this despatch, may be pleased not to neglect this useful measure (so that it may so appear for all time) and aid me by having the missionary ministers, each one by his particular despatch, answer immediately, for the profit and advantage that the incidents and events may require, and return the despatches to me, so that I may file them with the papers of their kind.[3]

[The archbishop answers this letter under date of Manila, October 10, as follows:]

In your Lordship’s commission granted with the preëminence that is fitting, you will proceed according to your prudence and to present circumstances. The first point is the Catholic faith. 2d, loyalty to the king, our sovereign. 3d, to faithfully observe the treaties which are now being drawn up with the British chiefs, for good faith is the rule of all good operations. Your Lordship had my commission before the surrender. The just procedure of your Lordship must be moderated to this event and to this time ….[4]

[To the above, Anda replies on October 20.[5] Citing the contents of the archbishop’s letter, he says that his actions are to be governed by laws lvii[6] and lviii of título xv, of book ii of the Recopilación and since the governor is at present not able to govern, upon him devolves the duty of preserving peace and administering justice. “In this province [Bulacan], I have obtained not only complete quiet, but all its inhabitants are inclined not to admit any other religion than that which they profess or other dominion than that of our Catholic monarch.” So long as certain thorns in his path do not contradict the principal object of loyalty to the king and religion, Anda winks at them, and does not inflict punishment. He continues:]

I said and I repeat that the presidency and government fell to the royal Audiencia; and I add that the latter is conserved and continued in me, that I am the sole and only minister, that by my absence from that capital because of the commissions confided to me at a convenient time, I remained free from the enemies, and as such capable and proper by law, so that in my person is met the prescriptions of law clxxx of the above-cited book and título, since my associates are lacking and have been imprisoned with your Excellency in the fatal loss of that capital.

[By a law which he has made in his capacity as Audiencia and governor, on October 5,[7] he has enjoyed and enjoys, and will continue to enjoy the titles of governor, captain-general, president, and Audiencia, which fell to him in view of said laws. But he will use them only until archbishop and Audiencia are at liberty when he will yield them all, and exercise only his commission. The first two points in the archbishop’s letter could have been excused, as it might have been taken for granted that Anda would observe them. The third needs explanation, for he cannot see that he is bound by the treaty that is being made with the British, and he will defend the rest of the provinces with his life. He continues:]

Neither before nor since the surrender of that city, did your Excellency, or anyone else have, or do you possess any power to surrender to the enemy the domain of these islands—before, because you were not sovereign of them, but only administrator; since, because not even this weak title was left to you, nor the power of liberty. And since the enemy entered by assault and at discretion, they only have a right to what the sack gave them in itself in the territory gained by them. The rest is absurdly and ill surrendered, and contrary to all rights of war. Consequently, if this letter reaches you in time, I summon your Excellency, in his Majesty’s name, once and a thousand times, not to go to the pass of signing the surrender of these islands. And should it be already signed, I protest to your Excellency the wrong and that I shall in no wise obey so unjust and absurd a treaty. If the British wish to dominate this country, their chiefs know that it must be by first gaining it with their arms according to right of war, but to surrender it through the panic of terror, like children, would be a vileness and treason, which I shall not permit so long as I am governor, and which does not belong to my loyalty. Your Excellency also tells me that I received your commission before the surrender, and that my just proceedings must be regulated to this event and to this time. I answer also by asking your Excellency to please explain a trifle more clearly in regard to the security that I alone shall have by my just proceedings, which cannot be one jot turned aside from loyalty to the king (whom may God preserve) and besides from these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign execution to the slightest degree.[8] Your Excellency gave me your commission before the surrender of that city, in order that I might maintain these provinces under the dominion of his Majesty after the fatal event which was feared.[9] In any other way the commission would have been superfluous. And is it possible that without regarding consequences, your Excellency tells me to faithfully observe the treaties with the British leaders, and that I regulate my just procedures to the result and the time of the surrender of that city? If your Excellency, although a vassal of the king of España, his minister, and so honored, counsels me after this manner, what is allowed to the British leaders?[10] Your Excellency knows that when I left that capital, you did not give me the royal seal, without which no Audiencia provision can be despatched. I beg your Excellency to please have it sent to me, or to have the lieutenant of the grand Chancillor come to exercise his employment, if he is not detained in that capital.

[The archbishop answers Anda’s letter on the twenty-third, ordering him to present himself before him by the twenty-fifth, without fail. He sends the translation of a passport given by the English, which he attests (while keeping the original), so that Anda may come safely.][11]

[Anda, however, does not trust in the passport, as shown by his letter of October 25, in answer to that of the archbishop. In this letter he protests that he is a faithful vassal of the king, and since he is not a vassal of the archbishop, and since he knows nothing of the terms of the treaty that has been made with the British, he refuses to go to Manila. Such conduct would make him run the risk of being called a traitor to his king. He is greatly exasperated because the archbishop has not sent the original passport, but instead a translation attested by himself as a true copy, while he retains the original in his possession in order that it may run no risks. This copy means nothing, as the British soldiers will pay no attention to a passport signed by the archbishop and purporting to come from their own commander, whereas they would recognize and obey the signature of the latter. Besides, the date of the passport is the twenty-fifth,[12] and that could not be. In the passport also, the archbishop acts as the clerk of the British, and in his letter as a minister of the Catholic monarch, but the two capacities are not conformable. Lastly, Anda cannot leave the natives secretly (as the archbishop has suggested), as they love him so that they will not allow him out of their sight, and he must not leave them or risk his person.]

[In his reply to Anda, on the twenty-sixth of October,[13] the archbishop complains bitterly of the former’s lack of courtesy in his letter of the twenty-fifth, in omitting his name and title as captain and governor-general. His letter, the archbishop declares, is full of nonsense. It is a specious pretext to boast of being a good vassal, but it is not a mark of loyalty to seize authority belonging to another, by which he has incited trouble among both Spaniards and natives. On account of his absurd action, the British leaders have proscribed him and placed a price on his head, as a disturber of the provinces. The archbishop had sent the translated copy of the passport for Anda’s own safety, but he sends the original now, and thus places all the risk on Anda’s own shoulders. Although he is obliged for the present to endure these insults thrust upon him by Anda and those who imitate him, in order to avoid scandal, a time will come when he will compel their obedience. He informs Anda that the English calendar is one day in advance of that of the Spanish in the Orient. He protests his loyalty and Anda’s excesses.]

[On October 30, the archbishop issues a manifesto to “the faithful natives and their leaders of these Philipinas Islands.”[14] Writing as archbishop and governor, he informs them that the city of Manila has been taken by assault by the English on the fifth of October, after a vigorous defense. The British are enemies, but are most generous and cultured and have granted freedom of worship, and permission for the people to proceed freely with their trade, on condition of the payment of four million pesos, and the surrender of all the fortifications of the islands with military honors to alcaldes and officers. The British ask only that the people keep quiet (the islands being as it were, a deposit), until their monarch and the Spanish ruler come to terms. The natives are to be for the present subordinate to the British, although their loyalty to the Spanish king is not to be lessened. At some length, the archbishop entreats the natives to attend to their religious duties, and not to turn aside to listen to the vulgar. They must maintain good relations with the British, for these, although conquerors, live in harmony with the Spaniards and if their soldiers commit any wrongs against the natives they will be punished. Reward and punishment alike will come from God.[15]

Again on November 4, the archbishop writes to Anda. In it he states that he has been recognized throughout his negotiations as the representative of the Spanish monarch, and the true governor and captain-general, and that he is not a prisoner. Much harm has resulted from Anda’s provisions, which he has enacted as royal. By his order to cut off provisions from Manila, he has succeeded in angering the British against the Spaniards and natives in Manila; and it will result in the British carrying their conquest further by going out into the provinces to get food, and the Spaniards in Manila will all perish of hunger if they are not first put to the sword. This will mean the extinction of the Spaniards and the destruction of Christianity in the islands, the maintenance of which is the only object of the Spanish monarch. Anda can see how much service he is doing to the king by his actions. He must not congratulate himself that the British are few, for they number over six thousand, and they have a swift craft by which they can easily descend on the fortifications in the islands. Anda’s action in ordering the removal of the treasury to Pampanga is bad, for that money could have been included in the four millions demanded by the British, one million of which is demanded immediately. Besides the generals will cease to advance the necessary money for the payments incumbent upon the king, as now, and for which the archbishop gives orders on the king to them. The archbishop is not under obligation to communicate the articles of capitulation to Anda, as the latter requests, as they are only due the king. The result of the councils in which the capitulation was made has been signed by the royal Audiencia and the archbishop, and the former has only had the courage to make separately a protest, which the archbishop made openly to the generals. They have not been able to resist the promise of the four millions for a ransom. It was to be raised from the money in the treasury, and that on board the ship “Philipino”[16] if the latter were not already captured by the British. The remainder is to be paid by the king. For the contribution of one million, demanded immediately, the silver in the churches has been given with the exception of the chalices, cups, and monstrances, although the sum raised by this means and by the efforts of the citizens does not reach that amount. The archbishop has given all his plate and pectorals. He closes by strictly ordering Anda to revoke and cease to enact royal provisions, and cause disturbances which are opposed to the service of the king. Anda is sufficiently honored by his commission, and if he executes that prudently, the pacification of the villages will ensue, for which purpose it was given. The archbishop has had a right to enter into the negotiations that have taken place in regard to the surrender of Manila and its environs.]

[An edict signed by “Dauzon Drak,”[17] the English governor at Manila, and by others, on November 4, states that since the governor (i.e., Archbishop Rojo), together with the auditors, has conceded to the English the island of Luzón with the adjacent islands belonging to said government, according to the agreement made between Samuel Cornis, commander of the water forces, and Guillermo Draper, commander of the land forces of the British; and since “the government of Manila is conferred on us Daussone Drake and his council: we announce to all” the natives living in the provinces of Bulacan and Pampanga, freedom to practice the Roman Catholic religion, and exemption from all tributes and personal services imposed by the Spaniards. Further, they are to have all the privileges of British subjects, “provided they immediately renounce the subjection and obedience that they have given to their auditor, Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, who has dared to violate the agreement made between the abovesaid generals commanding and his Excellency, the governor and captain-general of the royal Audiencia of these islands, who declares himself by his own act the governor and captain-general of all the islands, without any authority, and is now a declared rebel and disobedient to the two Majesties in the said districts.” If the natives behave peacefully, no violence will be shown them, but if they obstinately continue to follow Anda, they will be treated as rebels.]

[An order of Anda, dated Bacolor, November 11, provides for the safe arrival of the Chinese vessels which will come for the trade at the regular time of the monsoon, and the boat commanded by Antonio Pacheco which has been trading in China. The alcalde-mayor of the province of Zambales is ordered to set a sentinel at Cape Bolinao, in order that he may give advice of the coming of any boat, so that it may be warned not to enter the bay of Manila, now in the control of the English, but to go to the province of Cagayan instead, where the Chinese can hold their fair. The abovesaid alcalde-mayor is to provide for the sentinels, eight in number (two of them corporals) who are to be given the same rations as those of the island of Corregidor. Eight soldiers (two of them corporals) who are to be furnished in connection with this duty by the alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan are to be provided for by the latter at the royal expense from the coffers of that province.]

[From Bacolor, Anda addresses a letter to “Governors of the natives, officials of justice and war, chiefs, cabezas de barangay, and all the natives of the village of Binalotongan, in the province of Pangazam,” under date of November 18. He has been informed by their alcalde-mayor and the provincial vicar, Andres Melendez, O.P., of the village of Lingayen, that they had revolted, and that, in order to quiet them, certain demands, which they had made, had been granted for the present in a signed paper. Now, if ever, when the country is beset with foreign foes, is their perfect loyalty needed. In regard to the signed paper, Anda declares that they ought not to make use of, but rather, burn it. That they be excused from paying the rest of the tribute due from them, until Anda and the government be again in Manila, is preposterous. That demand shows that they believe that the government will not have the strength to reëstablish itself there. Now, indeed, they ought to aid with more than the tribute, which is their recognition of vassalage to the Spanish monarch, in fact, with their lives, possessions, and services, but nothing more than the tribute due is asked from them. All the other villages pay the tribute. Two regiments of Tagálogs and Pampangos are being formed to defend the country against the English, with their own arms and the king’s pay. Their village alone has complained, and is become a reproach to the others, which look askance at it. Anda is certain that they will desist from their attempts and contribute the rest of their tribute. Another of the points in the paper that was signed is that they have demanded the dismissal of two cabezas de barangay, who they declare have shamed them when their first petition was presented in the tribunal; but Anda does not even know what the petition was nor how they were shamed. They ought to present their case in the regular way, and not forcibly dismiss the two cabezas de barangay. Let them be restored to their places and their petition filed before Anda, who promises to judge it rightly. They have also asked that neither the prison guard of four men whom they were bound to furnish, nor a money equivalent for their services if they were not furnished, be longer demanded. That is a great abuse, and cannot be allowed. Their contention that no justice should be appointed who does not come from their midst, Anda approves. If the paper was signed through fear of arms and in order to quiet them, it is null and void, and he who holds it is in danger of being regarded as a traitor. Anda asks them to send him the paper in order that he may destroy it, and to thus prove their loyalty. The troops of Bulacan and Pampanga are about to take the field against the English. Anda had intended to ask them, but recent developments have decided against it.[18]]

[A communication from Anda, dated Bacolor, December 21, recites the conditions of pardon for the Sangleys of Guagua concerned in the conspiracy of the day before.[19] These are as follows: 1. Surrender of all their arms, and examination of their houses, without any resistance. 2. Married Sangleys in the villages of the province to be restored to their houses, if not in too great number. 3. Both married and single Sangleys of Guagua to move with families and possessions to places indicated by government. 4. Must not keep arms henceforth, nor go the villages of Lubao, Guagua, Sesmoan,[20] and Mecabebe, as those places are the keys of the province. 5. Must take out necessary and usual licenses. Certain captains are ordered to inform the Sangleys of these conditions, and to examine the houses in search of hidden arms which are to be confiscated. A classified register of all Chinese by villages is to be made; and for the present soldiers are to be quartered on them. On the twenty-second, the governor of the village of Apalit is ordered to go immediately in pursuit of the Sangleys who fled from Guagua, and in case of resistance and refusal to surrender to kill them all. If they surrender, they are to be taken to Bacolor. The same order is given to the governors of Calumpit, Hagonoy, and Malolos. On the same date, the governor of Guagua is ordered to forbid the sale of nipa wine and destroy all found in the taverns, in order to avoid the possibility of drunkenness and offenses against God, especially now “when it is feared that the Sangleys are coming from Manila with the English, according to the treaty which the latter have made with the Sangleys of this province.”

[A series of documents dated December 22, 23, 27, 30, and 31, 1762, and February 4, 1763, treat of the Sangley conspiracy in the province in conjunction with the English and the Sangleys of the Parián of Manila and the terrible vengeance taken. Anda informs all the officials and people of the province of Pampanga of the discovery of the conspiracy a few days before it was to be sprung. This was to have been on Christmas eve, when many people would be engaged in their devotions and others would be celebrating by becoming intoxicated. The Chinese of the province, together with about one thousand others from the Parián, were to kill right and left and thus prepare the way for the entrance of the English. On being discovered, the Chinese make a stand on the twentieth of December, but are forced to flee refusing the promises of safety if they laid down their arms. The officials are ordered to watch carefully and kill all the Chinese they can find; and not allow the sale of wine. The ecclesiastics are also warned to keep a strict watch and not to open their churches on Christmas eve, without placing guards. The vengeance taken on the Chinese captured is terrible, for one hundred and eighty-one of them are killed or commit suicide, as is testified by Captain Balthasar Casal. For the future most strict measures are to be taken in regard to the Chinese in the province, and many restrictions are imposed upon them, in order that they may constantly be kept under the close surveillance of the authorities.]

[An edict, signed by Drake, Brook, and others, of the British government, on January 23, 1763, offers a reward of five thousand pesos for the capture of Anda, inasmuch as, assisted by various ecclesiastics, he continues hostile to the British government, and is inciting the natives of Bulacan and Pampanga provinces against it, stipulation being made that Anda is not to be killed. Those natives who leave Anda’s faction will be allowed freedom of worship, and exemption from the tribute and from personal services. The ecclesiastics, all of whom are considered as vassals of Great Britain, will be punished, severely if they refuse to cease their disturbances.[21]]

[Anda writes (probably in January or the early part of February, 1763) to the Manila cabildo and merchants, stating that he has just heard that the archbishop is discussing with the British the sending of a trading ship to Nueva Espana. Since this is not a proper procedure, Anda considers it his duty to require a stop put to it, and orders it to be strictly forbidden for the following reasons: 1. The ship cannot be sent with a legitimate register, by the English, as a state of war exists with them, nor by the archbishop, as he is not governor. 2. Trade between England and the Philippines is forbidden even in times of peace, as is also trade by way of the South Sea. 3. What merchandise is taken will be that of the enemy, as the Spanish merchants of the Philippines are in no condition to send goods, and it is not proper to send the goods of an enemy under pretext that they are those legitimately belonging to the city. 4. The privilege of trade granted to Manila has ceased since Manila has passed to another government, and cannot be regained until regulations are passed in favor of the rest of the islands which are still loyal. 5. The word of honor given to the British was only not to take up arms against them, and they owe nothing else to them, and hence, can and should remain loyal to Spain. Consequently, this effort should be resisted as strongly as possible.]

[On February 12, Anda addresses a long and most bitter and denunciatory letter to the archbishop, accusing him of connivance with the British, and the utter disregard of Spanish interests. He reminds the archbishop again that he has assumed the office of governor in accordance with certain laws in the Recopilación. The archbishop must cease his disloyal practices, which are prejudicial to the rights of those domains and the irreparable loss of the inhabitants. Through his folly, Manila was taken by assault, and then the fort of Santiago surrendered without a blow. To this is added the disastrous sack which lasted longer than the time allowed by the rules of war; with its accompanying evils of bloodshed, violations of the women, and profanation of the churches. All this instead of causing the sentiment of pity in the breast of the archbishop, has caused him to rejoice in the success of the British. He has ceded the islands as if they were his own property, or as if he had authority to do so, thus failing in his oath to defend the government. The four million pesos which he has promised, has also been in contravention of right. Both the cession and the promise of the indemnity are null and void. The British threat to take vengeance on the Spaniards if their demands were not met, was a boast that would not have been carried out. The fort of Cavite could have been defended for it was in good condition, but it was handed over without any attempt at defense. This would have saved great trouble, and consultation between the two crowns would have been unnecessary had it not been done. The British now demand the cession of all the islands, but that could have been avoided, as Anda is governor, not he. The archbishop has been guilty of usurping a title and office that do not belong to him, but to Anda, in view of developments at Manila. He has endeavored to cause Anda to retire to Manila, and abandon the defense, even sending him a passport for that purpose—a most base attempt. He has sent orders to the alcaldes-mayor to have the Spaniards, who have withdrawn from Manila, return thither, his object being to have them give their word of honor to the British, a course that will necessarily weaken the Spanish defense of the provinces. He has secured food and supplies for the British, and has induced certain Chinese from a trading champan to settle in the Parián, in order that the British may have greater strength. He has endeavored to dislodge the Augustinians, who side with Anda,[22] from their villages and supply their place with seculars. He has done these things to curry favor with the British and through his vanity and love of figuring. Lastly, he is attempting to have a ship sent to Nueva Espana to trade at Acapulco. But this is clearly against all right, for the only goods that would be sent would be English, and besides, since Manila and Cavite are now virtually British colonies, all commerce between them and the Spanish-American possessions is forbidden, a fact still further enforced by the condition of war now prevailing. The poverty of the Spaniards, with the assault and sack, does not allow them to ship any goods at present. Anda earnestly urges the archbishop to cease all his disloyal practices else he threatens to cry him as a traitor to the king and an ally of the English.]

[The Jesuit provincial Bernardo Pazuengos,[23] who claims to be sent by the English governor of Manila, asks for secret audience with Anda at Apalit, February 26. This being granted on the afternoon of that day, no results are obtained for the provincial can show no written credentials authorizing him as envoy, claiming that he has been appointed and empowered only verbally, and ordered to treat secretly with Anda. He claims not to know in what light Anda is regarded by the British governor—whether as the legitimate governor or as an usurper.]

[The archbishop writes to Anda, under date of March 21, informing him of the arrest of Villacorta on account of his communication with Anda (his letters having been seized), and that the sentence of death has been passed upon him, because he has broken his word of honor. Other Spaniards, some of them religious, have also been arrested. He asks that the disturbances among the natives cease, and that they be instructed in their religious duties and in loyalty, and resume their work.[24] He writes this letter in his ecclesiastical character in his solicitude for the souls of his flock. The archbishop is doing his best in behalf of Villacorta.[25]]

[In answer to this letter Anda writes a long and bitter reply. Although he says that the archbishop’s letter merits no answer for its lack of courtesy, yet he answers it in hopes that the archbishop may see the error of his ways. He recalls to the latter’s memory that he was appointed visitor general of the islands, with the real mission of protecting them if the English captured Manila, and in case such happened, he was to write to the bishops, prelates of the religious orders, and the alcaldes-mayor, urging and ordering them to defend the islands and the Catholic religion. Accordingly, he did so on the fall of Manila, and received enthusiastic support from ecclesiastics, officials, and natives.[26] The archbishop has, on the contrary, endeavored to influence the prelates, religious, and natives to submit to the British, so that one might imagine that he has lost his wits. He has written Anda to retire to Manila and leave the government of the provinces to the enemy, but the English will be entirely wiped out if they do not relinquish their ideas, for they cannot settle themselves firmly in the islands. Santiago Orendain[27] as well as the archbishop has played into the hands of the British; and because Anda has not fallen in with their ideas he has been branded as a traitor and rebel. The archbishop has influenced the British against Anda, and they recognizing the opportunity to create civil war in the islands have proceeded against the latter. The British have also made an offensive and defensive alliance with the king of Joló,[28] but the archbishop has offered no serious objection to such a procedure, which is to make war upon the Catholic religion, for it will inundate the islands with Mahometans, in addition to the English Protestants. This is opposed to the treaty between the Joloans and Spaniards, as well as to the agreements made between the English and Spaniards. The English answer the archbishop’s letter of protest of such an alliance by saying that the Spaniards have failed to keep their promise; whereat the archbishop, instead of declaring a holy war, and calling on the people to defend their religion with their lives, accepts the situation. The English have profaned the churches, but the archbishop has done nothing. The manner in which the archbishop protected the notorious criminal Orendain in the meeting of the Audiencia, when his violent language attracted the attention of citizens, left much room for doubt as to his sanity. Anda continues as follows with a harsh attack on the archbishop, which although possibly too violent, throws much light on the life of the times:]

The memory of that letter, which your Excellency wrote to the bishop of Zebù, when the latter was president, governor, and captain-general of these islands, does not fail to corroborate this idea [i.e., of the archbishop’s sanity]. In that letter you advised him that in order that you might undertake to consecrate him, he must first assure your Excellency, among other things, that he would not hold dances of women and men in the palace, as that was entirely opposed to modesty, prudence, and a delicate conscience of bishops, as well as outside the object of the consecration. That advice was very worthy of praise, although it would appear that it was idle and could have been excused because of the solid virtue and religious conduct of Señor Espeleta. But (oh human misery and weakness!) your Excellency did not practice that healthful counsel in the celebration of the patronage of our Lady of Guadalupe. For, to the universal confusion and laughter of all your flock, and of the respect due to your exalted dignity, your Excellency invited to your palace, all the ladies of distinction and the women of the lower class, in order that they might celebrate said festivity with contradances, fandangos, and other dances, which lasted on different nights from six in the evening until one or two in the morning; and those ladies made use of your Excellency’s privy and bedroom for that indecent although natural easing of the body. Neither was your Excellency dissuaded by the consideration that during the carnival days of the year 1762, you preached, as a good shepherd and vigilant prelate, against dancing, portraying with just arguments the spiritual risks and ruin which followed from it and especially from those dances in which the dancers hold one anothers’ hands and clasp arms, as well as from those which caused some immodest movements; and yet, it was public and notorious that on the night preceding said sermon and on the following night, your Excellency had in your palace the greatest concourse of men and women of all classes ever seen in Manila, and the same women whom your Excellency chid in the pulpit, and [whose procedure you] considered as an action very near to spiritual ruin, were incessantly engaged in dancing. It is worth noting that some ladies excused themselves from attending said party, and you expressed your indignation, saying that you would compel them to attend such functions. Equally, or much more, is this idea confirmed by the reflection of what happened in Cavite, on the occasion of your Excellency having gone to inspect the keel of a ship which was to be constructed; for under this pretext, your Excellency invited and even compelled many ladies of Manila to go to said port, where, and on distinct nights, your Excellency made the round of the village amid fine music and ladies, inciting the latter to sing the Chairo, the Forito, and other profane songs, interpolating them with the most holy rosary which was recited in the church, and after the round, the abovesaid dances were held at your Excellency’s lodging, and you presided at all parts of it, inciting them like the worst pander and dancing director. Thus, your Excellency, not only were some of the ladies ashamed of your excesses, but it is also apparent to me that the ecclesiastics—seculars and regulars—of said port were scandalized, and entirely trustworthy and prudent persons assert that the repair of the spiritual damage which you caused by your bad example would cost great labor; and if the mention of it to you by your subjects can avail for your conversion and repentance, I am ready to do it, for the sake of your soul. What shall I say, then, of what happened in your Excellency’s apartments in the hamlet of Nagtaja, where for the space of all one summer, of last year, there was no let up of music and dancing until daybreak, and banquets of men and women, that in order that the latter might take their siestas, they made use of your Excellency’s apartments, obliging you to leave them, although not to so great a distance that they did not discommode you? And it is quite worth noting that at the same time that your Excellency was occupied and dazzled in these festivities, so opposed to your character [of your office], the English were planning the conquest of Manila, and with it the ruin of all the islands. Consider, now, your Excellency, in view of the above, whether such procedures and conduct in a prelate, of the truth of which there cannot be the slightest doubt, are those of one who is in the possession of his right senses.

[The archbishop’s letters have no effect and fail of their purpose when events prove that he does quite the contrary to what he writes and preaches and counsels. Experience shows that he is making use of apparently virtuous means to deliver the islands over to Calvinism and Lutheranism; and that would inevitably have happened had not Anda instituted a vigorous defense, aided by the bishops and other pious and loyal Spaniards and natives, all of whom recognize the legitimacy of his government and deny all the authority of the archbishop and Orendain. Anda is sorry for the plight in which Villacorta is, and would aid him if he could, but if such aid must be at the expense of the islands, then he will not move in his defense—which he would not do for anyone, not even his own parents. He will take full vengeance for it later. However, he believes that the English are but making use of the archbishop in order to secure a suspension of hostilities. Besides, he can do nothing toward bringing about peace if he is a declared traitor and rebel, and even if the enemy recognize him as true governor, he cannot have anything to do with such proposals unless they are made to him in writing and in due form. This matter of Villacorta is only a pretext to make Anda hated by the people, and a scheme by which the English can gain possession of the provinces. In all their machinations they have made use of the archbishop to aid them to gain their ends. When the fort of Santiago was surrendered to the British, a verbal agreement was made with General Draper by the archbishop “that the persons, wealth, and possessions of all the persons in said fort were to be free, as were also the wealth and possessions of those in the city, with the sole difference that the latter were to be prisoners; that the practice of religion and the exercise of its tribunals were also to continue in the same manner as before the capture of the city, commerce also being free, etc.” The British have, however, not kept this agreement, and the archbishop justly treated them at that time as robbers and pirates. But if that was so in October how can the archbishop now aid or abet them in the ruin of the islands, and draining the treasury, city, churches, and pious funds, besides giving warrants for two million pesos on the king—and all this without any opposition. With the sack and the capture of the “Santisima Trinidad,” a sum greater than the four million pesos unjustly demanded has been raised. How can they expect Villacorta to keep his word of honor, which it was unnecessary for him to give as he was in the fort? If he gave such word it was under compulsion. All this should be represented by the archbishop to the judges who condemned Villacorta. Anda earnestly entreats the latter to reform in his manner of living, and to cease his excesses.[29]]

Letter from the castellan of Cavite, Monsieur Brerreton, to the insurgent of Ylocos, Diego Silang.[30]

My Dear Sir:

Yesterday the governor handed me the letter which your Grace was pleased to send him, in which your Grace promises to be loyal to his sacred Majesty, the king of Gran Bretaña, my master. You may believe, Don Diego, that your letter gave me especial pleasure and great joy—so much so that I resolved to send you one of his Majesty’s ships under my command, in order to assure your Grace of my protection, and aid in the name of my master, against the common enemy, España. I have been very sensible of the many injuries which your Grace has suffered under the tyrannical government of the Spaniards; but 1 am very pleased to know that your Grace has opened your eyes, and that your Grace will strengthen and encourage your people to humiliate the sovereignty of so cruel a nation. For motives of this nature, the king my master drew his sword in defense of his vassals, and of other nations, his allies, who suffered the lash of the Spanish tyranny in different parts of the world. Your Grace can rest assured of the consideration of the king my master, when he learns of your Grace’s loyalty and the injuries which your Grace and good compatriots have suffered from the hand of the one by whom you ought to have been protected and aided, from the general whom his Majesty despatched, together with the admiral. On the general’s return he will give information of the conquest of these islands, and is well instructed to represent to his Majesty the completely favorable attitude of the natives of them.

The admiral went with the greater part of the squadron to protect the dominions along the coast and Yndia. He has left me particular instructions to cultivate harmonious relations and friendship with the province of Ylocos and the other nations of the north. I am sorry that I have not paid your Grace a visit, but important business has prevented me. However, your Grace can rest assured that I shall be most vigilant in extending help to you.

In a short time, your Grace will have troops and war supplies. This despatch is to assure your Grace of our friendship and my satisfaction at receiving your letter, and because of your loyalty. In order that your Grace may communicate it to all the people, especially to those under your command, I am sending your Grace a small bronze cannon in token of affection.

I hope that the provinces of Pangazinan and Cagayan will soon follow your worthy example and tear off the chains of Spanish slavery.

I am also sending your Grace the edict published by the two leaders of sea and land, when we conquered our enemy. For my part I assure you that I shall religiously observe it, and I invite you when time permits, to despatch your boats to this capital, where they will be welcomed for their trade. The bearer of this letter is a captain in his Britannic Majesty’s service, and he will inform your Grace of particulars. Hence, I shall not go to great length to repeat, with my accustomed sincerity, that I shall employ all my strength in your defense, in order that your Grace may free yourself from the Spanish yoke. I shall not cease to beseech God, our Lord, to preserve your Grace for many years. Manila, May 6, 1763.[31]

B. Brerreton

[Addressed: “To Don Diego Silang, alcalde-mayor and war-captain for his Majesty in the province of Ylocos.”]

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[Under date of March (sic in original; May?) 15, the British commander of the forces in Manila, Roberto Eduardo Fell, writes Anda, asking him to see to it that acts of barbarism and cruelty such as have been practiced by Anda’s troops against the British, on many occasions, be discontinued. He denies that the British soldiers have broken the laws of warfare, and during the sack, many officers tried to restrain them at the risk of their own lives, while the Spanish troops have on the contrary fired more than once at the white flag, thus not adhering to the honorable conduct of Spaniards in Europe. He does not ask for discontinuance of the war, but only observance of the common humanities of war.]

[Anda answers the preceding letter on the twenty-first of May, in which he deals at length with the charges of inhumanity and cruelty made against the Spaniards by Fell, and in sarcastic terms makes counter charges of cruelty and lack of good faith on the part of the English. “Manila,” he says, “was lost, because it was poorly defended, the citadel because it was basely surrendered, as was also the port of Cavite; and not because there was a lack of brave Spaniards, but because they had the misfortune not to have a leader to manage them, with less ignominy, disorder, and confused foresight, than those displayed by the archbishop.” After the English entered by assault, they committed many acts of cruelty, killing often without quarter. The English have not always respected the white flag, and have used it for unlawful purposes, such as sending an officer into the Spanish camp to offer amnesty and pardon to deserters if they would return to their companies. When Anda was as yet without troops or weapons, the English proscribed him as a traitor, and put a price on his capture, alive or dead. Since the English have acted thus inhumanely toward him, is Anda obliged to regard the laws of warfare? Anda refers to a British edict of May 17 which he says appears to be in the same hand as the letter received from Fell. Such a thing does not argue for the good faith of the English.[32] Anda denies in heated terms charges of personal cruelty and encouragement of inhumanity and cruelty. He has used his efforts to restrain his men, especially the natives who are barbarously inclined. He has even offered a reward of five hundred pesos for each English officer captured alive and brought in living.]

[A manifesto or edict published by the British government in Manila under date of June 6, and sent to Anda, “former auditor of the royal Audiencia and supposed governor of the Filipinas Islands,” threshes the whole matter over again. The acts of the British are carefully excused of all cruelty, while on the other hand, the inhumanity and cruelty of Anda and his troops are proved clearly to the satisfaction of the English. The latter are called pirates and robbers by Anda, but the term is misapplied; for the British did not take a just vengeance for the death of one of their officers who was killed under the white flag. Anda has been, and is, a rebel to the king of Spain, for he has not regarded the commands of the archbishop, the rightly constituted Spanish representative of Spanish sovereignty. The archbishop has never made public the commission with which Anda claims that he left the city. What more are Anda’s men than canaille (a name to which Anda objects), for they are rebels to the proper authority, and are made up of vagabond Indians, robbers, and murderers, and some few deserters who are captained by some irreligious friars, and some persons who broke their word of honor not to take up arms against the British? Anda has not scrupled to reward murderers by political offices and money. The British manifesto offers five thousand pesos for the capture of Anda, but stipulates that he is to be kept alive. Anda is trying to seduce the natives and set them against peace and order. If his armed bands continue, it will result in the shedding of much blood and in the destruction of the country, for Anda can never drive out and defeat the English, and reconquer Manila. Even if the city is returned to the Spaniards, it must either be left to the natives or reconquered from them by the Spanish king. Auditor Galban, the fiscal, Leandro Viana, and the marquis of Monte Castro, and many others, have broken their word of honor and have gone over to Anda. This is a violation of a most sacred oath. It cannot be excused by saying that the British have broken their promises, for their promises had nothing to do with the word of honor given by the Spanish prisoners of war. Anda is breaking the rights of nations by receiving and welcoming such violators of their word. Even Villacorta, the only auditor who remains in the city, has long been holding traitorous communications with the rebels.[33] In spite of all these things, and the non-fulfilment of the Spaniards to pay the two million pesos in cash of the four settled upon for their ransom (failing even to pay the one million which the British consented to take in cash, because the Spaniards have not given as freely as they can), the British have ever treated them with the honor characteristic of the English nation. The peace of the islands has been prevented by the conduct of the Spaniards.]

[Letters from Anda to Bishop Bernardo Ustariz and the people of the province of Ilocos in general, respectively dated June 13, and 12, return thanks for the victory over the insurgent Silang, and mention the celebrations with solemn mass that have been held in Bacolor. The indult issued by the bishop to the Ilocans is approved. Pedro Bicbic, the chief justice, and Miguel Vicos, are especially thanked for their part in the victory and remuneration will be made to them. For the present, the bishop is to have charge of civil affairs in the province. The arms taken from Silang and distributed by the bishop to the loyal Ilocans are given them as their own; and report is to be made the king, so that he may fittingly reward them.]

[Anda writes to the archbishop under date of July 29, refusing to assent to the truce offered by the latter between Anda and the British, and which the archbishop declares to have been arranged for between the sovereigns. Anda demands that communications of such a nature must be made him directly by the British authorities and not through the archbishop, whom he cannot trust, and who is, besides, a prisoner. Indeed, the archbishop has no business to meddle with the matter at all. Anda distrusts the sincerity of the British, and suspects some plot to invade his territory. The archbishop should be mindful of the verbal agreement which he himself made with General Draper when he surrendered the fort of Santiago, and how it was completely disregarded. Anda insists on official recognition and the drawing up of documents that can be used as proof of any negotiations entered into between himself and the British.]

[The British in Manila publish an edict on September 19, declaring Anda responsible for any further bloodshed because of his disregard of the news of the suspension of hostilities, as arranged between the deputies of the two sovereigns. The first news of the suspension was brought by a ship from Madras on July 23, 1763, and was sent forthwith to Anda by the archbishop. The preliminaries of peace, signed by each side, were brought from the same port on August 26. But although Anda was also informed of this immediately, he has paid no attention to it, and has steadfastly dared to violate the orders of his sovereign. Hence, if he does not acquiesce in the suspension, he, or any of his adherents, will be attacked, wherever met, with arms; and at the first opportunity, information regarding his obstinacy and arrogancy will be sent to Spain.[34]]

[In regard to the alleged suspension of hostilities by the British, Anda issues two edicts or proclamations, dated September 28, and October 24, respectively. He complains that he has not been treated by the invaders as rightful governor, and that no legitimate messages have been transmitted to him. The attempt of the British is to inflame the natives against him by a system of trickery. To publish a suspension of hostilities, and then to commit all sorts of excesses (as the English have done) is hardly sincere. Anda issues these proclamations in order that the people may not be deceived by the trickery and double-dealing of the enemy.]

[The wrongs inflicted by the English, in which are included excesses and outrages of all sorts, form the subject of Anda’s letter of November 2, to Thomas Becus [Backhouse], commander-in-chief of the British forces. Several instances of the cruelty of the soldiers are mentioned, especially those in which no quarter has been shown to Spaniards who have surrendered. Although the British have published a suspension of hostilities they have continued to commit all manner of outrages, such as robbery, arson, bribery, etc., and Anda has been informed of this suspension only extra-officially. The cannons and war supplies of Manila and Cavite have been despoiled unlawfully, for these places are held by the British forces only for the time being and all their effects are on deposit.[35] Anda asks Becus to use his influence in restraining these outrages, and to urge the matter properly with his government. He protests against the payment of salaries on the Spanish royal account by the British for such expenses have been met from the situado annually sent to the islands; and some that have been paid are unauthorized. His last proclamation is enclosed, and the British are asked to act honorably and cease all excesses. Especially do the Spanish loyalists wish to have the British officer Slay[36] delivered to them for proper punishment, for he has been most guilty and brutal in his overstepping of civilized warfare.]

[In his reply to the preceding letter (November 22), the English commandant shows himself to be more of a diplomat than Major Fell. He writes in a conciliatory, yet firm tone, and in a far different spirit than former English letters. He insists that justice has been the keynote of the English government since he has taken command of its forces during the past month. Had he commanded in place of Major Fell (whom he does not like), and had any outrages been committed by his soldiers, they would have been punished. He is opposed to war, but recognizes therein, his responsibility for his own orders. Only after receiving Anda’s letter has he learned that the cannon and supplies of Manila have been removed and carried to Madras. They will be replaced, if an order to that effect is received from the king. Anda’s complaints would have had more weight had he consented to observe the truce arranged between the two sovereigns; but his threats of vengeance are not quite in good point, especially since the truth that the treaty has been ratified is proved. Becus deprecates the possibility of civil war between the factions of the archbishop and Anda. It would be better for all to join forces and improve the condition of the country. The British troops will soon leave Manila, and it will be wise for all to avoid civil war. The outrages committed in Santa Cruz and in its environs were by bands of ladrones who called themselves Anda’s men.[37] They have committed wanton destruction of property, and have been guilty of torture and murder. He justifies his sending military detachments outside Manila for food supplies, as self preservation is the first requisite the world over. The rupees, some of which have been put into circulation, are of more value than the peso, and of better quality, and there is no need to withdraw them. There has been no false coinage except by some Chinese who have been hanged. He challenges Anda to prove that bribery and corruption are common, and that he has refused justice to Spaniard or native. He would be glad of an interview with Anda.]

[Anda replies in a short paper of January 23, 1764, to the preliminaries of peace submitted to him by the British commandant. He outlines his position, and his right to the title of governor and captain-general, and presents objections to some of the articles.]

[An edict published by Anda, January 24, 1764, states that when the British give truthful declaration that they will abide exactly by articles 21 and 22 of the peace preliminaries that have been signed between the English and Spanish, and which relate to the evacuation of the places occupied by the former, then hostilities will cease, and the British will be given all necessary help in their transportation. But until such time, the war will continue.]

[Anda writes a letter to the English governor Drake, in which he indignantly refuses to believe the assurances of the latter as to his humane proceedings, and accuses him of citing instances of cruelty to Spaniards and natives, profanation of churches, and other atrocities. He knows this because he has seen it himself in the provinces where he has been. Drake’s actions, leveled also against those of his own nation, who would have been humane and obedient to the orders of their sovereign, are those of a pirate and traitor, and such as befit barbarians.]

[In a note addressed to the British military and civil chiefs of Manila, January 28, Anda cites two clauses of the treaty of February 10, 1763, made between the English and Spanish. Article 22 provides: “that all the countries and territories that might have been gained by conquest in any part of the world, either by the arms of his Britannic and most faithful Majesty, or by those of his most Christian and Catholic Majesty, which are not comprehended in the present articles, article of cession, or article of restitution, shall be returned without raising any difficulty, and without asking compensation.” Article 22 provided that restitution and evacuation of places that might have been captured in the East Indies were to be made within six months. That time, declares Anda, was in August, 1763, yet the British still hold Manila and Cavite, and if they do not leave in the next month, they must remain until the monsoon of 1765. He earnestly asks that the terms of the treaty be observed, and all hostilities suspended. In such case, the British will be furnished with food and all necessary supplies at a just price; otherwise hostilities will continue. A vigorous protest is made of all the damage occasioned by Silang and other insurgents in the provinces who have been aided by the British. Following this note, Anda addresses another to the same officials February 3, citing article I of the peace preliminaries, to the effect that orders will be sent to the three powers to suspend hostilities, and that passports will be given to the ships of the three powers that are to be despatched to bear the news of the treaties of the three powers. But since such orders have not been received by the royal Audiencia, they have no authority to cease the war unless the British agree to certain proposals of the royal Audiencia.]

[March 9, a note from the British officials to Anda (in which he is addressed by his proper titles in full),[38] informs him of the arrival of an English vessel from Fort St. George with the definitive treaty,[39] of which a copy will be sent him as soon as possible. The British are ordered to return to the Coromandel coast, and intend to do so if the monsoon permits.[40] In order that Anda may aid so far as possible, they ask provision of seven or eight thousand cavans of rice and other provisions and supplies in proportion. A note from Anda of the same date, states that he was about to send his agents to Manila, but was holding them until receiving the copy of the treaty above-mentioned. These agents will have power to treat on all matters. Anda would go himself, but necessary business renders it impossible. On the tenth, Anda writes again to the effect that he will facilitate the furnishing of supplies to the British as far as possible. He will appoint persons to arrange details of the delivery of Manila and Cavite, though the delivery itself is to be made to the troops in military style.[41] Another note from Anda on the same date, announces that he has appointed the treasurer, Nicólas Echauz, Sargento-mayor Francisco Salgado, and the infantry captains, Mariano Thobias and Raymundo Español, to formally receive the effects of Manila and Cavite, and to treat of other points that may arise.]

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[1] Anda’s baptismal record which is published by Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, pp. 606, 607, shows that he was baptized in the church of San Esteban Protomártir in the village of Subijana de Alava on October 23, 1709. His burial (ut supra, p. 608) is noted in the burial book of the Manila cathedral under date of October 31, 1776. He was buried by the famous archbishop, Basilio Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, who was, like Anda, a fighter. See also VOL. XVII, pp. 297, 298. [↑]

[2] Law clxxx is as follows: “In some of our Audiencias of the Indias, it has happened, and it might happen, that the auditors of it may be absent, and only one auditor remain. We declare in such case that the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued with only one auditor.” [Felipe III, San Lorenzo, August 14, 1620.] For law lviii, see VOL. XVII, pp. 313, 314. [↑]

[3] All the religious orders but the Jesuits proved loyal and assisted with money and actual force. The latter maintained most cordial relations with the enemy. In the summary exposition which was sent to the pope regarding this matter, it was shown that they preached against the government, and that their provincial had illicit relations with Draper during the occupancy of Manila. This was partly the reason for their expulsion by Cárlos III. In the archives at Simancas, legajo 288 of “Gracia y justicia,” exists a document charging the Jesuits as traitors for their action during the war with the British. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 36, and note. See the letter, post, in which the Jesuits charge the archbishop with direct treason. The following items from British magazines are instructive and may partly explain the Jesuit letter.

“Letters from France advise that his Catholic Majesty will be no great loser by our taking the Manilas, as the whole of that trade was in the hands of the Jesuits. A proposal was made to the late King of Spain, to put a stop to that trade, it being a loss to both his Majesty and the Spanish nation; but the Jesuit had art enough to prevent its taking effect.” (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 235.)

“London, Nov. 3. They write from Cadiz, that the treasure belonging to the Jesuits at Manilla, lately confiscated by orders of the court, was said to amount to near 20,000,000 pieces of eight, exclusive of jewels, diamonds, and church-plate.” (Scots Magazine, 1763, p. 605.)

“London, Sept. 24. According to letters from Madrid, three eighths of the treasure drawn from the commerce carried on between Manilla and Acapulco, had centred among the Spanish Jesuits, amounting annually to eight millions of dollars.” (Scots Magazine, 1767, p. 494.) [↑]

[4] This letter is published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 268, 269; Mas, i, p. 142; and Montero y Vidal, ii, appendix, p. 579. [↑]

[5] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 269–276; Mas, i, pp. 142–146; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 580–583. [↑]

[6] Law lvii is as follows: “We order that in the absence of viceroy or president, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audiencias succeed to the government, and that the government reside in them, as it could in the viceroy or president when they performed those duties. The senior auditor shall be president, and he alone shall make and enact all the measures belonging to and annexed to the president. And if the president should be captain-general, the senior auditor shall also exercise that office until his successor is appointed by us, or until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our orders, unless the opposite or contrary is ordered in some Audiencias by the laws of this book.” [Felipe II, Toledo, May 25, 1596, ordinance 43, concerning Audiencias; Felipe IV, Madrid, April 8, 1629; and in this Recopilación.] [↑]

[7] This testimony, which is given by Mas, i, pp. 139–141, and Montero y Vidal, Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 577–579, notes that Anda was appointed by the archbishop, in his capacity of governor and captain-general, as lieutenant governor and captain-general of the islands, in due form, sealed with the arms of the archbishop and countersigned by Ramón Orendain, chief government secretary, on October 1. On the same day he was appointed visitor general, by the royal Audiencia, of all the provinces of the islands, the royal provision therefor being despatched with the royal seal registered by Andres José Rojo, lieutenant of the grand chancellor, and countersigned by Juan de Monroy, assembly secretary. He was received in his official capacity in the province of Bulacan, and when, on the fifth, news was received of the assault and capture of Manila by the British, upon him devolved the duties of the royal Audiencia, and of the governor and captain-general. The treasurer Nicolás de Echauz Beaumont was ordered to move the moneys in his charge into the interior. Accordingly he went to the province of Laguna, but for greater security was ordered to go later to Pampanga. [↑]

[8] Montero y Vidal’s version reads “loyalty to the king, … and defense of these provinces, without giving or allowing terms for their foreign subjection to the slightest degree”—a better reading. [↑]

[9] Anda left Manila with but 500 pesos. See Sitio y conquista, p. 80. [↑]

[10] Montero y Vidal reads “what is not allowed.” [↑]

[11] This passport reads as follows: “This is to certify that Don Simon de Anda y Salazar, minister of his Catholic Majesty, has my permission to come with all safety to this city. This order is directed to each one to whom it pertains, so that he may allow him to pass, in accordance with its contents. Guillermo Drapert, commander-in-chief. General barracks, October 25, 1762. I retain the original in my possession, in order that it may run no risk [of being destroyed or lost]. Your Lordship may come without the slightest fear. The Archbishop.” [↑]

[12] This date is easily explained by the fact that the British used the calendar of India, which was one day in advance of that of the Spanish in the Philippines. [↑]

[13] An edict issued by Anda on October 26, 1762, after protesting against British occupation, orders the alcaldes-mayor to pay no heed to despatches or orders issued by the archbishop, either in his own name or that of the British. The bearers of such despatches are to be arrested. [↑]

[14] On September 24, the British leaders had issued their first manifesto for the native populations, reassuring the natives that no harm would be done them and that they would be allowed freedom of worship if they did not aid the Spaniards. See Ingleses en Filipinas (MS.), pp. 80, 81; and Sitio y conquista, pp. 39, 40. [↑]

[15] Published by Montero y Vidal, in his Historia, ii, appendix, pp. 587–589. It is dated October 28 in this version, and is signed by Juan Monroy and Ramon de Orendaín, in addition to the archbishop. It is also contained in another MS. belonging to Edward E. Ayer, where it is dated October 28. [↑]

[16] The “Filipino” carried according to a contemporaneous account, two and one-half millions of pesos fuertes. See Ferrando, iv, p. 624. [↑]

[17] Dawson Drake took over the command of Manila October 10, 1762. See Sitio y conquista, p. 69. [↑]

[18] Other things demanded in the petition of the natives were: the return of the tribute that had been collected; the removal of the schoolmaster and the church fiscal; the removal of the alcalde-mayor of the province; permanence of office for the then master-of-camp of the province (Ferrando, iv, p. 660). [↑]

[19] The Marquis de Ayerbe says (Sitio y conquista, pp. 91–93) that nine hundred Sangleys conspired against Anda at Guagua, who in connivance with those of Manila, numbered more than 5,000. Anda was informed of the conspiracy by a native. By his promptness of action, he attacked and defeated the entrenched Sangleys, capturing from them nine barrels of powder, many guns, and nine thousand pesos. [↑]

[20] In the Museo-Biblioteca de Ultramar, Madrid, there is a tastefully carved plate of some hard Philippine wood, on which are three separate inscriptions, also carved in the wood. This plate was set up by Anda on the gate of the village of Sesmoan in the province of Pampanga. When the walls were destroyed, this plate was preserved in the house of the parish priest and was later (1857) sent to Manila where it was preserved in the Audiencia building (June 1, 1858), as a memorial of the signal services of Anda. [↑]

[21] Published by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 278–281; Mas, i, pp. 167, 168; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp, 590, 591. [↑]

[22] The provincial and all the fathers of the college of Santa Cruz were imprisoned on mere suspicion; and the same was done with the prior of the Augustinian convent. All the religious and students of Santo Tomás were imprisoned, and charged with urging the soldiers to desert. The British took advantage of this to search the convents and carry off what they wished. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 75, 76. [↑]

[23] Bernardo Pazuengos was born at Garnica in the diocese of Calahorra, May 22, 1706. He was admitted into the Jesuit order, October 9, 1720, and went to the Philippines in 1732, where he taught philosophy and theology at Manila. Returning to Spain as procurator, he went to Mexico in 1754. In 1764 (sic, in Sommervogel, but this date must be an error, as he is provincial in 1763), he was made provincial of the Philippines. See Sommervogel, vi, cols. 413, 414. [↑]

[24] When Villacorta was arrested, the English promised to liberate him if Anda would retire from Pampanga to some other province (Martinez de Zúñiga, p. 648). [↑]

[25] Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 290–292; Mas, i, pp. 170–172; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 593, 594. [↑]

[26] The library of Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago contains a series of manuscripts bound into one document, and entitled: “Papers apropos of the representation of the royal Audiencia and the posts of governor and captain general having devolved upon Sr. Don Simon de Anda y Salasar; and the measures taken by him as such during the invasion of the English at that capital.” From a paper accompanying this MS. we translate as follows: “In the 63 useful sheets of which it is composed, it contains original testimonies of those appointments, acts, measures, and autograph orders, dictated and directed by Anda to all the authorities of those islands in order that he might keep the country obedient and under the dominion of his Majesty, during the war sustained against the English in 1762 and the following years, in which the English gained control of Manila and Cavite, until they were expelled and said places recovered by the Spaniards; with the original replies and testimonies of obedience and respect, which were given to Anda as such captain general by the prelates, alcaldes-mayor, provincial chiefs, reverend fathers of the religious orders, and all the natives of the country; evidence of the offers made him; replies of the said Anda to them; and other details interesting on account of their text, and the form and originality which they show.” These are the originals, or contemporaneous copies thereof, and cover the years 1762–1764. Lack of space forbids the use of any of them here. [↑]

[27] A German lay brother and Santiago de Orendaín went completely over to the English. They burned many summer residences in the suburbs, and caused all the prisoners to swear allegiance to the British, although many failed to keep this forced oath. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 73, 74. [↑]

[28] Among the prisoners taken by the enemy were the king of Joló and his son Israel, who bore themselves like brave men, and more honorably than some of the Spaniards who fought there. When the British forces left, the king of Joló also fled in a ship of the English East India Company. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 90, 130. [↑]

[29] Published in part in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 293–310; Mas, i, pp. 172–181; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 594–602. The most interesting part, that reproduced above, is omitted by each of these writers. [↑]

[30] Space will not permit us to give in extenso an account of the insurrection headed by Diego Silán or Silang. It was the most obstinate of all the insurrections that broke out against the Spaniards during the English occupation. Diego Silán was born December 16, 1730, in Pangasinan province. As a lad he served the cura of Vigan, but being sent down to Manila, the boat in which he took passage was wrecked on the coast of Bolinao. All his companions were killed by the barbarous inhabitants, but he was kept as a slave, being finally ransomed by a Recollect friar. Later he became a messenger for the parish priest at Vigan, and being found trustworthy was appointed to carry the letters to Manila annually at the time the Manila boat was expected. In this service, he acquired a wide acquaintance; and it was comparatively easy for him after the assault of Manila to rouse the natives, under pretext of protecting themselves from the British since the Spaniards were no longer able to defend them. Demands formulated and presented by the insurgents include the deposition of the alcalde-mayor, Antonio Zabala; that office to be held by the provisor Tomás Millán; the election of one of the four chiefs of Vigan as justice; the expulsion of all the Spaniards and mestizos from the province; the appointment of Silán to make head against the English. The insurrection makes great headway, and is soon found to be an attempt to break with all Spanish authority, and the insurgents are incited by the British, who appoint Silán alcalde and governor of the province of Ilocos. Silán meddles with ecclesiastical matters, opposing Bishop Ustariz, whereupon the latter pronounces an interdict in Vigan. Augustinians seized by Silán are imprisoned three separate times. Silán is finally killed by a Spanish mestizo, Miguel Vicos, May 28, 1763. This insurrection was quickly put down after the death of Silán, who was its life and exhibited a certain amount of shrewdness and resource. But shortly after, another insurrection was started under Silán’s uncle, Nicolás Cariño, which gained considerable headway, although it was finally stifled and quiet restored. Anda took various measures against these insurrections, but it was impossible for him to leave his post in Bulacan, where English matters occupied his attention. These insurrections were perhaps the most serious that the Spanish power in the Philippines had yet suffered. For accounts of them, see Relación de los alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, cabecera de la provincia de Ilocos, en los años de 1762 y 1763, by Pedro de Vivar, O.S.A. (written in 1764; but published in Manila, 1893, in vol. iv, Biblioteca historica filipina), in which many documents are given; and Montero y Vidal’s Historia, ii, pp. 77–114. Isabelo de los Reyes, the Ilocano writer and demagogue, praises Silán highly. See also post, pp. 298–306. [↑]

[31] Draper and Cornish sent an edict to the Filipinos on September 24, 1762, announcing that the Filipinos need have no fear of the British fleet, provided that they do not join the Spaniards or assist them in any way. They will be received under British protection; their women and children will be free from outrages; full prices will be paid them for food; they will be free to go and come as they please; and freedom of worship will be conserved to them. If they do, on the contrary, aid the Spanish, then they must fear the punishment that will be inflicted. May 13, 1763, Silang writes the British assuring them of obedience and non-aid to the Spaniards. In the same month, the British write Silang promising to send him soon, troops, weapons, and war supplies. The British successes in Manila, Pasig, and Maysilo, are mentioned, while in the month just past, the fort of Batangas in Bulacan has been captured. They are attracting all the natives of the islands to their banners, and have treated them humanely, freeing them from the tribute and the various ecclesiastical oppressions. The Augustinians have been especially active against the British, and against the vows of their profession have taken up arms, thus occasioning the shedding of much blood. They have also treated Silang cruelly. Therefore the British will esteem it if Silang will secure the Augustinians, the alcalde, Antonio Zavala, and all other Spaniards, and send the same to the English, taking possession besides of all their property and estates. The lack of priests for the present may be filled by seculars until the archbishop can appoint others. The British wish to conserve the Catholic religion. No duties shall be charged on their trading boats. The provinces of Pangasinan and Cagayan will also be admitted under the protection of the British, if they desire it. Silang’s aid is asked against Anda and his men. With the letter are sent copies of a manifesto inviting trade. (All these documents are contained in the manuscript entitled Ingleses en Filipinas.) [↑]

[32] This edict is as follows: “Inasmuch as many malcontents of the district of Señor Anda frequently come to the villages of Santa Cruz, Binondoc, etc., for the purpose of killing the officers and soldiers whom they meet; and since said malcontents flee precipitously as soon as our troops go out in pursuit of them: therefore, notice is given to all the Spaniards living in said villages, to come to live within the city of Manila inside of one week, since we can protect them in this way. If, perchance, they neglect to obey this order, they must stand the consequences, for if many of said canaille gather together, it is feasible that the governor will be necessarily obliged to order the cannon fired among the houses, for the purpose of driving them away.” (Published in Malo de Luque, v, pp. 284–285; Mas, i, p. 183; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 602, 603). This edict Anda answered on the nineteenth at Bacolor. In it the British are styled as dishonorable men, for regarding as rebels those who are loyal to their king, and for their offer of a reward for Anda alive or dead. The statements in the edict of the seventeenth, namely, that the loyalist Spanish troops are canaille and that they are on the lookout for opportunity to murder British officers, are branded as utter falsehoods. In return, the three men who have signed the above edict—Drake, Smith, and Brook—are proscribed, and a price of ten thousand pesos offered for each one, dead or alive. This edict further orders that the humane treatment of the Spanish toward English captives or deserters be continued as hitherto, to the extent possible. (The version from which we condense is evidently an abridgment of the edict, which is given entire by Malo de Luque, v, pp. 285–290; Mas, i, pp. 183–185; Ferrando, iv, pp. 647, 648; and Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 603–605.) [↑]

[33] January 28, 1763, the fiscal Viana fled the city, going to Anda’s camp, where he was gladly received, and where he became very useful. Later Villacorta also escaped to Anda’s camp. The latter and Galbán, who had been very far from doing their duty in the time of danger, conspired to wrest the command from Anda in case of Rojo’s death, on the grounds that most persons believed that the government of the islands should be given to Bishop Ustáriz of Nueva Segovia. The Franciscan and Recollect provincials, and the Jesuit superior declared that the command belonged to Anda; while the other religious institutes were neutral or sided with Bishop Ustáriz. The Augustinians pronounced for Villacorta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, pp. 65, 66. [↑]

[34] The preliminary peace treaties were signed between Great Britain, France, and Spain, November 3, 1762, and the treaty of peace at Paris, February 10, 1763. [↑]

[35] A Manila paper published in 1904 tells of the finding near the Pasig River, during a removal of a part of the old Manila wall on that side, in order to increase the customs warehouse capacity, of two old British cannons, probably six-inch mortars, with the royal arms of England and an eighteenth-century date upon them, that were turned up by the workmen. Evidently these cannons were brought by the British at the time of the siege of Manila. (Letter from James A. LeRoy, October 20, 1904.) [↑]

[36] This man commanded a British force sent out to invade the provinces and cripple Anda. He was opposed chiefly by Busto who had joined Anda some time before. The British force attacked the church and convent of Marisanto, where they were opposed by the alcalde-mayor, about seventy Spaniards, and about five thousand natives, as well as by Busto. Finally, the English took the convent and killed the alcalde-mayor, and some Recollects and other Spaniards. Some of the wounded took refuge in a garret of the convent, but were captured and handed over by Slay to the Sangleys, who killed them after inflicting severe tortures. Only two escaped by swimming across the river. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 95–98. [↑]

[37] Some of the religious quit their habits and became leaders of bands of ladrones. Most of the religious, however, remained loyal. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 79, 80. [↑]

[38] By the death of the archbishop, January 30, 1764, the British changed their tactics and recognized Anda as legal governor and captain-general. But even after this the British soldiers sacked the churches and houses of Cavite. See Sitio y conquista, p. 126. [↑]

[39] This treaty is published in Scots Magazine for 1763, pp. 134–142. [↑]

[40] When the British forces left, about four hundred prostitutes, who were abandoned by their departure, fled from Manila. See Sitio y conquista, p. 130. [↑]

[41] The Spanish troops entered Manila May 31, 1764, possession of the city being taken by Anda, accompanied by Busto, since the new governor ad interim, Francisco de la Torre, was sick. That night a banquet was given to the British commanders. June 4, Brereton tendered a banquet to Anda and other officials on his ship, the English praising Anda profusely. June 10 and 11, the British vessels left the bay for India. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 129–131. [↑]