The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 52, 1841-1898 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

by Unknown

VOLUME XXVIII

P. 47, note 19: In line 5, for “southern” read “northwestern.” The stronghold of the Moros, after Joló was destroyed, was at Maibun, a town on the southern shore. Combés describes the island in detail in his Hist. Mindanao y Joló, cols. 14–19. See also Escosura’s Memoria sobre Filipinas y Joló, pp. 213–436.

P. 55, note: Crawfurd is wrong as to the kris being a poniard or dagger; or, if so, it is certainly in the Philippines a short, straight-bladed sword, with wavy edges.—James A. LeRoy (in a private letter). See illustrations of Moro weapons presented in this series; also those in Worcester’s Philippine Islands, p. 155, and in Reports of Philippine Commission and other government documents. Collections of these weapons may now be seen in most of the large museums in the United States.

P. 96, note: The best description and classification of the pagan and Moro tribes of Mindanao is that of Barrows in the Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 461–477; see also his report for the Ethnological Survey, in Report of the Philippine Commission for 1903.

P. 130, art. 564, line 1: For the second “province” read “convent.”

P. 200, end of paragraph 1: In one of Viana’s official opinions in 1765 (Respuestas, fol. 103, 104), he scores the board of the Misericordia for demanding any further security than the royal name and promise for loans made by them to the government; if they had been content with that, thus “avoiding irrelevant conferences of theologians and jurists,” they would have responded with honor and loyalty to the many favors that they have enjoyed from the king, etc.

P. 210, last paragraph: See account of this affair in VOL. I, note 67.

P. 211, paragraph 2: The laws of the Indias ordained—e.g., lib. vi, tít. i, ley xviii (1550); lib. i, tít. xiii, ley v (1634)—that there should be schools in which Spanish was to be taught, for the sake of having a suitable language in which to teach the Christian faith.

P. 218, end of paragraph 1: Viana (Respuestas, fol. 102v) recommends that certain criminals be sent to serve at Zamboanga, some for life and others for specified terms. Forrest mentions the practice of sending convicts from Manila to Zamboanga, as they were sent from England to Botany Bay. The secretary mentioned by Le Gentil was Cosio, who himself was afterward banished to Africa for his illegal acts under Raon.

P. 257, line 6: The word “impost” is incorrect here; the English equivalent is most nearly approached by rendering this phrase [Spanish, derecho de elecciones de gobernadorcillo], “the [government] right in elections.” J. A. LeRoy says of this, in a private letter: “It apparently refers to the right of the superior government—generally exercised in each province by the alcalde-mayor or provincial governor—of selecting the gobernadorcillo of each pueblo from a list of three [lerna], this list being proposed to him by the notables [principales] at the annual election. It is altogether probable that the man chosen sometimes had to pay that official, and that Mas is here reporting this as another of the abuses which, under the early Spanish régime, the friars used to charge against the alcaldes-mayor, in that sense, being a ‘robbery’ of the natives.”

P. 266, line 2: For “271–275” read “271–273.”

P. 321, line 3: The statements of this writer would make it appear that the friars developed the resources of Negros; but that is not the fact. The old régime described by Mas and Jagor failed to develop those resources; and the modern development of Negros (which dragged the friars reluctantly after it) was accomplished through foreign commerce and foreign traders, a part of the general development of the Philippines as a whole. This very document shows how, when it was seen to be beginning, through Spanish and Spanish half-caste planters, to whose aid British importers of machinery of the modern sort soon after came, the friars stepped in to claim an island which since the Spanish discovery they had sadly neglected, and to wrest its growing curacies from native priests. This friar’s claims (pp. 319–322) are all the more audacious in view of the proximity to his own time of the development, through foreign agencies, which he claims as due to his order. There are other parts of this same Recollect chronicle which show how the modern political bitterness of spirit had crept into the accounts of Philippine history emanating from the religious orders.—James A. LeRoy (in a private letter).

P. 349, line 3: The volume-number should be “i,” not “ii.” The same correction should be made on p. 370, last line.

P. 368, line 6: For “brothers” read “sisters.”