CONCLUSION
Such was the outline of the state of these islands in 1822. Severe and frequent as the censures are which are passed in the foregoing pages, the writer is not conscious that they are in any instance unjust or exaggerated, or that praise has been withheld wherever it might be due. The unprejudiced, honourable, and well-informed, will, he hopes, think so, the opinion of others is indifferent to him: they will perhaps too believe, that his object has neither been to flatter nor to wound, but, if a sketch like this had originally any object, a hope that when their true state was better known these islands might be better appreciated—perhaps better governed; that a cruelly-abused class of men (the natives) might one day find their condition ameliorated; and lastly, that when this fair and rich portion of the earth shall be visited by men of science, a few general remarks on their state at any given period, however ill drawn up, might be of some use. Who indeed can but reflect with pain, that while the torch of science has blazed in the western hemisphere, from Greenland to the Antarctic, bearing with it light, and life, and hope, and blessings, few are even aware how very much it has yet to illumine in the East!
Finis
[1] The full title of this book is as follows: Remarks on the Phillippine Islands, and on their capital Manila. 1819 to 1822. By an Englishman. “When a traveller returneth home, let him not leave the countries where he hath travelled altogether behind him.” Lord Bacon—Essays. Calcutta: Printed at the Baptist mission Press, Circular Road; and sold by Messrs. W. Thacker and Co. St. Andrew’s Library. 1828.
Opposite the title-page is a folding map, entitled “Map of the province of Tondo.” It is Spanish, dated 1819; and shows as well portions of the adjacent provinces. The book is dedicated “To Holt Mackenzie, Esq. This Work is respectfully inscribed, by his obedient humble servant, The Author. Calcutta, March, 1828.”
Notes signed “Eds.” are supplied by the Editors; the rest are those of the author himself. The original text is reproduced as exactly as possible. [↑]
[2] Besides the references already given, see J. Roth’s sketch of the geology of the Philippines, in appendix to Jagor’s Reisen, pp. 333–354.—Eds. [↑]
[3] The Bureau of Government Laboratories at Manila published, during 1902–05, a valuable series of bulletins on various topics in botany, ornithology, biology, diseases of man and beast, etc., and another series was published by the Mining Bureau; the former bureau is now replaced by the Bureau of Science.—Eds. [↑]
[4] In the environs of Manila, a monument is erected to the memory of …,[5] a Spanish naturalist of unwearied industry, and it is said, great talents, sent out by government to examine the Phillippine Islands. After seven years’ incessant labour, he died of a fever, and at his death his manuscripts, which are all written in cyphers, were taken possession of by the government; they are said yet to remain buried in the archives of ‘la Secretaria,’ having never been sent to Europe! [↑]
[5] Apparently referring to Antonio Pineda (VOL. L, p. 61); but he died only three years after leaving Spain. In the expedition to which he was attached, he was director of the department of natural sciences; he was accompanied by Louis Née, a Frenchman naturalized in Spain. They visited Uruguay, Patagonia, Chile, Peru, and Nueva España; and in Chile were joined by the Hungarian naturalist, Tadeo Haenke (who, reaching Cádiz after their vessel sailed, was obliged to sail to South America to meet them). From Acapulco they went to Marianas and Filipinas; and journeyed (1791) through Luzón from Sorsogón to Manila. Pineda labored diligently in Luzón, and made large collections; but died at Badoc, in Ilocos, in 1792; his brother Arcadio Pineda, who was first lieutenant of the ship, was charged to put in order the materials collected by Antonio, but many of these were lost on the return journey. Returning to South America, at Callao Haenke and Née parted company; the former again traveled in America, but in the vicissitudes of these journeys much of the material collected by him was lost or spoiled. The residue was classified and described, after his death, by the leading botanists of Europe, and this matter was published in a work entitled Reliquiæ Haenkeane, seu descriptiones et icones plantarum quæ in America meridionali et boreali in insulis Philippinis et Marianis collegit Thaddeus Haenke, Philosophiæ Doctor, Phytographus Regis Hispaniæ (Pragæ, 1825–35). Née went from Concepción, Chile, overland to Montevideo, and thence to Spain; and in September, 1794, he reached Cádiz, with a herbarium of 10,000 plants, of which 4,000 were new ones. These were preserved in the Botanical Gardens at Madrid, with more than 300 drawings. See Ramón Jordana y Morera’s Bosquejo geográfico é historico-natural del archipiélago filipino (Madrid, 1885), pp. 356–358, 361; and José Gogorza y González’s Datos para la fauna filipina (Madrid, 1888), p. 2.—Eds. [↑]
[6] The loftiest peak in Mindoro is Mount Halcón, said to be 8,800 feet in height. The most prominent volcano in the archipelago is Mayón, 7,916 feet high, in Albay, Luzon; in Negros is another volcano, called Canlaón, 8,192 feet high. In Panay the highest peak is Madiaás, 7,264 feet; and in Mindanao is the loftiest peak in the entire archipelago, the almost extinct volcano of Apo, which rises to 10,312 feet. See the chapter on “Mountains and rivers,” in Census of Philippines, i, pp. 00–73.—Eds. [↑]
[7] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, p. 29): “This animal [the hog] is so common there that they even use its fat for sauces, ragouts, and fried articles; for butter is not known in Manila, and there is very little use of milk there. The Manilans doubtless find less difficulty (for in that climate people are very fond of repose) in using pork fat in their food than in rearing and keeping cattle and making butter. This sort of food, joined to the heat and the great humidity of that country, occasions serious dysentery in many persons.” He adds (p. 123): “The venereal disease (or ‘French disease,’ as they call it, I know not why), is very common there [in Manila]; but they do not die from it; the great heat and copious perspiration enable people to live at Manila with this malady, they marry without being frightened at it, and the evil passes by inheritance to their children; it is a sort of heritage with which but few European families are not stained.”—Eds. [↑]
[8] Le Gentil thus speaks of the placer-mining practiced by the Indians in Luzon (Voyage, ii, p. 32): “It is true that this sort of life shortens the days of these wretched people; as they are perpetually in the water, they swell, and soon die. Besides that, the friars say that it is their experience that the Indians who lead that sort of life have no inclination to follow the Christian life, and that they give much trouble to the ministers of God who instruct them. Despite that, it is to the friars and to the alcaldes that these Indians sell their gold.”—Eds. [↑]
[9] In his “Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon,” Worcester calls attention to the various indefinite modes of using the word “tribe,” among ethnological writers, and proposes (p. 803) the following definition as a means of securing clearness and accuracy therein: “A division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and distinguished from their congeners by, physical characteristics, dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form; peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufactures; practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms used in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs; but not constituting a political unit subject to the control of any single individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect.” He adds: “Where different dialects prevail among the members of a single tribe it should be subdivided into dialect groups.” He also says (p. 798): “It was the usage of the Spaniards to designate as a tribe each group of people which had a dialect, more or less peculiar, of its own. Furthermore, the custom which is widespread among the hill people of northern Luzon of shouting out the name of a settlement when they desire to call for one or more persons belonging to it, seems in many instances to have led the Spaniards to adopt settlement names as tribal ones, even when there were no differences of dialect between the peoples thus designated.”—Eds. [↑]
[10] The fullest and most authoritative account of the Negritos is, of course, the monograph by W. A. Reed, The Negritos of Zambales, published by the Philippine Ethnological Survey. See also Worcester’s account of them in his “Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon,” in Philippine Journal of Science, October, 1906, pp. 805 et seq.—Eds. [↑]
[11] See Le Gentil, Voyage aux Indes. [↑]
[12] Is not this, or something resembling it, a custom of the natives of Australasia? [↑]
[13] See Herrera and Ant. de Solis, Hist. of Mexico. [↑]
[14] The negro of the east appears to have amalgamated with some other family. On the south coasts of Australasia, they resemble in many points the people just described. This continues to be the case as far as Cape Capricorn. To the northward of this, as far as Murray’s Islands in Torres Straits, they are a stout, tall, athletic race of men,[15] and as hairy on the face and body as Europeans, with long hair, and without the negro cast of countenance. This race may be traced by intervals to Ternate, Gilolo, &c., where they are called Harraforas;[16] but none are found in the Phillippines (unless the Ylocos have some relationship to them). Is not the native of New Ireland and Queen Charlotte’s Islands too of this race?[17] The difference between them is most striking. The one are dwarfish negroes, the others almost black Europeans. Both are essentially different from the Malay family, and not only so, but from each other (the native of Amboyna, I think, forms the link between them) and this difference is apparently anatomical, in the shape of the skull, facial angles, &c.
We are as yet in the infancy of our knowledge of the origin of these various families of the human race: like that of languages, it will in all probability remain one more of conjecture than of fact; but it is still a subject of deep interest. I have heard from respectable authority, that the language of Cagayan, the most northern province but one of the island of Luzon, the men of which are tail, stout, olive-coloured, almost beardless, and proverbial for their mildness, peaceable behaviour, and fidelity, so much resembles that of the Sandwich islanders, that some of these at Manila found no difficulty in making the Cagayan servants understand them! The province of Ylocos is the next to this to the north, and forms the north coast of the island. The Ylocos are black, short-bearded men, and noted for their insubordination and dissipated character. [↑]
[15] The writer of this memoir has, on the coast of New Holland, between Cape Capricorn and Endeavour Straits, had occasion to know this fact. A party of these savages attacked the captain and supercargo of a vessel in which he was an officer, and they were repulsed only by firearms. The account of them given by the supercargo, and indeed by all the party attacked, uniformly agreed in describing them as the finest made and strongest looking men possible. Their bodies were also very hairy. [↑]
[16] The term “Haraforas” is applied to the Subanos of Mindanao by Captain Forrest; from his Voyage, pp. 266, 268, 271, 273, 278–282, we obtain the following interesting and first-hand information about that people:
“The vassals of the Sultan, and of others, who possess great estates, are called Kanakan. Those vassals are sometimes Mahometans, though mostly Haraforas [“who are also called Subanos, or Oran Manubo,” p. 186]. The latter only may be sold with the lands, but cannot be sold off the lands. The Haraforas are more opprest than the former. The Mahometan vassals are bound to accompany their lords, on any sudden expedition; but the Haraforas being in a great measure excused from such attendance, pay yearly certain taxes, which are not expected from the Mahometan vassals. They pay a boiss, or land tax. A Harafora family pays ten battels of paly (rough rice) forty lb. each; three of rice, about sixty lb.; one fowl, one bunch of plantains, thirty roots, called clody, or St. Helena yam, and fifty heads of Indian corn. I give this as one instance of the utmost that is ever paid. Then they must sell fifty battels of paly, equal to two thousand pound weight, for one kangan. So at Dory, or New Guinea, one prong, value half a dollar, or one kangan, given to a Harafora, lays a perpetual tax on him. Those vassals at Magindano have what land they please; and the Mahometans on the sea coast, whether free or kanakan, live mostly by trading with the Haraforas, while their own gardens produce them betel nuts, coco nuts, and greens. They seldom grow any rice, and they discourage as far as they can, the Haraforas from going to Mindano, to sell the produce of their plantations. On the banks of the Pelangy and Tamantakka, the Mahometans grow much rice. The boiss is not always collected in fruits of the earth only. A tax-gatherer, who arrived at Coto Intang, when I was there, gave me the following list of what he had brought from some of Rajah Moodo’s crown lands, being levied on perhaps five hundred families. 2870 battels of paly, of forty lb. each; 490 Spanish dollars; 160 kangans; 6 tayls of gold, equal to 30 l [sterling]; 160 Malons: a cloth made of the plantain tree, three yards long, and one broad. This last mentioned cloth is the usual wear of the country women, made in the form of a Bengal lungy, or Buggess [i.e., Bugis] cloth, being a wide sack without a bottom; and is often used as a currency in the market. The currency in most parts of the country, is the Chinese kangan, coarse cloth, thinly woven, nineteen inches broad, and six yards long; the value at Sooloo is ten dollars for a bundle of twenty-five sealed up; and at Magindano much the same; but at Magindano dollars are scarce. These bundles are called gandangs, rolled up in a cylindrical form. They have also, as a currency, kousongs, a kind of nankeen, dyed black; and kompow, a strong white Chinese linen, made of flax; of which more particularly hereafter. The kangans generally come from Sooloo; so they are got at second hand: for the Spaniards have long hindered Chinese junks, bound from Amoy to Magindano, to pass Samboangan. This is the cause of so little trade at Magindano, no vessels sailing from Indostan thither; and the little trade is confined to a few country Chinese, called Oran Sangly, and a few Soolooans who come hither to buy rice and paly, bringing with them Chinese articles: for the crop of rice at Sooloo can never be depended on. In the bazar, or market, the immediate currency is paly. Ten gantangs of about four pounds each, make a battel; and three battels (a cylindrical measure, thirteen inches and five-tenths high; the same in diameter) about one hundred and twenty pounds of paly, are commonly sold for a kangan. Talking of the value of things here, and at Sooloo, they say, such a house or prow, &c., is worth so many slaves; the old valuation being one slave for thirty kangans. They also specify in their bargains, whether is meant matto (eye) kangan, real kangan, or nominal kangan. The dealing in the nominal, or imaginary kangan, is an ideal barter. When one deals for the real kangans, they must be examined; and the gandangs, or bundles of twenty-five pieces, are not to be trusted, as the dealers will often forge a seal, having first packed up damaged kangans. In this the Chinese here, and at Sooloo, are very expert. The China cash at Magindano, named pousin, have holes as in China. I found them scarce; their price is from one hundred and sixty to one hundred and eighty for a kangan. At Sooloo is coined a cash of base copper, called petis, of which two hundred, down to one hundred and seventy, go for a kangan.”
“On Sooloo are no Haraforas. The Haraforas on Magindano make a strong cloth, not of cotton, but of a kind of flax, very like what the Batta people wear on the coast of Sumatra.” “One day near Tubuan, a Harafora brought down some paddy from the country: I wanted to purchase it; but the head man of the village, a Magindanoer, would not permit him to sell it me. I did not dispute the point; but found afterwards, the poor Harafora had sold about three hundred pounds of paly for a prong, or chopping knife.” “They all seem to be slaves to the Magindano people: for these take what they please, fowls or anything in the house they like best; and if the owners seem angry, threaten to tie them up, and flog them.” “The inhabitants of this country [of the Illanos] have generally their name from the lake [i.e., Lake Lanao] on which they reside. The inlanders dwell chiefly towards the East, where are said to be thirty thousand men, intermixed in many places with the Haraforas, who seem to be the primitives of the island. On the north coast of Magindano, the Spaniards have had great success, in converting to Christianity those Haraforas. Their agreeing in one essential point, the eating of hog’s flesh, may, in a great measure, have paved the way.”
“The Magindano people sell to the Haraforas iron chopping knives, called prongs, cloth, salt, &c., for their rice and other fruits of the earth. For the Haraforas dread going to sea, else they could carry the produce of their lands to a better market. They are much imposed on, and kept under by their Mahometan lords; and are all tributary to the Sultan, or to some Rajah Rajah (noblemen) under him. Their system proves thus the feudal.” “The Haraforas are thinly scattered; and, being all tributary, many together seldom stay long at one place. This cannot be for want of water, pasture, or fertile ground; as with the Tartars on the continent of Asia. On this island, almost every spot is covered either with timber, brushwood, reeds, or grass; and streams are found every where in abundance. Nor can it be to avoid wild beasts; there are none on the island: a good cause why deer, wild horses and other wild cattle are found in so many parts of it. I suspect that the Haraforas are often so opprest that some have wisely got inland, beyond the tax-gatherer’s ken.”
Evidently Forrest and the writer of the Remarks had in mind two different peoples, to whom they applied the term Haraforas. Crawfurd explains this name (Dictionary Ind. Islands, p. 10) as a corruption of Alforas; it is “not a native word at all, nor is it the generic name of any people whatsoever. It is a word of the Portuguese language, apparently derived from the Arabic article al, and the preposition fora, ‘without.’ The Indian Portuguese applied it to all people beyond their own authority, or who were not subdued by them, and consequently to the wild races of the interior. It would seem to be equivalent to the ‘Indios bravos’ of the Spaniards, as applied to the wild and unconquered tribes of America and the Philippines.”—Eds. [↑]
[17] And that groupe to which Quiros, Mendana, or Torres gave the name of “Yslas de Gente Hermosa”? [Still thus named on modern charts; see Voyages of Quiros (Hakluyt Society’s publications, London, 1904), pp. xxiv, 217, 424, 431.—Eds. [↑]
[18] Our author here confuses the Spanish name “Pintados” (literally, “painted,” referring to their tattooed bodies) with the native name, “Bisayas,” both being indifferently applied to the islands south of Luzon.—Eds. [↑]
[19] See Sir William Draper’s dispatches at the siege of Manila. [↑]
[20] Was it not by this system (the mita) that the mines and plantations of Mexico were wrought? and Mexico,—that Mexico which the Spaniards of Cortes in the 15th century called New Spain,—became nearly a desert? [↑]
[21] A higher and purer praise is due to this gentleman than having written the work alluded to: it is that he acted on its spirit, and first taught the “red man” to know himself as man, and (a far more arduous undertaking), he taught the white man that his prosperity was essentially connected with that of the native. The country in which the foundations of our power were laid on such a basis, should not have been given away like a ministerial snuff-box.[22] [↑]
[22] Java was conquered by England in 1811, but was restored to Holland five years later. During that time the island was governed by Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (1781–1826), who published a History of Java (London, 1817); he was afterward governor of the English settlements in Sumatra (1818–24), in both these posts ruling with great ability and vigor and an enlightened and liberal mind. Gilbert Elliot, Baron Minto, a noted English statesman, was governor-general of India during 1807–13, and went with Raffles to Java to organize its government.—Eds. [↑]
[23] See Descripcion Geografica y Topografica de la Ysla de Luzon, Por Don Yldefonso de Arragon, Parte IV. Prov. de la Pampanga, p. 3, 5, &c. The author is a colonel of engineers. [In 1818–20, he was chief of the topographical bureau at Manila.—Eds.] [↑]
[25] “Estos (Pueblos) aunque immediatos a las orillas de la mar, estén libres de las invasiones de los Moros; la espesura de las Manglares occulta y hace dificil la entrada, &c.”
“These (towns), though close to the sea shore, are free from the invasions of the Moors (pirates); the thickness of the mangroves conceal and render the entrances difficult.” The writer is speaking of towns, of which none are more than 20 miles from Manila!— Descripcion Geog. y Topograf. [↑]
[26] The writer was once obliged to arm all his servants against 16 soldiers with their muskets from a neighboring military post. The two parties remained some minutes with their arms levelled at each other, when a parley was begun, which ended the affair without bloodshed. The origin of the quarrel was a dispute at cockfighting between his servants and the soldiers. [↑]
[27] Such are, for example, Nuestra Señora de Antipolo, about 20 miles east of Manila, and the Santo Niño (Holy Child) of Zebû: to both of these it is reckoned almost indispensable to make a pilgrimage: the natives of Luzon to the first, which is about 25 miles from Manila; and those of all the Bisayas or Southern Islands to the other. From Antipolo[28] alone have been sent in a single year 180,000 dollars as the produce of the masses! And the writer has conversed with pilgrims from the province of Ylocos! In all cases of peril and difficulty, a vow is made to one of these saints, which is seldom left unfulfilled. The crew of a small vessel of men offered 54 dollars for masses at the convent of St. Augustin (I think), on the day of the feast del Santo Niño. [↑]
[28] For detailed account of the shrine at Antipolo, its worship, miracles, etc., see Murillo Velarde’s Hist. de Philipinas, fol. 210v–229v; and in the engraved frontispiece to that work may be seen a representation of the statue of the Virgin of Antipolo (see our VOL. XLIV, opposite titlepage).—Eds. [↑]
[29] This word is defined by the Standard Dictionary (New York, 1895) as a Scottish slang word meaning “unlawful sexual intercourse.” It is apparently allied to the obsolete Northumbrian word “houghen-moughen,” meaning “greedy, ravenous”—see Wright’s English Dialect Dictionary, iii (London, 1902), p. 247.—Eds. [↑]
[30] Nothing has stamped the character of the Manila Indian with greater atrocity in the eyes of Englishmen, than their frequent appeals to assassination (the knife) in cases of supposed or actual wrongs. How long is it since dirks were laid aside, because useless, in Scotland? When men cannot appeal immediately to a magistrate, they appeal to themselves. Duels too are another kind of appeals of the same sort. [↑]
[31] “At Manila, therefore, a doctor [of law] is a species of phenomenon, and many years pass without one of them being seen; in two universities there is no doctor, while in 1767 there was but one competitor for the doctoral of the cathedral. Yet it must be noted that this competitor was a Mexican, and was not born in Manila. Of what use, therefore, are two universities in this city? Would not a single one be more than enough? One who knows Latin is greatly esteemed in Manila, because that language is not common there, in spite of the two universities which I have just mentioned; what is learned in those institutions is very poor, and is only imperfectly understood. When I arrived there, a great many persons asked me if I knew Latin, and when I answered that I knew a little of it they apparently had after that more respect for me. All the ancient prejudices of the schools seem to have abandoned us of Europe only to take refuge at Manila, where certainly they have long remained, for the ancient doctrine is there in too good hands to give place to sound ideas of physics. Don Feliciano Marqués often honestly confessed to me that in Spain they were a hundred years behind France, in the sciences; and that at Manila they were a hundred years behind Spain. One can judge, by that, of the present state of physics at Manila, in the midst of two universities. In that city electricity is known only by name, and the Holy Office of the Inquisition has prohibited experiments in that line. I knew there a Frenchman, a surgeon by profession, a man of parts and of inquiring mind, who was threatened with the Inquisition for having tried to make such experiments; but I think that what really drew upon him this ill-fortune was the experiment of the “little friar.” [This simple experiment in physics was made with a little figure resembling a friar; it had never before been seen in Manila, and everybody ran to look at it and laugh.] “This experiment of the surgeon, who made his little friar dance, and sometimes sink to the bottom of the vial by way of correcting him, drew upon him the displeasure of the entire body of religious with whom Manila swarms; there was talk of the Holy Office, and it was said that the surgeon’s experiment was a case for the Inquisition. The surgeon, therefore—whose only intention in the experiment was to vex the friars who had prevented him from making his experiments in electricity—was compelled to cease his pleasantry, and Manila had to express its detestation of the pleasure that it had taken in seeing the experiment.” [The author was visited by many people at his observatory, who desired to see the sun and the planets through his telescope;] “the women were even more curious than the men about the rare things which I showed them, and which I took pleasure in explaining to them; but not a single religious came to visit my observatory.” (Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, pp. 96, 97.)—Eds. [↑]
[32] See El Yndio Agraciado (The aggrieved Indian), a pamphlet published at Manila in 1821, but suppressed by order of government.[33] [↑]
[33] Pardo de Tavera says of this pamphlet, in his Biblioteca Filipina, p. 146: “It attacks one Don M. G., a Philippine Spaniard, who was allowed to propose a plan of studies which was not much to the liking of the Filipino Indians. As appears by the title of this pamphlet, there existed in Manila at that time a publication (probably weekly) called El noticioso Filipino. [See also Tavera’s account of this sheet, at foot of the same page, which he regards as the first periodical which appeared in Manila]. Doubtless the former was the doing of some friar, who took the name of ‘Indian’ in order to express himself more freely.”—Eds. [↑]
[34] This distinction should never be lost sight of. The Indian of Manila, from whom strangers generally form their estimate of this people, is so mixed, that a genuine Indian (Malay) family is scarcely to be met with; they are a mixture of Indian, Chinese, Japanese, Mexican (from the troops), seamen of different nations, and Spaniards besides, “Toutes les Capitales se ressemblent, et çe n’est pas d’eux qu’il faut juger les mœurs d’un peuple quelconque.”[35]—Rousseau. Let it never be forgotten, too, that while the Indians of Manila, on the 9th of October, 1820, were assassinating every foreigner within their reach, the Indians of the country were saving those in their power at the hazard of their lives! [↑]
[35] That is, “All capital cities are alike, and it is not by them that the morals of any people should be judged.”—Eds. [↑]
[36] The following statements regarding the native character are made by Ramon Reyes Lala (The Philippine Islands, New York, 1899, pp. 80–87), himself a Filipino: “The first thing that in the native character impresses the traveler is his impassive demeanor and imperturbable bearing. He is a born stoic, a fatalist by nature. This accounts for his coolness in moments of danger, and his intrepid bearing against overwhelming odds. This feature of the Malay character has often been displayed in the conflicts of the race with the Europeans in the East Indies. Under competent leadership the native, though strongly averse to discipline, can be made a splendid soldier. As sailors, too, I do not believe they can be equaled.” “As a result of the stoicism of the native character, he never bewails a misfortune, and has no fear of death.” “Europeans often seem to notice in them what they deem a lack of sympathy for the misfortunes of others; but it is not this so much as resignation to the inevitable.” “The educated native, however, impregnated with the bitter philosophy of the civilized world, is by no means so imperturbable. While more keenly alive to the sufferings of others, he is also more sensitive to his own sorrows.” “Incomprehensible inconsistencies obtain in nearly every native. Students of character may, therefore, study the Filipinos for years, and yet, at last, have no definite impression of their mental or moral status. Of course, those living in the cities are less baffling to the physiognomist and the ethnologist; for endemic peculiarities have been so rubbed off or modified that the racial traits are not obvious. But observe the natives, in their primitive abodes, where civilizing forces have not penetrated! You will then be amazed at the extraordinary mingling and clashing of antithetical characteristics in one and the same person; uncertain as to whether the good or the bad may be manifested. Like the wind, the mood comes and goes, and no one can tell why. I myself, with all the inherited feelings, tastes, and tendencies of my countrymen—modified and transmuted [by his education and long residence in Europe and America], happily—have stood aghast or amused at some hitherto unknown characteristic manifesting itself in an intimate acquaintance; and after I had been for years, too, wholly ignorant of his being so possessed or obsessed. And after that, the same mental or moral squint would be displayed at irregular intervals.” “His indolence is the result of generations of tropical ancestors. Besides, deprived by the Spaniards from all active participation in affairs of the Government, and robbed of the fruits of industry, all incentive to advancement and progress was taken away. He therefore yields with composure to the crushing conditions of his environment, preferring the lazy joys of indolence rather than labor for the benefit of his oppressors. Naturally. Recent events, however, show that, given the stimulant of hope, even the ‘indolent natives’ of the Philippines can achieve and nobly dare. Some Spaniards also have asserted that the Filipinos are naturally disloyal and treacherous, and that their word is not to be depended on. Now, the whole world knows that they have every reason to be disloyal to the Spaniard, who has for centuries so cruelly oppressed them. The devotion to the cause of freedom, however, which has recently made Rizal and hundreds of others martyrs to Spanish cruelty, shows that they also have the stuff that heroes are made of, and that they ran be loyal to an animating principle.” “Though calm, the native is not secretive, but often loquacious. He is naturally curious and inquisitive, but always polite, and respectful withal—especially to his superiors. He is passionate, and, in common with all half-civilized races, is cruel to his foes. The quality of mercy, like the sentiment—as distinguished from the passion—of love, is perhaps more the product of the philosophy of civilization than a natural attribute of the human heart.” “All travelers unite in attributing to the natives extreme family affection. They are very fond of their children; who, as a rule, are respectful and well-behaved. The noisy little hoodlums of European and American cities are utterly unknown. The old are tenderly cared for, and venerated; while in almost every well-to-do household are one or two poor relatives who, while mere hangers-on, are nevertheless made welcome to the table of their host. Indeed, the hospitality of the Filipinos is proverbial. A guest is always welcome, and welcome to the best. As a rule, the people are superstitious and very credulous; but how could they be otherwise? For three hundred years they have been denied even the liberty of investigation; when no light, save the dim glimmer of priestcraft pierced the utter darkness of their lot. Those that have been educated, however, have proved apt converts—only too apt, say the priests and the Spaniards—to the conclusions of science and of modern research. The native is rarely humorous, and seldom witty. He is not easily moved to anger, and when angry does not often show it. When he does, like the Malay of Java, he is prone to lose all control of himself, and, with destructive energy, slays all in his path. This is infrequent, however, but is a contingency that may occur at any time. If a native has been unjustly punished, he will never forget it, and will treasure the memory of his wrong until a good opportunity for revenge presents itself. Like all courageous people, he despises cowardice and pusillanimity. He has, therefore, but little regard for the meek and humble Chinaman, who will pocket an insult rather than avenge himself. He greatly esteems the European, who is possessed of the qualities which he admires, and will follow him into the very jaws of death. He is easily awed by a demonstration of superior force, and is ruled best by mild but firm coercion, based upon justice. He is not often ambitious, save socially, and to make some display, being fond of ceremony and of the pomp and glitter of a procession. He is sober, patient, and always clean. This can be said of few peoples. He easily adjusts himself to new conditions, and will soon make the best of their surroundings. As servants they are honest, obedient, and will do as they are told. It must be said that they enjoy litigation more than is good for them or for the best interests of the colony. There must be some psychological reason for this. It doubtless gives some play to the subtlety of the Oriental mind. It is said that he lacks the sense of initiative, and to some extent this may be true. The recent conduct of Aguinaldo—a full-blooded native—proves, notwithstanding, that he is not wholly deficient in aggressiveness nor in organizing power.”
Lala adds (pp. 157, 158): “I have talked with many rude, untutored natives that, frankly, astonished me with the unwitting revelation of latent poetry, love of imagery, and spiritual longings in their nature.”—Eds. [↑]
[37] Such is, although in somewhat varying degree, the condition of half-caste classes everywhere. A vivid picture of their condition in India, which may illustrate that of the mestizos in Filipinas, is found in a book entitled That Eurasian (Chicago, 1905), by “Aleph Bey,” the pseudonym of an American writer who had spent many years in India; he depicts, in terms both vigorous and pathetic, the origin, difficulties, and degraded condition of the Eurasians (or half-castes) there, and the oppression and cruel treatment which they encounter from the dominant white class.—Eds. [↑]
[38] “To be born in Spain was enough to secure one marked tokens of respect; but this advantage was not transmitted. The children who first saw the light in that other world no longer bear the name of chapetons, which honored their fathers; they become simply creóles.” (Raynal, Etablissemens et commerce des Européens, ii, p. 290.)—Eds. [↑]
[39] I am perhaps not quite correct here. [Mas states (Informe, ii, “Administration of Justice,” p. 1), that the limit for civil suits was 100 pesos fuertes.—Eds.] [↑]
[40] It will be understood that these sureties have their share in the advantages, that is plunder, which the Alcalde derives from the government. This often amounts to 20, 30, or even 50,000 dollars in three or four years—though at the time of their leaving Manila, they are in debt to a large amount. It is but just to observe, that there are some few honorable exceptions. [↑]
[41] This is a typographical error; the reference to Comyn work is on p. 13 of Remarks.—Eds. [↑]
[42] Even from Spanish writers: see Zuniga’s History, Morillo [i.e., Murillo Velarde], and others. Le Gentil (who names his informants, men of the first respectability), La Peyrouse, &c. Many public papers of the government bear witness to these abuses.
“El Alcalde de aqui Señor! (said an old Indian to the writer at Zebú), le quitará los dientes de la boca a S. Md.” “The Alcaldé here, Sir!—He’ll take the teeth out of your worship’s mouth.” This was not too strong an expression. [↑]
[43] They are well aware of the extent of their influence, and even at times speak of it. “Si aqui manda su tropa el Rey, se vayan los Indios al monte, pero si yo cerro las puertas de la Iglesia los tengo todos a mis pies en veinte quatro horas.” “If the king sends troops here, the Indians will retire to the mountains and forests. But if I shut the church doors, I shall have them all at my feet in twenty-four hours,” was the remark of an intelligent “frayle” to the writer. [↑]
[44] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, p. 2): “Every order of religious has, then, taken possession of these provinces, which they have, so to say, shared among themselves. In some sort, they command therein, and they are more kings than the king himself. They have been so shrewd as to learn the dialects of the various peoples among whom they reside, and not to teach the Castilian language to them; thus the religious are absolute masters over the minds of the Indians in these islands.”—Eds. [↑]
[45] Those who can see only inquisitors in Catholic bishops will be a little incredulous of one of them checking an attempt to convert a Protestant! This happened to the writer, who found himself one evening seated between an Indian clerigo and the bishop of Zebû, an aged and most worthy prelate. The Indian father, to show his zeal for the faith, attacked me on the subject of religion with the usual arguments of ignorant friars, till I was on the point of quitting the room to avoid answering. “My son,” said the old prelate to the Indian—“we are here to convert the Indians, not to annoy the strangers who may visit us. I will send this gentleman some books, and I doubt not they will duly prepare his mind to see the errors of the Protestant church, and then we may hope for success with him!” [↑]
[46] “Yo hé llorado de ansias de ver à un Europeo!” “How often has the desire of seeing an European made me weep!” was the pathetic remark of a most worthy minister to the writer of these remarks.—This man had been 27 years on one small island! [↑]
[47] “Insanity is the fashionable disease [at Manila], and a great many persons are attacked by it; but it prevails more generally among the women and the religious—the latter most of all, and they are very subject to it. The life which they lead contributes greatly to this: to be always shut up, in a climate so hot, eating scanty and poor food, and much given to study; perhaps also there is some grief at finding themselves banished and shut in so far away [from Spain]. All these causes make the brain grow hot, and madness follows. Nearly all the religious who go to the Philippines arrive there while young …. As for the women, their natural infirmity may, at a certain age, conduce to insanity, with which a great many are stricken.” (Le Gentil, Voyage, ii, pp. 130, 131.)—Eds. [↑]
[48] They have already conducted them to scenes of the last indecency and even bloodshed. See Martini’s Hist.
The Inquisition has been but little felt in the Philippines of late years. A tribunal existed, but it was merely nominal, and held only “in terrorem.” It was not wanted as a political engine; and as a religious one, there was little use for it amongst a people who will believe any thing and every thing. The Grand Inquisitor, during the last 25 years, is a man universally beloved!—the Padre Coro. [↑]
[49] This is, according to Montero y Vidal (Archipiélago filipino, p. 72), the name applied by Linnæus to the Caryota onusta of Blanco, generally called cabonegro by the Spaniards (see VOL. XVIII, p. 177); but the list of fiber plants in Official Handbook of Philippines applies to that tree (p. 332) the name Caryota urens L. The natives also make various sorts of wine and brandy from the sap of the cocoanut palm (Cocos nucifera); see Delgado’s Historia general, pp. 645–648, 664.—Eds. [↑]
[50] There is an instance (I think in the province of Pampanga) of a negro tribe, who annually pay their tribute—but upon the express condition that no missionaries are to be sent! [↑]
[51] “Bulas.” Surely this most absurd of all impositions on the credulity of a people, should be abolished, or at least imposed in a less objectionable manner. The “Bula de Cruzada” (originally a contribution to the wars against the Infidels), for which is granted permission to eat meat and eggs in Lent, or benefits to the souls in purgatory (“Bula de Difuntos”), from the Pope is an article of revenue to the king of Spain. His Most Catholic Majesty farms it to one of his subjects, who rather than lose a rial of his bargain, will sell them to Chinese, Turks, or Hindoos, if they are fools enough to buy them, as the Chinese have been known to do for the souls of their ancestors!—Quere: What has become of the original intention of these precious documents? of which a modern Spanish author has remarked, “Que es el papel mas caro y mas malo que se vende.” It is the worst and dearest paper that is sold, (Gallardo Dicc. Critico Burlesco). It is, however, an indispensable condition to the performance of many of the offices of religion to have the last published bull. See Manila Almanack. [↑]
[52] In 1810, the total of receipts was 1,466,610 dollars. [↑]
[53] Such assertions demand some evidence in support of them. A very recent case has occurred, wherein the colonel of a militia regiment (of Chinese descent), having some dispute with a French gentleman, and high words taking place, called up the guard stationed at his door, it is supposed to flog him! The French gentleman having procured some weapon, kept the whole guard at bay, together with their gallant colonel. Muskets were levelled at him, and he probably would have been assassinated, but for the interference of some of the family, and his own firmness! Complaint was made of this, but no notice was taken of it, nor was the gallant colonel’s conduct thought at all incorrect. On the contrary it was very generally applauded! [↑]
[54] Large boats undecked, pulling from 20 to 30 oars; they carry a four or six pounder and five or six swivels; they are fine boats and sail fast. The gun-boats carry a long 24 or 32 pounder, and six or eight swivels; and including marines, carry from 80 to 100 men. [↑]
[55] For recent information on this subject, see chapter on agriculture (revised by Frank Lamson-Scribner, chief of Bureau of Agriculture), in Official Handbook of Philippines, pp. 99–126; and Census of Philippines, iv, pp. 11–394, with full description of chief products of the islands, methods of cultivation, lists of fruits, vegetables, and fiber plants, and detailed statistics of production, lands, etc., as well as of domestic animals of all kinds.—Eds. [↑]
[56] The fish principally caught is one called Dalag (Blennius?)[57] This fish, common I believe to many parts of India, presents some phenomena well worth the attention of naturalists. In these extensive plains, only a few pools remain in the dry season; and after the rains, such multitudes of them are found, that they are caught with baskets only. They weigh from one to two pounds, and are from one to two feet in length; they are found in the rice fields, when these have been overflowed a few weeks, and strange to relate, in the graves and vaults of churches when in damp situations, but with little or no water near them; this fact is related on respectable authority. The fish, though not delicate, is good, and forms a valuable article of food for the poor. [↑]
[57] Montero y Vidal mentions this fish (Archipiélago filipino, p. 107), as belonging to the genus Ophicephalus; it is “abundant in the rivers, lakes, and pools.” See also Official Handbook of Philippines, pp. 151, 152.—Eds. [↑]
[58] They, very unaccountably, neglected any steps to procure the martin from Bengal or Cochin China.[59] This might, however, have arisen from an idea that, as in the Isle of France, the martins might have become as great a nuisance as the locusts; but surely the introduction of some species of hawk would have obviated this. [↑]
[59] Montero y Vidal says (Archipiélago filipino, p. 113) that the family of Orthoptera, “leaf-eaters in their adult stage, are the most fearful scourge for agriculture,” perhaps the worst of these plagues being the locust (Oedipoda manilensis; Spanish, langosta); “the Indians use great nets to catch them, because not only the government pays a bounty for a certain quantity of these destructive insects which the natives may present, but they preserve the insects and use them for food.” He also states (p. 96) that a species of grackle (Gracula) was imported from China (in the Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 294, he mentions in the same connection martins [pájaros martines]) to exterminate this pest; but does not mention the time or the result of this experiment.—Eds. [↑]
[60] See VOL. XLVIII, p. 96, note 37.—Eds. [↑]
[61] This is the Viverra Musanga.[62] See Horsfield’s Zoology of Java. [↑]
[62] Montero y Vidal states (Archipiélago filipino, pp. 86, 87) that two species of carnivores, Paradoxurus philippinensis and P. musanga, are dreaded by the coffee-planters; these creatures “spend the day in holes dug in the ground, and go out at night to hunt their game.” He mentions, besides these, two species of civets, both of the genus Viverra. Delgado says (p. 875) that he has never seen the miró (Paradoxurus) except in the island of Leyte.—Eds. [↑]
[63] Eight rials are a Spanish dollar. [↑]
[64] The following are the common land measures in use at Manila:
La Brasa de tierra is 8 feet 1.6–10 English, (from a new government measure); 10,000 of these, or a square of 100 each way, is a Quinion.
| 10 Balitans | is a Quinion |
| 10 Loanes | is a Balitan |
Hence the Quinion contains 661511 16–144ths sq. ft. or 73501 2–9ths sq. yds.,[65] which, taking the Bengal bigha at 14400 sq. ft., gives about 46 bigahs, or 15 acres English.
Their dry measure is as follows:
8 Chupas, 1 Ganta.—25 Gantas, 1 Caban.
I could not procure a sight of the standard. A mean measurement of several new Gantas and Cabans (for they are all clumsily made, though sold at a government office) gave as follows:
The Caban, 4633 cubic inches English.
The Ganta, 186,878 ditto.
The mean of these two (for the first would give 185.72 to the Ganta) is thus about 186 cub. inches to a Ganta, and 4650 to the Caban, or 2 bushels and 1–6th Winchester measure.[66] [↑]
[65] The quiñón = 2.79495 hectares = 6.89 acres. (Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 294; Jagor’s Reisen, p. xv.) Jagor has balístas for balitans, and Mallat has baletas.—Eds. [↑]
[66] Since January 1, 1862, the caban of Manila (established January 1, 1860) is regarded as the standard measure for all the provinces. It measures exactly 75 liters, or, in cubical form, 422 mm., inside measure, or 5,990.96 Spanish cubic inches. (The caban of 1859 contained 80.00919 liters.) A caban of rice weighs 128 to 137 Spanish pounds = 59 to 63 kilograms.” (Jagor’s Reisen, p. xv.)—Eds. [↑]
[67] The table here referred to is as follows:
“Estimate of the cost and annual product of one cabalita of land planted with sugar-cane in the province of Pampanga; to wit:
| p. | r. | gr. | |
| For plowing the said land 6 times | 1 | 4 | |
| For breaking the clumps with the balsa 3 times | 6 | ||
| For the surrounding fence and rattan 3 p. 5 r., and three days’ work 3 r. 9 gr. | 4 | 9 | |
| For 4,000 cane-shoots for planting, 1 p.; tracing the lines and making the holes, 5 r.; two days’ work at planting, 2 r. 6 gr. | 1 | 7 | 6 |
| For fencing twice more, and cutting out the grass | 6 | ||
| For 14 moulds, at 1½ r. | 2 | 5 | |
| For 1½ tareas [= amount of mill’s capacity at one time], each of 14 loaves [pilones] of sugar, the amount usually obtained, at 8 p. a tarea | 12 | ||
| Total cost | 23 | 5 | 3 |
| Selling price of a loaf of sugar, averaging those of the three grades | 2 | 6 | 6 |
| Deduct cost of each loaf, at the rate of | 1 | 6 | 1 |
| Net product, equivalent to 90 per cent profit | 1 | 3 | 2” |
Comyn gives similar tables for the production of indigo and rice, estimating the net profit thereon at 57 and 60 per cent respectively. He adds, on the margin of the sheet: “In favorable years the profit of the grower is wont to increase in an extraordinary manner. The 4,000 shoots of sugar-cane, for instance, yield him 3 tareas, or 28 loaves of sugar, in place of the 14 loaves which were figured in the comparative estimate preceding; the cavan of seed yields 80 and even 100 cavans of rice in the hull, in place of the 35 computed; and he obtains a quintal of indigo from 15, or even from 10, balsadas, instead of 25 being necessary for furnishing the said product. And if the grower is fairly well-to-do, so that he can send his produce to the general market, and sell it to the foreign merchants or ship-captains who come for these products, he can obtain incomparably more for them than by delivering them upon the ground to the middlemen. At Manila I have seen indigo from La Laguna sold at the rate of 130 pesos a quintal for extra fine grade, and at 100 pesos for the usual quality; sugar, at 4p. 5r. a loaf; and palay (or rice in the hull) at 3 pesos; but I have preferred to limit myself to a low rate in the selling price which I have assigned to the aforesaid products in the preceding estimates, in order to demonstrate more thoroughly the advantages which agriculture offers in Filipinas, and at the same time to conform to practical experience in the formation of estimates of this sort.” Cf. similar estimates by Mallat (Philippines, ii, pp. 256–281.—Eds. [↑]
[68] Pilones are large bell-shaped moulds, from 2 to 2½ feet high, and 1½ broad. [↑]
[69] Some of their voyages are most curious. One or more of the principal men in a village, sometimes 15 or 20 of them, join to build a small “parao.” On this they embark with their harvest in sugar, cacao, wax, &c., sell it at Manila, and return to their village; there the accounts are settled, and the return cargo distributed; after which a feast is held, and the Santo duly thanked for the good markets of this year, and asked for better next. All parties then visit the vessel, which they pull to pieces! every man carrying a piece home with him—to take care of till next season, when they are all sewed together for another trip. [↑]
[70] At the present time there are six varieties of sugar-cane in Filipinas; of these, the purple is considered the best, and is more generally cultivated in the Visayas; the white and the green are almost exclusively restricted to some provinces of Luzon and the rural districts near Manila; the other kinds are cultivated sparingly and in few places. The sugar manufactured in the islands is “made in pilones (which includes nearly all from Luzon), and the granulated, which is the kind that has been adopted in the Visayan islands and in some Luzon plantations.” The pilon weighs a quintal; the granulated is put up in sacks (known as bayones, containing two and a half arrobas of sugar. (José R. de Luzuriaga, in Census of Philippines, iv, pp. 26, 27).—Eds. [↑]
[71] These last, by a royal Cedula (ordonnance), are only admitted into the island as cultivators. This, like almost every ordonnance of His Catholic Majesty, relative to this country, is disregarded; and the Chinese are almost all shopkeepers, or petty merchants. Were an impartial account of the administration of these islands to be presented to the king of Spain, it might begin thus: “Sire,—Not one of your Majesty’s orders are executed in your kingdom of the Philippines.”[72] [↑]
[72] Cf. similar statements by Viana (letter to Carlos III) and Anda (Memorial), in VOL. L.—Eds. [↑]
[73] This case actually occurred to one of the most respectable military officers in the Spanish service, now a captain in the Queen’s Regiment, whose name is Don M—— de O——. This gentleman, a man of high spirit, and one of the few Spaniards in Manila who are an ornament to their profession, bearing the king’s commission, and in pursuit of the robbers, suddenly fell in with a noted chief of them, when accompanied only by a piquet of infantry. The robber knew him, and with a gallantry worthy of a better cause, defied him to single combat! With true chivalric spirit, the challenge was instantly accepted; and orders given to the piquet not to interfere on pain of their lives. A desperate conflict ensued, in which the gallant Spaniard was at length victorious, and the robber’s head was sent through the country in triumph. Shall the sequel be told? When he returned to Manila, with the blessing of every honest native for having cleared that part of the country of robbers, a subject of prosecution was found in this service by those numerous enemies which every honest man has in a country like this, and on some frivolous pretext of having (unavoidably) fired into a cottage, and killed or wounded some innocent persons. He could not stoop to flatter or bribe; and it was with the utmost difficulty, and rather by the exertions of his friends than by his own, that after suffering a long series of vexations, he was saved from ruin! [↑]
[74] Manufactured, I think, from the Urtica nevea of Linn.[75] [↑]
[75] See our VOL. XXII, p. 279. In regard to cultivation and preparation of abacá, see Jagor’s Reisen, pp. 245–256; Mallat, Philippines, pp. 279, 280; Census of Phil., iv, pp. 14–24.—Eds. [↑]
[76] Mimosa saponaria?[77] [↑]
[77] This plant (variously known to the natives as gogong, gogo, bayogo, and balogo) is a leguminous climbing plant, Entada scandens (Official Handbook of Philippines, pp. 367, 384). Blanco (Flora, pp. 247, 248) praises its detergent qualities, especially for bathing purposes, as even superior to the soap of Europe; and says that it is also used medicinally for asthma, and as a purgative, and that the Indians place dry pieces of its wood in their jars of cacao-beans to keep away worms. He states that it is also named Mimosa scandens by some writers.—Eds. [↑]
[78] Tíndalo is the native name of the Afzelia (or Eperua) rhomboidea, a leguminous tree highly valued for its durable and beautiful timber. Mangachapuy, Vatica (or Dipterocarpus) mangachapoi, furnishes a timber especially used for shipbuilding and other work which must resist sun and rain. (Official Handbook, pp. 352, 357; Blanco, Flora, pp. 260, 261, 281, 313.)—Eds. [↑]
[79] It is said by the Indians. [↑]
[80] Perhaps Boa hortulana?[81] [↑]
[81] See our VOL. XII, p. 259; and XXIX, p. 301. Dahon-palay is Dryimus nasutus (Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago filipino, pp. 103, 104). See also Official Handbook, p. 149; and Worcester’s Philippine Islands, p. 514.—Eds. [↑]
[82] Many years ago, a complete set of forging machinery was sent out on speculation; it was sold as old iron, for no one of course would speculate in mines, when they could with so much more ease obtain 100 per cent. for their capital in the trade to Acapulco. [↑]
[83] That is, “to reduce them to a desert, in order to assure her empire over them.”—Eds. [↑]
[84] “By a royal decree of February 2, 1800, the residence of foreigners in Filipinas was forbidden. This mandate was renewed by royal decrees of September 3, 1807, and July 31, 1816.” (Montero y Vidal, Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 360.)—Eds. [↑]
[85] Perhaps much of this may be traced to the avaricious spirit of the early adventurers, and to the cruelties of the Buccaneers; and thus what might have been only a local, became from habit a national principle; though “soy Cristiano viejo” [i.e., “I am an old-time Christian”], was always the surest passport amongst an intolerant people, with whom “filosofo” is yet an epithet of reproach. [↑]
[86] Something of this is more or less visible in the colonial policy of almost all countries; but that those have been the most flourishing who have acted on the broad and liberal principle of “Ubi dives, ibi patria” [i.e., “where wealth is, there is my country”] (a humiliating but correct estimate, not only of the bulk of colonial adventurers, but of mankind in general), will scarcely be questioned. The Havannah is a splendid example. In 1780, strangers were rigorously prohibited, or at least loaded with restrictions; an enormous smuggling trade was carried on, and the island did not pay its own expenses. In 1820, when the prohibitory system had been long annihilated, and strangers allowed free intercourse and establishment, its trade had increased a hundred-fold; and not only did it suffice for its own, much more expensive establishments; but, both directly and indirectly, contributed large sums to the mother country, though at the first epoch, the profits on colonial capital were at least 30 per cent. more than at the last. [↑]
[87] “We have been told, that we must not sit under the shade of our own vines and olives! that we must not pluck the fruits from the trees which our fathers have planted!—and why—lest the merchants of Cadiz should be deprived of their profits in supplying us with wine and oil.”—From a Chilian manifesto, published soon after the declaration of independence. [↑]
[88] A valuable study of “The Spanish colonial system” is furnished by the chapter under that heading in Wilhelm Roscher’s Kolonien, Kolonial-politik und Auswanderung (Leipzig, 1885), an English translation of which is published by Prof. E. G. Bourne (New York, 1904), with some additional annotations. See also “The colonial kingdom of Spain,” in Helmolt’s History of the World (New York, 1902), which is praised by Bourne as an excellent and scholarly study by Konrad Häbler; but unfortunately the American edition of that work does not name the author of the above section. Bourne also treats this subject in a chapter of his Spain in America (New York, 1904), pp. 220–242, and at pp. 355, 356, gives a helpful list of authorities thereon.—Eds. [↑]
[89] “Ecclesiastical foundations and obras pías were, it may be said, innumerable. From the richest city to the smallest village, from one extreme of the Peninsula to the other, and even to the farthest boundaries which the monarchy reached in the period of its greatest grandeur, the acts of Christian piety are seen in various foundations. These include not only hermitages, confraternities, memorials, charitable foundations, and chaplaincies,—which by themselves alone made a total of enormous wealth—but more pretentious establishments, as convents, cathedrals, parish churches, and colleges; and any person will be surprised at those which were supported by some towns which in their present condition are reduced in population and poor. Larruga in his memoirs states that Toledo had 25 parish churches and its cathedral, 39 convents, 14 hospitals, and four colleges, in all, 83 foundations. Salamanca had more; Cuenca had 31, Avila 31, Almagro 17, and so with the other cities of Castilla.” Among these pious gifts were “the exchanges of Barcelona, Sevilla, and Valencia, the colleges of Salamanca, that of Santa Cruz of Valladolid,” and many cathedrals and convents. (Arias y Miranda, Examen crítico-histórico, p. 139.)—Eds. [↑]
[90] At one of them (I believe that of Santa Clara), the sculls of the seven founders are placed on the table at which the trustees meet!—but this, it is said, does not exempt the funds from being misapplied. [↑]
[91] It was not uncommon for a person worth ten thousand dollars to borrow 40 more from the public funds. Of these about 25 or 30,000 were shipped, and the remainder kept at home. If the ship was lost, the accounts were settled; and if she came back, the interest was always repaid,—which of course entitled them to borrow again, till a fortunate loss made them independent. And where every body did this, no one thought it incorrect. [↑]
[92] It is not here meant to controvert the principle of this kind of commerce being at times the most lucrative that can be carried on; but to remark, that had it not been for the strange system of trading just described, the restrictive system, and the monopoly of the Phillippine Company, the activity and ingenuity of private traders would have discovered other branches of commerce, and with them, that their own produce might suffice to pay for the piece goods of Bengal. As an instance, the English and every other nation of Europe have for a century carried betel-nut to China, but from the Phillippines not a nut was exported—it was a royal monopoly! and the merchants and growers were thus deprived of about half a million of dollars annually, that the king might pocket 30,000. Many other instances might be cited. [↑]
[93] The boletas “long did duty as paper money, passing from hand to hand.” (Lala, Philippine Islands, p. 177.)—Eds. [↑]
[94] “Aunque a Mexico llevan diablos cornudos siempre ganan dinero” (Though they should carry horned devils to Mexico, they would make money by them), was the gruff observation of an old soldier to the writer. The trade could not have been better characterized; for the very topmen and cabin servants crammed their departments full of goods of all kinds; and it was a very common thing to heave to, to clear the decks in the Bay of Manila. The “Timoneles” (quarter-masters) had always servants! [↑]
[95] The revolt of Mexico from Spain began in 1810, but independence was not accomplished until 1821. The first constitution of the republic of Mexico was proclaimed on October 4, 1824.—Eds. [↑]
[96] A ship was dispatched from Manila in 1821, and another freighted: this last as an English ship; both were on account of the Company. [↑]
[97] The first constitution of Spain was promulgated on March 19, 1812, during the Napoleonic invasion of that country. Fernando VII had been displaced on the throne by Joseph Bonaparte for a time, but the latter fled from Madrid, at Wellington’s approach with an English army, and Fernando (who had been imprisoned in France since 1808) was restored to Spain as its king, returning in March, 1814. After long-continued struggles with the Liberal party, Fernando restored absolutism in that country in 1823, with the aid of a French army; and the Constitution was overthrown until after Fernando’s death in 1833.—Eds. [↑]
[98] To account for the enormous difference, it will be sufficient to observe, that the Acapulco ships alone smuggle from 1–4th to 1–3d of their cargo (treasure) on shore—that opium which is prohibited, is smuggled to a considerable amount, as is also treasure, particularly gold, to avoid paying the import duties. With respect to the exports, the Chinese alone smuggle nearly a million annually, and no notice is taken in the account of treasure exported to Bengal in bars. [↑]
[99] Comyn briefly sketches this domestic commerce (pp. 43–45), but in vague and indefinite terms, save for the following paragraph: “Besides the traffic founded on the ordinary consumption, and the necessity of being furnished with goods both domestic and foreign in order to supply the fairs known by the name of tianguis, which are held weekly in almost all the villages, there is also a species of traffic peculiar to the rich Indians and Sangley mestizos (who are an industrious class, and own the greater part of the ready money). This consists in buying up beforehand the harvests of indigo, sugar, rice, etc., with the aim of afterward dictating the prices when they resell those products to him who buys at second hand.”—Eds. [↑]
[100] Large, heavy swords, which some of them wield with great dexterity. [↑]
[101] They have some few brigs and schooners, but the number of these is not much more than 20. [↑]
[102] “The Hong merchants (Chinese) were twelve in number, licensed by government as intermediate agents in trade, between foreign merchants and the Chinese people, becoming responsible for the good conduct of the former, and, at the same time, securing to the Emperor the payment of all maritime duties.” (Allen, Opium Trade, p. 45.)—Eds. [↑]
[103] Dr. Nathan Allen, in a pamphlet entitled The Opium Trade (Lowell, Mass., 1853), presents a history of this traffic, describes its results in both China and India, and protests against its continuance. He states that opium, originally a native of Persia, spread thence into Turkey and India, being cultivated more extensively in the latter country than anywhere else in the world. In 1767 the British East India Company formed the plan of sending opium from Bengal to China, where but little of this drug had previously been sold; but they had little success in this until 1794, when they began a traffic which lasted some twenty-five years at the ports of Whampoa and Macao. In 1821, the opium merchants abandoned these places, on account of difficulties encountered in their trade, and centered it at Lintin Island, in the bay at the entrance to Canton River, where it rapidly increased. “Here might be seen large armed vessels reposing, throughout the year, at anchor, constituting a floating depot of storehouses, for receiving the opium in large quantities from the ships bringing it from India, and dealing it out in chests and cases to the Chinese junks, to be retailed at various points on shore. The Merope, Capt. Parkyns, in 1821, was the first ship that commenced the system of delivering opium at different cities along the coast of China, and from that time, the trade increased with wonderful rapidity. Eligible places also on the east and north-east coast of China were selected to station receiving vessels, to which the Chinese might easily have access, and become participators in the trade.” Allen cites many contemporary and high authorities. Among these, James Holman says, in 1830 (Travels in China, p. 162), that the opium boats “are but seldom interfered with, nor are they likely to be, so long as the Free Traders can afford to pay the mandarins so much better for not fighting, than the government will for doing their duty. The use of opium has become so universal among the people of China, that the laws which render it penal, and the proclamations which send forth their daily fulminations against its continuance, have not the slightest effect in checking the prevalence of so general a habit. Smoking houses abound in Canton; and the inhabitants of every class who can furnish themselves with the means to obtain the pipe, are seldom without this article of general luxury. It is a propensity that has seized upon all ranks and classes, and is generally on the increase.” From the year 1800, the Chinese government tried to stop this traffic, strictly prohibiting the importation of opium; but foreign merchants paid no attention to this, and forced the trade on the Chinese people. In 1839, a Chinese official destroyed, by command of the emperor, over 20,000 chests (worth $12,000,000) of the drug at Canton; this led to a war with England, commonly known as “the Opium War.” The resulting treaty of peace compelled the Chinese to open five ports to British trade and residence, to cede the island of Hong-kong to Great Britain—at which place the opium trade then centered; and in 1845 the British authorities licensed twenty shops to sell opium at retail—and to pay heavy indemnities not only to the English government and the merchants, but for the opium destroyed, which had been legally confiscated by the emperor as contraband goods. The Chinese commissioners objected, but were threatened with renewed hostilities if they persisted, and they had to yield. During the past year negotiations looking to a cessation of the opium traffic have been carried on between Great Britain and China. The following also shows the recent growth of the drug in China. “As for the gums from the Indias, the Chinese physicians and surgeons make hardly any use of them. I do not think that in an entire year there is used in Pekin a half-livre of opium (which they call Yapien); its place is supplied by using the white poppy.” (Father Parennin, in a letter dated September 20, 1740; Lettres édifiantes, ed. 1811, t. xxii, p. 274.)—Eds. [↑]
[104] One of the great drawbacks on the profits of the voyages from Europe since 1814 has been, that no light goods of value were to be obtained. An American, in 1816, remained 16 months to obtain two crops of indigo, and bought all to be got in the market. She made an excellent voyage, even with this heavy expense. [↑]
[105] At this point in the book (namely, facing p. 82) is a plan of Manila entitled “Plano de la ciudad de Manila, capital de las Yslas Filipinas,” which shows the city and its suburbs; and a second illustration showing, first, “View of Manila from the plain of Bagumbayan,” and second, “View of Manila from the sea.” The plan of Manila is from a Spanish source.—Eds. [↑]
[106] Generally, but incorrectly written, “Manilla.” [↑]
[107] Under this title is included not only the Phillippines from the Bashees and Babuyanes to Mindanao, but also from Palawan on the west to the Carolinas on the east. [↑]
[108] It has no ditch on this side. [↑]
[109] A covert from an enemy’s fire, but not intended for defense with guns; composed of gabions or bags filled with earth, or of earth heaped up.—Eds. [↑]
[110] Le Gentil states (Voyage, ii, pp. 103, 104) that Arandía was hated by the friars because he desired to demolish two churches outside the walls of Manila; these were so solid, and equipped with towers, and so near the walls, that they were a source of great danger to the city if they should fall into an enemy’s hands. “I have been assured that the friars raised the cry of heresy against M. Arandía, and that they talked of nothing less than excommunicating him; but his death stopped all that. This zealous governor actually died in 1760, before he had effected his project; but his death was not regarded as natural.” When the English appeared before Manila, Arandía’s loss was regretted, when it was too late. The English demolished the aforesaid churches and their towers, for their own safety.—Eds. [↑]
[111] That is, elevated so as to fire over the top of a parapet.—Eds. [↑]
[112] This place was afterward occupied (1824?) by “a statue of Carlos IV, in bronze, a true work of art, cast in Manila. It was erected in recognition of his having ordered the conveyance [to the islands] of vaccine virus, transmitted from arm to arm, for which purpose exclusively he arranged for the departure of a ship from Méjico, which reached Manila on April 15, 1805.” (Montero y Vidal, Archipiélago filipino, p. 301.) The same writer says (Hist. de Filipinas, ii, p. 388): “The benefits produced by vaccination among the natives, always so harassed by that pest [of smallpox], were evident,” and Folgueras made strenuous efforts to secure its propagation throughout the country. He also gave orders that the dead should not be interred within the churches, a measure which drew upon him hostilities and annoyances from the religious.” The Plaza Mayor, where the above statue stands, is now called Plaza McKinley.—Eds. [↑]
[113] And yet the ignorant natives ascribed the pest of cholera, which caused such ravages in Manila in 1820, to the poisoning of their wells by foreigners. A French physician, Dr. Charles L. Benoit, who arrived at Manila at that time, and spent four years there, states, in his Observacións sobre el cólera morbo espasmodico (Madrid, 1832) that in this belief the Indians, usually so humble and religious, then committed innumerable crimes. See account of their massacre of foreigners, pp. 39–45, ante.—Eds. [↑]
[114] The brethren devote themselves to the care of the sick, and perform their duties most honourably and zealously; so much so, that the refectory is often supplied with little but rice for their own dinners. The other orders are richly endowed, and fare sumptuously—but they are more a-la-mode. [↑]
[115] These plates are obtained from the shell of the Placuna placenta, a mollusk; they are generally used in place of window-glass, and by their partial opacity modify the effects of the sun’s heat.—Eds. [↑]
[116] This would appear a vulgar interpretation of a popular custom; but from this charge the writer will be exonerated, when it is known, that should a person yawn, he devoutly makes the sign of the cross before his mouth, while it continues open, to—keep the devil from him! Ex pede elephantem [i.e., “By the foot-print, one recognizes the elephant”]. [↑]
[117] “When the terrible epidemic which Manila had suffered came to an end, the municipal council caused a fine cemetery to be constructed in the village of San Fernando de Dilao, commonly called Paco.” (Montero y Vidal, Historia de Filipinas, ii, p. 457.)—Eds. [↑]
[118] La Peyrouse, when speaking of the public flagellants in the Passion week, did not, I believe, do so; but though superstitious enough, this practice is no longer continued in the present day. [↑]
[119] “Thank God! I am of a noble family!”—And if they are told, “Well, but if you have nothing to eat?” “Me hago frayle,” “Well, I can be a friar,” is the answer. [↑]
[120] Le Gentil says (Voyage, ii, pp. 116, 117) that the Jesuits decided that the use of chocolate was admissible on fast days, consequently these were no mortification to most of the people.—Eds. [↑]
[121] “This is no country for an honest man”—a remark quoted, too, I think, by Le Gentil. [↑]
[122] Cervantes, whose keen but justly merited satire on many of the failings of his countrymen, is only equalled by his beautiful eulogies on many of their excellencies, has aptly described the composition of their colonies in his day.
“To the Indies—the refuge and resource of despairing Spaniards—asylum of rebels—protector of homicides—receptacle of gamblers (called by some knowing ones)—common decoy for women of loose characters—the deceiver of many, and remedy of few.”—Novela del Zeloso Estnemeno [i.e., “The jealous Estremaduran”]. [↑]
[123] Andaluces: natives of Andalusia province. Montañeses: appellation of the dwellers in the hill-country of Santander province, Spain. Serviles (literally “those who are servile or fawning”): a political epithet applied to the Monarchists or Absolutists. Liberales: the Liberals in politics, much as that term is used at the present time. Le Gentil describes (Voyage, ii, p. 109) the clannishness and provincialism of the Spaniards in Manila.—Eds. [↑]
[124] This is not an isolated opinion; and in corroboration, it will be sufficient to mention, that upwards of ¾ths of all the disposable Spanish property in the country has been sent out of it. This fact is a volume in itself. Since this was written, two serious commotions have taken place, in the latter of which the conspirators obtained possession of the city, which was regained by storming.[125] [↑]
[125] Reference is here made to the rebellion incited by Novales in 1823; see account of it on pp. 47–48, ante.—Eds. [↑]