II.—ACTIVE SERVICE.
ON TREK.[ToC]
Arrival at Havre—March to the forward area—Bouzincourt and Millencourt—instructional tour of front line trenches—condition of trenches—first casualties—Molliens.
The Battalion arrived at the Port of Le Havre, disembarked in high spirits, and in the morning of 23rd November, 1915, part of the troops left the docks for a three mile trek to a rest camp; but soon the Battalion set out on its first journey "up the line" in cattle trucks. Travelling through the night of the 24th, via Rouen and Amiens, the unit reached Pont Remy, some twelve miles east of Abbeville, in the early hours of the following day, and soon had commenced their first route march into the battle-ways of France, and, incidentally, at the first resting place, Mouflers, made cheerily light of what was their first experience of faulty billeting arrangements. One billet, for 150 men, at the Folie Auberge was uninhabitable, and the appearance of the billets in general was greeted with good-natured growls of amazement and disgust. The weather, however, was mild and sunny, and after about eight hours' work all the troops were more or less under cover. When every incident was an experience novel and suggestive, such minor discomforts did not trouble anyone seriously; but considered in retrospect it must be admitted that these, their first billets, were very poor for a village so far behind the line. If it was an unpromising beginning for the companies, it proved a delusion and a snare for headquarters, for they scored on this occasion in having at the Chateau the most comfortable billets they ever were fated to enjoy.
The next day was spent in resting, and on the 27th the march was continued along the magnificent Amiens Road, through Felixcourt and Belloy-sur-Somme to La Chaussee. This was a day of keen frost and bright sunshine, and headed by the band, the 17th stepped out through the various villages in the best of spirits. Following the same column was the 17th Northumberland Fusiliers and two A.S.C. Companies. That night the billets were good, everyone felt somehow in holiday mood, helped perhaps by the successful bargaining for eggs, chickens and wine, for to make purchases at all was even at that early date a matter for rejoicing. The pipers delighted with their playing the heart of Madame la Comptesse at her chateau at Turancourt where Brigade headquarters were stationed.
On the 28th, a bitterly cold day, the Battalion marched eleven miles via Coisy and Ranneville to Molliens-au-Bois, and there they stayed until the morning of December 1st, when they were joined by M. Duchamps, interpreter. Molliens-au-Bois lies about eight miles north of Amiens, but the outstanding feature was that, from the high ground above there was got the first glimpse of the illuminations provided nightly by the Bosche, all along the battle front.
On 1st December they left at 8.15 a.m., in company with the 16th H.L.I., and on the way a Company of the 17th Northumberland Fusiliers joined the column, which now was moving into the front area.
During the afternoon of that day, the Officers and N.C.O.s of "A" and "B" Companies went from Bouzincourt into the front line trenches, just north of Albert, and were attached for instruction to the 7th Gordons and the 7th Black Watch of the 51st Division, and on the following day these two Companies joined their Officers in the front line for one night. The trenches were in a very bad condition after hard frost and heavy rain. Parts of the trenches were collapsing under the severe conditions and cases were reported from neighbouring units of men being drowned in the mud and water.
On the 3rd and 4th December "C" and "D" Companies from Millencourt went through a similar programme. On the 6th the front line only of Sectors F1 and F2 were taken over, and then on the 8th the whole Battalion took over Sector F1—some 2,000 yards of system from just north of La Boisselle towards Authuille (Blighty) Wood. The front line and communication trenches were knee deep in water and the trench shelters were poor. Rats galore and of enormous size added to the amenity of the district.
Havre.[ToList]
Ruins of Bethune.[ToList]
To face page 28.
On the 4th of December the 17th suffered their first casualty by enemy action, Pte. J.M. Harper, "A" Company, being wounded by a rifle grenade.
The next day Ptes. A. Taylor and R. Cross, of "D" Company, were wounded while bringing up rations. On the afternoon of the 11th, the Battalion, having completed its course of practical instruction, was relieved, and returned, two Companies to Bouzincourt, two to Millencourt. During the relief the enemy shelled the position heavily, and the Battalion was fortunate in escaping with only one casualty, Pte. R. M'Kelvie of "B" Company. The next day the Battalion marched back to Molliens-au-Bois, via Senlis and Beaucourt, to recuperate after their opening experience of active trench warfare conditions. The mud and water and the delapidated condition of the trenches were indeed an eye-opener to the men, as much as the comparative absence of "enemy activity." As they tramped back to Molliens, they passed some Companies of the 15th H.L.I. en route for their first spell, and their blank astonishment at the muddy appearance of the returning 17th Battalion was much appreciated by the war-worn veterans!
All ranks received a good reception from the villagers, and the next few days were spent in resting, inspections and training. Considerable time was taken up in making duck-boards from the smaller trees of a wood near the village until this exercise was stopped by the forester. A few secured the grant of leave to Amiens, a privilege greatly enjoyed. The work of the organisations home in Glasgow and the interest taken in the Regiment and the men of the 17th Battalion soon became manifested by the arrival of parcels to such an extent that the postal arrangements were severely strained!
TRENCH ROUTINE.[ToC]
In the line—Xmas '15 and the New Year—the new trench—"Standing to"—routine and patrols.
The Battalion returned to the line from Molliens-au-Bois on 23rd December, 1915, and from then till 17th February, 1916, held the Sector F1 alternately with the 11th Border Regiment. The outstanding features of this period were the digging and then the taking over of the new trenches across the big re-entrant on their right on 2nd February, and the enemy raid on the 2nd K.O.Y.L.I., on their left on 9th February.
It will be noted that this spell of trench warfare activities brackets in both Christmas and New Year—both of which were accordingly spent in the front line trenches. As far as possible Christmas fare was provided in the line, and strict orders were issued that if the enemy made any friendly offers they were to be rejected strenuously. The only exchange of greetings notified for Christmas and New Year in the Official War Diary of the Battalion is a brief record of shelling and machine gunning. But during this period the Battalion had nevertheless very few casualties—only seven killed, including two died of wounds. The first casualty was Corporal Houston of No. 16 Platoon, who was killed at Lower Donnet on 3rd January.
Except for patrol work, the piece of work carried out on 2nd February, 1916, in connection with the new trenches was the first military operation carried out by the 17th when in close touch with the enemy, and it was confined to "B" Company and a Platoon of "A" Company, who acted as covering party.
For some time the Battalion had been exercised in night manœuvres, and on 1st February they had a full-dress rehearsal of the impending operation, which, on Tuesday, 2nd February, came off sooner than had been anticipated. The scheme was to form a new line of trenches, protected by wire, nearer the German line, some 300 yards in front of the existing one, the length dug being about 600 yards, with communication trenches in addition.
At 6 p.m., in pitch darkness, "B" Company filed out into "no man's land." Instructions were, "No firing, bayonet only if necessary." There were Hun flares and machine guns, but no search-light. Had the enemy but used the light, all might have been spoiled. Their lives depended on no Hun reaching their line, or getting back with information. They went straight out the 600 yards without a hitch. That fixed their right flank, where Major J.R. Young was in command. Captain Russell led his half Company 500 yards straight across the front, with two scouts on either side, checking. At every five yards a man dropped and was placed, facing his proper front. They moved slowly, snail pace, but only three times in the 500 yards had the line to drop flat, until the last man was placed. The next thing was to get in touch with "A" Company, who were putting out the platoon to guard "B" Company's left flank. Rather jumpy work, this joining hands in pitch darkness. It was a long, silent night. At 9.30 the tinkling sound of the wire being fixed was heard, and they knew from this that the digging had commenced—some 800 men, good and true, working silently as they had never worked before.
When 1.30 a.m. came their time was up. The right half Company, under Major Young, rose silently, and crept off to a place in the wire where a gap had been arranged for the men to pass through. Captain Russell with the left half Company followed. The wiring and digging went on till 3 a.m., protected by patrols sent out in front of the wire. A new trench, with communication trenches, had been laid 300 yards out from their old line, protected by treble staked wire, on a frontage of 600 yards. The new trench was held till dawn before handing over. There was no hitch, and not a man wounded. The Battalion would have given much to see the Huns' faces when they looked across and found that long line of serpentine earth and wire shoved out under their noses. There would probably be some court-martialling of their patrols. Everything worked in absolute harmony, and with perfect success, and all got back safe to tell the tale. The Hun discovered what had been done only the following morning when all was over.
The lack of the more strenuous forms of active service excitement during the digging of this trench was more than made up for in the week following—when it was manned nightly in full strength, in spite of severe bombardment by the enemy.
After the successful and useful piece of work in advancing the line just described, the Battalion settled down to a period of normal trench warfare and intensive training, but managed to slip in a game of Rugger and an Association game or two. Intermittent spells of artillery and trench mortar and gas shell bombardments of varying severity disturbed the sector, but despite this the unit not only immediately repaired any damage done, but considerably extended and improved the system.
On the 9th of February the shelling became very heavy, culminating towards evening in an intense bombardment on the sector lying to the left of F1. At the same time an attempt was made to neutralise the fire of the British batteries on the Ancre by gas shells. Intense excitement prevailed in the Battalion, which was billeted in Aveluy, in Brigade support, when it was called on to "stand to" and man the bridge-head defences. Meantime the Hun carried out a raid on a part of the line known as the Nab, which was occupied by the 2nd K.O.Y.L.I. This point was occupied for half-an-hour or so by the enemy, who picked up about eleven K.O.Y.L.I. prisoners and then retired. The K.O.Y.L.I. suffered some sixty casualties in killed, wounded and missing, so "B" Company and part of "C" of the 17th were rushed up into the raided sector to reinforce the battered garrison, and stayed there till morning.
Again the conditions stereotyped themselves into that nerve racking ordeal known to the civilian public as "nothing to report"—the type of warfare recognised by all who have any experience of modern active service life as calling for all that is highest in regimental efficiency and discipline, and individual initiative and grit. The weather, taking it all over, was wet and stormy, causing endless work in repairing the line and pumping the trenches clear of water. But the bright star in this bloody, muddy firmament was the commencement of leave, which opened about the 14th February. Even if your name was well down the list, or not yet even on it at all, a new species of keen counter-attraction was provided to the demands of war.
THE RAID.[ToC]
The "Red" Division—in the line at Authuille—Colonel Morton wounded on March 21st—a raid postponed—carried out on 22nd—success of Lieut. Begg's party—congratulatory messages and awards.
On 17th February, 1916, the 97th Brigade was relieved by the 96th Brigade, and consequently the Battalion moved back for an expected rest of some weeks. The 15th Lancashire Fusiliers took over the Battalion Sector, and the 17th went into billets at Millencourt. Many fatigues were carried out round about Albert, the principal work being the laying of cables and the improving of roads. On the 24th, quarters were changed to Henencourt and from billets into huts in the wood—most unpleasant, firstly on account of snow and frost, and then, following a thaw, on account of knee-deep mud. But a further change on the 29th to Dernancourt brought back billets good and comfortable.
The attack on Verdun had upset the plans which had been made to give the Brigade the rest which it had been anticipating, and this last move to Dernancourt brought them into the line once more, just south of Albert.
The 32nd Division, by now, with good cause, had been named by the Germans as the "Red" Division because the Hun was given no rest by the Divisional Artillery and constant raids, and on account of the red distinguishing marks worn by all ranks of the Division on their tunic sleeves. The 32nd took over from the 18th Division, and on the 1st of March, 1916, the Brigade was in Divisional Reserve. On the 3rd of March, the 97th Brigade relieved the 14th Brigade, the 11th Border Regiment and 2nd K.O.Y.L.I. taking over. On March 10th the 17th H.L.I. relieved the 11th Border Regiment, and so once more they were in immediate face of the enemy. This sector was in front of Becourt Chateau, between Fricourt and La Boiselle.
A considerable amount of wiring was done, but life here was comparatively pleasant and the return of spring much appreciated. But, unfortunately, on the 21st of March, Col. Morton was wounded at Albert, Major Paul taking over command of the Battalion.
Working parties were heavy, and on one occasion the Bosche blew a camouflet while work was in progress. During this period great preparations were made for a raid, and there was keen competition for a place in the selected party. The night selected for the raid, 2nd April, however, was unfortunately bright, and this combined with the fact that the enemy, by means of listening apparatus, seemed fully aware of what was on, led to a postponement when actually in "no man's land." The hazardous work of laying the guide tape preparatory to the abandoned raid was carried out by 2nd Lieut. H. MacRobert and Corpl. J. Chapman.
This Sector was left on the 4th of April, and the Battalion, being relieved by the 2nd Scottish Rifles, of the 23rd Brigade, 8th Division, moved to Bouzincourt and went into huts vacated by the 2nd Inniskillens.
After a week's rest at Bouzincourt the Battalion returned to the line at Authuille, on 12th April, 1916, the 97th Brigade holding the line between that village and north to Thiepval, with the two other Brigades behind, in support and in reserve. Alternately in the line, in support, and in reserve, the 17th remained in this Sector until the opening of the Somme Battle on 1st July, 1916. But the period was not without stirring incident. By the 15th of April final arrangements were being made to carry out what was to prove a highly successful raid on the enemy, which operation was accomplished on 22nd April.
"23rd April, 1916,—Last night we made a successful raid against the enemy's trenches, south-west of Thiepval. Thirteen prisoners were captured, and in addition, a number of casualties were caused to the enemy by our men bombing their dug-outs. Our casualties were very slight."
This bald official statement of the 17th H.L.I.'s first raid is to the lay mind singularly unimpressive, but behind it there is an interest and a measure of glory of which the 17th is happy to be proud. Let it be remembered that it was their first "stunt," their first real hand to hand brush with the enemy, and that to the 17th fell the honour of getting the first "jab in" for the 32nd Division.
The Cathedral, Albert—Before the War.[ToList]
The Cathedral, Albert—After Bombardment.[ToList]
To face page 34.
Lt.-Col. David S. Morton, V.D., C.M.G.[ToList]
To face page 35.
It was on the 28th of March, 1916, that volunteers were called for to raid the enemy's trenches, and out of the hundred who answered, a party of 45 was selected, under Lieut. A.J. Begg, and Lieut. J.N. Carpenter. This party went down to Dernancourt, behind Albert, to complete the training for the raid, and the intention was to rush the enemy on the night of 2nd April. That night, however, as already explained, proved unfavourable on account of a bright moon, and the party, after crawling stealthily towards the enemy's wire were observed near his trenches and were forced to withdraw. Training was resumed at Bouzincourt, and it was decided then to have the assistance of a preliminary artillery bombardment. A point in the enemy's salient south-west of Thiepval was selected, the wire there was cut in advance by the artillery, and close observation was maintained on the spot from day to day. Meanwhile the enemy's fortifications were duplicated on the ground behind Bouzincourt, and there, night after night, the raiding party practised the assault. The most careful preparations were entailed, with much planning and understanding of detail. Every man had to know thoroughly his part. There had to be no hitch anywhere. Lieut. Begg saw to it that the training was complete, and given any luck, success was fully assured.
On the night of the 22nd of April, the party, with blackened hands and faces, and equipped with an assortment of weapons worthy of Mexican outlaws, presented themselves at the head of Thiepval Avenue, and filed up to the "starting point" to await the report of the Patrol under Lieut. MacRobert, who also had charge of the tape-laying party which included Corporal Chapman. At 9.30 p.m. our artillery suddenly opened on the enemy's salient, and poured down on it such a tornado of steel as the Germans had never experienced before. For twenty minutes our shells flayed the German front line, and under this arch of shrieking explosives the battle party crawled right up to the rim of the bombardment. What wire remained uncut was blown to fragments by a torpedo, and when the barrage lifted and came down behind, the raiders jumped into the enemy's trench and set to work. For twenty minutes they bombed and destroyed, cleared dug-outs, pulled down machine guns, barricaded communication trenches, and handed prisoners back to escorts. Then on a signal they as quickly withdrew, and still under cover of artillery fire made their own trench again. Thirteen affrighted Germans, of two different units, accompanied the party; and, finest of all, every man of the party returned. Eleven of them were wounded, but only one seriously. Among those slightly wounded was Lieut. Begg, who was the spirit of the assault.
As a result of this success many congratulatory messages were received and several decorations awarded. Among the list of telegrams were the following:—
From the G.O.C. 10th Corps:—"Corps Commander congratulates the 17th H.L.I. on their successful enterprise, which reflects great credit on all concerned."
From the G.O.C. 32nd Division:—"I congratulate you. I was confident that the 17th H.L.I. would do the trick. Convey this message to them."
From Sir Henry Rawlinson, G.O.C. 4th Army:—"Please convey to 32nd Division, and particularly to the 97th Brigade and 17th Battalion Highland Light Infantry, my heartiest congratulations on their successful raid last night. The preparations were well and carefully thought out, the Artillery support was good, and the whole conduct of the operations reflects credit on all concerned."
From the G.O.C. 97th Infantry Brigade:—"Commander-in-Chief has awarded the following decorations:—Lieut. Begg, and 2nd Lieut Carpenter, Military Cross; 15507 Sergt.-Major Reith, D.C.M.; 15458 Sergeant Taylor, 2797 Private Leiper and 15720 Private M'Intosh, Military Medal. All 17th H.L.I. Major-General Rycroft offers his heartiest congratulations to above officers, N.C.O.s and men on their decorations. Letter with authority following."
The Battalion had three men killed and four wounded during enemy retaliation, but any serious effort by the enemy was checked, and on the 24th the unit went into reserve billets at Bouzincourt.
A LULL BEFORE THE STORM.[ToC]
Preparations commenced for the Somme offensive—a complimentary shoot with "P" Battery—Divisional, Brigade and Battalion identification marks—happy days at Rubempré.
On 27th April, in brilliant summer weather, the Commanding Officer, Company Commanders, the Intelligence Officer and four N.C.O.s per Company attended a Divisional Exercise at Baizieux, and this was the start of those preparations which were to culminate in the Battle of the Somme on 1st July.
On 3rd May the Colonel returned and took over command from Major Paul, and during the following day, Major Lawder, Commanding "A" Battery, 168th Brigade, R.F.A., entertained those who had taken part in the raid and allowed them to fire the guns which had rendered such fine support during the sortie.
Identification marks had now been issued for some time for major operations pending. The Divisional colours were crimson and the sleeve mark was a red circle for the 97th Brigade. The K.O.Y.L.I. had one bar below the circle; the Border Regiment, two; the 16th H.L.I., three; and the 17th, four bars, worn horizontally and parallel. Runners, bombers, etc., had further identification marks. Prior to this, from November 1915, to April, 1916, no distinctive mark had been worn on the sleeve, but on the centre of the tunic collar at the back there was worn a strip of ribbon coloured yellow, pale blue, and yellow. During the succeeding period, up to the disbandment of the Battalion, the sleeve marks were used only. While the circle was always red the bars were coloured respectively black for Headquarters; red for "A" Company; green for "B"; yellow for "C"; and blue for "D" Company. The Divisional sign on flags and limbers, etc., was a red coloured intertwined double 8.
The weather was now very fine, and when not in the line, delightful days were spent at Rubempré, Contay and Warloy, and strenuous days on Divisional exercises at Baizieux in preparation for the Somme. From this it will be seen that the Battalion was not engaged in killing Germans all the time, or being killed by them. At times they had a change. There were periods of rest. The word "rest" is very often the subject of sarcastic humour amongst troops. "Resting" may mean anything. It may be quite a good time or it may be worse than the firing line. Too often it is simply an occasion of smartening up—guards, ceremonial parades, saluting, and "spit and polish" generally—in fact the things that can be indulged in to excess. And very often a rest simply means preparation for a big stunt. But the 17th will remember occasions when they did have a real rest. This was particularly the case at Rubempré. The weather was good, and they had a comparatively easy time. They had about three hours' training in the forenoons. Thereafter they were free. There were sports and games in the afternoons for the enthusiasts. There were entirely successful concerts and sing-songs in the evenings. It was a change to see and be among civilians—to be welcome in the village houses—and generally to experience peace time conditions again. This may not seem to amount to very much, but it meant a lot then. And it certainly had a fine effect on the morale of the Battalion. It was a sheer relief to be out of sound of the guns, to forget the mud, the exhaustion, mental and physical, the weary night watches, standing to, and working parties.
But such days passed quickly, and all too soon they found themselves on the road again, loaded up, silent, thoughtful, on the way back to the firing line.
THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME.[ToC]
Spirit of the Battalion prior to the battle—zero and "over the top"—Leipzig Trench carried—flanks exposed—precarious position of the unit—great casualties—protective bombing posts—consolidation—Battalion relieved—Victoria Cross gained by Sergeant Turnbull—Roll Call.
Signs of the coming conflict were everywhere. The tremendous accumulation of men and material had been going on unceasingly for weeks, and during the long June days clouds of dust hung in the hot, still air above the roads. For the roads all led towards the line, and the tramp of men, and the rumble of wheels were unending. The Battalion had long ago recovered from a hard and monotonous winter of trench warfare. To each man there remained the joy of remembering days and nights that were unpleasant—for it is a joy to remember, in the comfort and happiness of to-day, the discomforts and sorrows of yesterday. Now the sun was shining. Training was going on apace under the pleasantest of conditions. They were a healthy family. Each man felt his potentiality, and unconsciously boasted it in his every action. Such was the feeling in the Battalion when the certainty of conflict came. To everyone it was the "Big Push"—the mighty Armageddon—of which all had thought and spoken during the winter of waiting. There was no doubt as to the issue. Each man went about his duties with an eye to an immediate and definite future. If anything he gave greater care to his rifle. In his feeling the edge and point of his bayonet, there was something of a caress. Now was the look in each eye born of the lust of killing. It was the knowledge that on a bright morning—now only a few hours distant—man would be matched against man. "Justice of our cause may have been somewhere in our sub-consciousness. Certainly it was not uppermost. To each man the coming conflict savoured of individual mortal combat. The days of waiting were gone. He was going forward to prove his manhood"—so write two veterans of that fight.
The story of that morning is an epic. For every man it was the first experience of "over the top." In sun-baked trenches everyone longed for the zero hour, while the guns rolled and shells crashed with ever-increasing intensity. Nothing was real. Men stood and waited as if in a dream. They felt as if they were listening to the overture; that soon the curtain would rise. Even when the guns ceased their roar for a few moments towards the end, and in the death-like stillness was heard the warbling of birds in "no man's land"—the grim reality of it all was felt. With the lifting mist of the morning, the curtain rose....
At 7.23 a.m. the Battalion started moving across "no man's land." When the barrage lifted the men entered the enemy front line and the work of the moppers-up soon began. The advance across the open was splendidly carried out, all ranks behaving magnificently, as was the case throughout the entire action. Leipzig Trench was taken and the leading lines advanced against the Hindenburg Trench. These were mown down and by 8.15 a.m. every Company Officer was a casualty. It now became obvious to Colonel Morton that Leipzig Trench must be held, as without reinforcements, no further advance could be made, both flanks being exposed, as the 8th Division on their right had been driven back. The left was particularly exposed and parties under Sergt. Macgregor and Sergt. Watt were organised and sent to strengthen the left where "B" and "D" Companies had been almost annihilated. It was now 9 o'clock and the Battalion casualties now amounted to 22 officers and 400 other ranks. The bombers, who had been sent up to replace casualties, were holding the flanks successfully. By 11.15 the entire line was very weak, and still at 2 o'clock in the afternoon the situation was unchanged, 2nd Lieut. Morrison and 2nd Lieut. Marr working and organising the protective flank bombers without the least regard for personal safety. At 4 o'clock the 2nd Manchesters reinforced them with two Companies. Just at this time the line wavered a little in face of the overwhelming bombardment and the appalling casualties, but control was immediately gained. At 5 the shattered unit was ordered to consolidate the ground taken. This was done and two strong enemy counter attacks repulsed. At 9.30 the Battalion started to be relieved by the Manchesters, but the relief was not wholly carried out until near midnight, although several bombing parties had to carry on till well towards mid-day of the following day before being relieved. The 17th concentrated on Campbell Post and held the line in that Sector. In the evening of the next day the Battalion was relieved and returned to dug-outs at Crucifix Corner.
MAP ILLUSTRATING THE OPERATIONS OF 1st JULY, 1916.[ToList]
Objective of Attack—Mouquet Farm. First German Line attacked and taken, C—D. Trench Line from which the attack was launched, A—B. Second German Line taken and lost, E—F.
Note the Salient C—D and its exposure to German fire and attack on the Flanks.
To face page 40.
The first V.C., not only for the Battalion, but of the Division was gained in this battle and was won by Sergeant James Young Turnbull.
The following is the extract from The London Gazette, of 25th December, 1916, intimating the award of the Victoria Cross:—
"No. 15888 Sergeant James Young Turnbull,
late Highland Light Infantry.
"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty, when, having with his party captured a post apparently of great importance to the enemy, he was subjected to severe counter attacks, which were continuous throughout the whole day. Although his party was wiped out and replaced several times during the day, Sergeant Turnbull never wavered in his determination to hold the post, the loss of which would have been very serious. Almost single-handed he maintained his position and displayed the highest degree of valour and skill in the performance of his duties.
"Later in the day this gallant soldier was killed whilst bombing a counter-attack from the parados of our trench."
Of all the units operating in that ghastly Sector, the 17th H.L.I. was the only Battalion which reached and occupied and held the enemy's trenches from La Boiselle northwards. Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, writing of the battle of the Somme in his history of the war, emphasises what this unadorned record of the day's fighting bears out—that there had been no flinching anywhere, and the military virtue shown had been of the highest possible quality; but the losses from the machine guns and from the barrage was so heavy that they deprived the attack of the weight and momentum necessary to win their way through the enemy's position. "In the desperate circumstances," he says, "it might well be considered a remarkable result that a stretch of the Leipzig Redoubt should be won and permanently held by the Highlanders, especially by the 17th Highland Light Infantry."
Throughout these terrible operations Colonel Morton was present in the most advanced positions encouraging and cheering the men by his personal example and utter disregard for danger. In this work he was gallantly seconded by his Adjutant and his Headquarters' Staff, who were individually forward directing operations when all the Company Officers had been knocked out. It is not too much to say that the resolute spirit and example of the Colonel rallied the Battalion to heights of endurance and endeavour which found their greatest inspiration in his presence in the firing line.
Great work was also done by Captain D.C. Evans, R.A.M.C., who, for over forty-eight hours, without interval or rest, attended to the Battalion wounded. Throughout the action he carried on his task of relieving suffering and saving life quite heedless of the shelling and firing and quite cool in the face of the ever growing number of cases demanding his attention and skill.
At the Battalion parade for Roll Call on the 4th of July, the casualties totalled 22 officers and 447 other ranks.
A DIARY ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE.[ToC]
Extract from the personal diary of the late Lieut. B. Meadows giving a wonderfully realistic picture of the July 1st Battle.
The narrative of the 1st of July Somme Battle as written in the diary of the late 2nd Lieut. B. Meadows, who, before taking his commission, served with the 17th H.L.I., gives such an impressive account of the battle that we include it here almost in entirety. The foregoing chapter gives a general idea of the intensity of the great battle from the impersonal and official viewpoint, with data checked and balanced. But the following account introduces the personal and human element with poignant effect. Some of the very minor facts are a little inaccurate, but that is inevitable when an individual soldier describes a general action from his own viewpoint. Nevertheless the editors consider that in no other Battalion source is there such a vivid record of experiences to be got which reflect the feelings of all those who took part in the action concerned.
"The last four days before zero," he writes, "were known as 'W,' 'X,' 'Y,' and 'Z' days. By 'W' every enemy observation balloon had been destroyed and so dense a fleet of aircraft patrolled the battle area as to make it impossible for the enemy aircraft to approach the lines. Thus the enemy was made blind. On the night of 'W' we got orders to move forward. Before leaving the billet we made a large bonfire with boxes from the C.Q.M.'s stores. On this we burned all our letters, and round it we had the last sing-song the old 'Seventeenth' ever had. We then believed it 'Y' night, not 'W' night. The night before we had gone up to the trenches through Aveluy and Authuille with petrol tins full of water. These were stocked in dug-outs and along the trench and formed our reserve water supply. Many of our guns were firing 'gun fire,' yet the enemy made little artillery reply. He retaliated chiefly on the front line defences with trench mortars. Of such a violent nature was this bombardment that the Lonsdales had to call on our 'D' Company for support to make up for their casualties in shell shock, etc. Curiously enough, during the days 'D' Company held the line they suffered no casualties, although the trench was battered out of all recognition. When it was dark on 'W' night we marched to Bouzincourt. Here we spent the night in huts. Before daybreak we were shelled and had one man killed. Day showed an extraordinary sight. Bouzincourt stands on the hill, the battle area stretched out like a map below. Near the Crucifix on the Aveluy road a long naval gun barked. Just behind us was a 15 inch howitzer. Its shells could easily be watched in their flight overhead. In front were an infinite number of guns all in action. A long line of observation balloons made a crescent round Albert. One could count over twenty, and not one German. The air was thick with our aeroplanes. The German lines looked like long ribbons of white fur. The air was full of shrapnel balls, especially over the woods, and the villages were burning. The heavy howitzers were causing dreadful eruptions on the German strong points. La Boisselle, believed impregnable, was a concentrated hell. The Germans were putting shrapnel into the woods that lie in the triangle between Hamel, Bouzincourt and Aveluy. Here our guns were massed. And now and then a mushroom of smoke would spring up in unexpected places. The noise was so terrific that it became monotonous. We were served out with cotton wool for our ears, but in spite of this the concussion on the 1st of July was so great that we all became stone deaf, and for days after almost without the use of our voices. We prepared for 'battle order.' All our belongings we packed into our valises, and these were stored in an empty house in Bouzincourt. We wore steel helmets, at that time they were without sandbag coverings, and in strong sunlight reflected almost as brilliantly as polished steel. I noticed on the 1st July, looking back from the advanced line to the German original front line, how the helmets of our reserves holding that line shone up and made their wearers clear targets. We wore the haversack on our back containing mess tin, small kit, two days' rations, 'iron rations,' pair of socks and waterproof sheet. We carried four sandbags just below. Then we had the usual equipment, pouches containing 120 rounds, bayonet, water bottle and entrenching tool. Another 100 rounds in bandoliers, and I had extra an apron containing 12 Mill's bombs and butterfly wirecutters. The whole formed fairly heavy equipment. In the late afternoon when we were all lined up prepared to march off, orders came to cancel all orders. We stood by for two days. On 'X' night the 16th H.L.I. sent a platoon over to find out the condition of the enemy defences. Owing to an accident they were almost entirely wiped out. On the following morning while playing a football match the Sixteenth again suffered casualties from a 5.9 which burst between the goal posts. In the evening of 'Z' day, the 30th of June, we marched off by platoons. The thunder of the heavy guns as we passed through their belt was almost unbearable, and nearer the lines long lines of eighteen-pounders were giving 'battery fire' down long rows of twenty batteries, sometimes all speaking at once. We entered 'Oban Avenue' at the right end of the village of Authuille. It was the 'up' trench for the advance and 'Campbell Avenue' the 'down.' Both trenches had been deepened, in some places, to twelve feet, and were fairly safe from shrapnel. The line in which we were to spend the night had been blown almost completely out of existence and it was difficult to find sufficient cover for the men. I and the bomber who was next to me in the line found a corner and there slept for the night. We were once disturbed by the enemy destroying a trench mortar store situated close to where we slept. Daybreak came and still there was no word of 'zero.' We made some breakfast, and about half-past five word was passed along that zero was 7.30, and to move into battle positions. We moved to the right until we were in contact with the next Company. At 6.25 a.m. the final bombardment commenced. Every gun was firing 'gunfire' and the rush of metal overhead was extraordinary. The reply was feeble. At 7.25 we left the trench and walked over to within 60 yards of the barrage. At 7.30 the barrage lifted and we rushed the front line defences, destroying the garrison, in and out of dug-outs. I have few definite memories from the time we first saw the Germans to the time the machine gun swept us down outside the Liepzig Redoubt. It became evident that we, who were working up between two communication trenches, after two or three rushes, that further advancing was impossible without support. We waited for our own reserve waves and the Lonsdales who should have come on behind. But no reserves reached us and we saw our only hope lay in the fact that they had rushed one of the communication trenches and might manage to bomb out the machine gun. But the bombers were checked out of range of the gun. We began to work towards the communication trench, but owing to the lie of the ground we were badly exposed and I at length found myself the only living occupant of that corner. About twelve o'clock I managed to leap the parapet without being hit. I found my platoon officer, Lieut. MacBrayne, lying shot through the head. Of the others of my platoon I could get no news, except those I saw lying dead or wounded. Tom Train had completely disappeared. An order came up the trench, '17th H.L.I. move to the left and prepare to support the Dorsets.' The communication trench was at this time chiefly manned by K.O.Y.L.I. (who should have supported the 16th H.L.I. who had been held up by the German wire and cut up before able to take the first line of defences. Those left were forced to retire to their own line). A few Lonsdales (the 11th Borderers had been cut up coming up through 'Blighty Wood,' Colonel and Adjutant killed and all officers casualties) were able to give us practically no support, and a Company of Manchesters, sent from Divisional Reserve. I moved to the left. An officer suddenly jumped the parapet and shouted 'Come on, the 17th!' I followed him along with about twenty others. But we found the barbed wire impossible to cut through and he gave us the order 'Every man for himself.'
VIEW FROM BOUZINCOURT LOOKING TOWARDS THE LINE.
(Sketch from Lieut. Meadow's Diary).[ToList]
To face page 44.
"Making my way back to the trench I rested in a shell hole occupied by a Sergeant wounded in the leg. Whilst talking to him we both fell asleep and slept until about 5 p.m., when the Germans counter-attacked. Their artillery became violent and they attempted to come over the open. We ran for the communication trench and found it disorganised. Orders got mixed and some seemed anxious to retire. Fortunately the 17th H.L.I. bombers, who were in the advanced position, held their ground, driving the enemy back with their own bombs, and the attack over the open was checked by our brigade machine guns which had been massed in the German front line. During the whole action we lost no ground that had previously been gained. By this time our Battalion had been badly hit. 'B' Company on our left had been caught in the wire and cut to pieces by machine gun fire. My own Company, 'A,' was down to low numbers. My Captain and my Platoon Officer were both killed, all the platoon's N.C.O.s were killed or wounded, two Sergeants outright, and all the L.-Corpls. dead. We had 17 officers killed and were working the Battalion with two officers. The Colonel, who had been well forward all day, was without a scratch. It was a remarkably clear day, very hot. We were on the ridge that formed the defence on that side of Thiepval. From here we could see the whole battlefield. I saw the huge eruption at La Boisselle, when the six mines went up, and I remember watching long lines of Highlanders charging along the opposite slope of the valley. The aeroplanes followed every movement, flying low overhead and directing the artillery by dropping flares. The Germans counter-attacked in a half-hearted way through the night. We had casualties from our own artillery and mortar batteries, otherwise the night was quieter than we had expected. We managed to carry away a number of our wounded in waterproof sheets. The battalions on both flanks were unsuccessful in storming the enemy's front line defences, thus our flanks were exposed and blockades had to be formed at the front line and all lines forward to our advanced positions, which developed into a series of bombing posts. Local fights went on at their posts all through the day and night, and it was while chasing each other round corners at the head of the communication trench in the afternoon that we lost Sergeant Turnbull, V.C., who had done wonderful work all day. The nature of the Leipzig defences, a maze of trenches and underground saps, made advancing into the salient extremely hard. One was continually attacked in the rear. What seemed dug-outs were bombed, and when passed numbers of the enemy rush from them, they being really underground communications with their rear defences. The whole fighting was of a cold, deliberate, merciless nature. No quarter was given or taken. One of the battalions opposing us was similar to our own, a students' battalion from Bavaria. The enemy used explosive and dum-dum bullets, and sniped off any of our wounded lying exposed in the open. They were helped in their work by an arrangement we had come to regarding wounded. It was not permitted to stop to take back prisoners or to stop to dress a wounded chum; but it was permitted to stick the bayonet of the wounded man's rifle in the ground and thus to mark the spot where he lay. The Germans observed this and watched for any movement in the heap beside the standing rifle. Men coolly fired at each other at point blank range, and sniping became the chief cause of casualties. It resembled a duel between two men who had had a deadly quarrel—so intensely deliberate. On the morning of the 2nd of July we handed over the front line of attack to Divisional Reserves and went into support. At sunset we were relieved by the Cheshires, and moved back to the dug-outs at Crucifix Corner. We had a number of casualties coming out of action. We were given tea, food and rum, and went off into a heavy sleep."
HULLUCH AND THEREABOUTS.[ToC]
Senlis—last parade under Col. Morton—Bombing raid north of Ovillers—Move to Bethune—1st Army Area—inspection by General Munro—depleted ranks—trench warfare about Hulluch—Cambrin Sector.
In the sadness and stress of the first days after the Somme, there came messages round to say the Battalion was saying "Good-bye" to its Colonel. Worn out with fatigue he had been reluctantly persuaded by the Brigadier and the doctors that if he wished to live and serve his country more in the war he must retire from the dreadful strain of command. In a field at Senlis, on the afternoon of 8th July, the remnants of the Battalion, on their last parade under Colonel Morton, were drawn up, silent and deeply moved. In a few words the Colonel told the Battalion what he was going to do and all stood there with their losses and their heartbreaks, hardly able to keep down the tears. Addressing the men he congratulated them in warm and feeling terms for their devotion while under his command and wished them well in the uncertainties of the future.
Colonel Morton had started them, trained them, and cared for them; fought Brigade and authorities for them; led them and loved them—and now they were to lose him. He said little, for much of a speech would not come, but he knew their memories and he knew what they felt. Major Paul, on behalf of the Battalion, expressed the profound regret of all ranks in losing the guidance and leadership of Colonel Morton, who had raised the 17th to such a high state of proficiency, and to wish him a well merited rest and all happiness. Just these few words of "Good-bye," then they cheered him and, with a lump in their throats they were not ashamed of, they dismissed. All said good-bye in their hearts and wished him God-speed. It is sad to part with a loved C.O. who, too, feels the parting.
Major Paul then took over command of the 17th and that evening once more they moved into the trenches in support at Quarry Post, Authuille Wood.
On the 13th July a bombing party of about 100 men were ordered to attack the German Line, north of Ovillers, linking up with the Inniskillen Fusiliers, and this party at midnight under Captain Ferguson, Lieuts. Herron and Kirk and Sergeant Stewart, in conjunction with the Inniskillens and a party of Engineers, carried out the raid.
The greatest credit was due to the initiative shown by Captain Ferguson, in making excellent dispositions under very difficult conditions. Owing to the strength of the German wire, a frontal attack was impracticable, and after much thought, it was decided to attack obliquely. The attack was most successful, a considerable number of Germans being killed, while at least 16 were taken prisoners. The objectives were all taken in a few minutes, but unfortunately the raiders' losses were heavy. Captain Ferguson was mortally wounded, eight other ranks were killed, and the other two officers and about 35 other ranks were wounded.
Writing of this incident, one of the Battalion officers says that after the patrol had gone out those who were not taking part in it heard the firing and the clamour of the small battle while they waited eagerly for news of its progress. "News came in that the front was safe, and proud of the efforts of our Battalion, we waited for their return. The waiting was hard to bear, but the return sadder to witness. They came back. On the right they had succeeded. On the left they had died. A triumph and a disaster in one. On that small field were left yet more of the (oh! so sadly few) gallant men of the Seventeenth who, though exhausted and battle-worn, had in their own true and fine spirit responded to the uttermost to the call for gallant work. Later the body of Captain Ferguson was found right up to the German lines grasping an empty revolver, far ahead in the charge of even his gallant followers."
For this action, the Battalion received thanks and congratulations from the Corps and Division. A counter-attack drove the raiders out of the captured trench; but the object of the raid—to create a diversion from a major operation on the right—had been successfully accomplished.
This particular week, which was the last the Battalion saw of the Somme fighting until later in the year, was one of the most strenuous times which the unit had experienced. The available men for defensive purposes were only too few and as new assembly trenches had to be dug every night and all night, and also owing to the difficulties of rationing and watering, the men were unable to get any rest.
The Brigade commenced a move to Ampliers on 16th July, and on the road the Battalion was met by Lieut.-General T.L.N. Moreland, commanding the X Corps. He expressed to the Commanding Officer his appreciation of the good work done by the Battalion while under his command, and his deepest sympathy in their losses. On the 26th the Brigade moved into Bethune and two days afterwards paraded in full marching order, including "tin hats," on a sweltering afternoon, to be inspected by General Munro, G.O.C., 1st Army. A very warm day. Owing to the calls on an Army Commander's time, this inspection was considered to be a great honour and a mark of appreciation by the authorities of the fine spirit shown by the Division during the Somme battle.
August saw the unit leave Bethune to take over the Cambrin right sub-sector from the Northamptons, after putting in some fine shooting on the old French Government Rifle Range at Labeauvriere. The strength of the unit in the trenches apart from the officers, at the taking over (August 5th) was 199—tragic testimony to the Somme. Immediately on taking over the trenches they were subjected to trench mortar bombardments and sniping raids. On 12th August Lieut. and Adjutant Paterson became Captain and Adjutant, Major Paul became Lieut.-Colonel, and 2nd Lieuts. Morrison and Marr, Captains.
The following weeks of August, September and October were marked with much moving about with various spells of that sort of uneventful trench warfare which is perhaps in some respects more trying on the nerves and strength of a unit than actual operations. On August 23rd they were in the Hulluch Section. In this Section there was a good deal of mining going on and there were two big craters which required special watching, but the Battalion soon set to and trained in grappling hook work to be ready for any kind of crater fighting that might be demanded of them. On August 31st a move was made to Annequin via Beuvry and Bethune, and ultimately by bus journey to the trenches at Guinchy left sub-section, and in this area the unit remained during September. On the 11th of the month a night raid was attempted, but was frustrated owing to the Germans bombing the party as it was on the point of entering their trenches. Unfortunately the two N.C.O.s who fired the torpedo were missing, and it is presumed that they were blown to bits by the explosion.
Cookhouse at Becourt.[ToList]
Observation Post, Hulluch Sector.[ToList]
War's Destruction.[ToList]
To face page 50.
Lieut.-Colonel W.J. Paul.[ToList]
To face page 51.
On October 4th the Battalion took over "Village Trench" in the Cambrin Sector (Maison Rouge), taking over the front line from the 11th Border Regiment. The next move saw the 17th leave Beuvry and proceeding to Labeauvriere on October 16th; to Hardinval, on the 19th; to Rubempré, on the 21st; to Bouzincourt, on the 23rd; back by Rubempré and on to Canaples on the 31st via Talmas and Navurs. This treking was done in weather that was oftener wet than dry, exceedingly cold at night, and the living was under canvas. At Val-de-Maison on November 1st, the unit moved to Vadencourt after a fortnight, and then into the Martinsart Valley on the 15th, where they were ordered to go into action at Beaumont-Hamel, for by this time several drafts had brought up the strength of the Battalion.
BEAUMONT-HAMEL.[ToC]
The attack—weather conditions—failure of artillery support—forlorn hope—break-down of assault—gallantry and sacrifice—casualties—Mailly-Maillet—Franqueville and Rubempré—Xmas 1916 and New Year—football and high spirits.
The attack which commenced at ten minutes past six on the morning on November 18th—a day of ice-covered slushiness—was held up owing to the insufficiency of the artillery barrage and the heavy enemy machine gun fire. At 7.42 a.m. the message came in to the Battalion from the right hand Company that the Company Commander was wounded and that a Sergeant and about ten men were holding the right flank. The jumping off trench known as New Munich Trench, was manned by the Battalion machine gunners with a view to concentrating some of the Companies in it back across "no man's land" to form a rallying point. At 8.30 a.m. the following message was received from 2nd Lieut. Macbeth of the right Company, "Am holding old front line with remainder of Battalion, and have established a bombing post on the right. There are only Lieut. Martin and myself in the trench." The left Company was also being hard pressed. It was reported by one of the Battalion officers that when the barrage opened a great number of shells fell just in front of New Munich Trench where the attacking companies were lying out, killing and wounding a large number of the Battalion. When the barrage lifted on to Munich Trench for the last four minutes, it was still short, and when the leading waves came up to about 50 or 60 yards from Munich Trench followed by the barrage, the Germans could be seen lying in the trench in force. When the barrage was on the Munich Trench, the enemy machine guns played on the attackers from both flanks all the time. The failure of the attack was due to the inefficiency of the British supporting barrage, together with the condition of the ground—thaw having set in and rain falling on the snow, making it exceedingly slippery—the targets the men formed against the snowy background, and the intense cold.
Describing the attack one of the members of the Battalion writes:—"The preliminary bombardment opened with its awful messages of destruction, and the rapid reply of the enemy's artillery indicated ominously that our intentions were not unknown to him. When our barrage lifted, and the first wave of our men attempted to go forward, their dark forms showed up against the snow. They were met by machine gun fire, by rapid fire from the enemy trenches, and by snipers in skilfully chosen holes. Our bombardment had failed. It was impossible to get to close quarters with the enemy—hopeless to advance—dangerous to retire. Many of our men were killed in the attack, others in the attempt to carry in the wounded. Many remained all day in exposed positions, beside their wounded comrades, in hope of rescuing them when darkness fell. Beaumont Hamel will not be remembered by us as bearing any resemblance to the official description. We look back upon it now, from the personal point of view, as a touchstone of the individual soul, as a prominent landmark in the vast monotony of death and horror—a chapter of inspiring deeds. It represents to us the heroism of a forlorn hope, the glory of unselfish sacrifice, the success of failure." 'Tis too easy to despond "while the tired waves" visibly gain no "painful inch," hard to believe that "far back through creeks and inlets making, comes silent, flooding in, the main."
On the 19th the Battalion was relieved and returned to Mailly-Maillet where billets were taken over, and when the 17th rested and licked its wounds—well over 300 of "Glasgow's Own" had either been killed or wounded in that day's fighting. On the 21st of November General Gough, G.O.C. Fifth Army, inspected and congratulated the Battalion, and spoke to many of the N.C.O.s and men individually. During December the unit carried on training at Franqueville and Rubempré, and that the spirit of the men was not broken by the severity of their recent experiences is shown by the number of football matches played during the period. On Christmas Day, 1916, the officers beat the sergeants at Rugby by 11 points to 0; in the afternoon "B" Company beat Headquarters at Association by 4 goals to 0; and in the evening the Battalion held a cheery concert. The Christmas Dinners were reserved for the 30th, and on Hogmanay the New Year was welcomed with a concert. General Gough attended Battalion Church Parade on the first Sunday of the New Year.
THE NEW YEAR, 1917.[ToC]
Bad weather—Courcelles—trench labours—varied moves—beginning of Spring Offensive—attack by the French—the advance—Nesle—condition of inhabitants—great digging work at Germaine.
The opening months of the New Year were months of battling not only against a human enemy, but against the elements and the bad conditions which they created. The winter of 1916 had been a severe one, and in passing into 1917 it continued its course with unabated severity. The Battalion left Rubempré on January 6th and partly by motor lorry and partly in column of route proceeded to Courcelles where, on the following day, they relieved the troops of the 3rd Division in the trenches opposite Serre. The weather was bad, the enemy kept up brisk attentions and the trenches were the worst which the Battalion had ever been in. Most of them were absolutely impassable, being full of water to a height of five feet, with the result that reliefs had for the most part to be made outside the trenches. Owing to this condition of matters, strict orders were issued for the prevention of "trench feet," but notwithstanding every precaution, several cases occurred.
Heavy and continuous work was put in mending and bettering the trenches, training the drafts which were arriving, performing tactical exercises and battalion routine affairs. By this time several ceremonies had taken place at which decorations were bestowed upon N.C.O.s and men for bravery in the Field and gallantry in action. Esprit de corps was stronger than ever, and the tediousness of trench labours was relieved by the establishment of special strong posts, by minor raids on the Bosche, and when out of the line by football and such recreations as the circumstances permitted. This type of campaigning was experienced during January and February at Courcelles, Beaumont Hamel, Lyntham Camp, Mailly-Maillet, Bolton Camp, Molliens-au-Bois (where on February 19th, 1917, Major F.R.F. Sworder, Gordon Highlanders, assumed temporary command—Colonel Paul, after being in hospital in France, having been sent to England where he was appointed to a home unit), Camon, Wiencourt, Le Quesnel. And in March, the approach of spring seemed to bring with it nothing but additional storms of rain and snow, and the names of such points in the line as Key Post and Kuropatkin will bring back memories of buttressing up collapsed trenches and mending wire entanglements.
But the opening of the 1917 Spring Offensive soon gave a great fillip to activities. The French attacked on March 16th and the 96th Brigade attacked with it. The enemy was forced back so rapidly that by 2 o'clock on the day following the Allied artillery was out of range, and the day after that again saw the whole Battalion hard at it clearing wire from the road running through the enemy's old front system, and setting out on the march, complete with transport, at 5 in the morning. Arriving at Nesle on March 19th, the troops were given a tremendous welcome by the French populace. It was discovered there that the people were literally starving, because the Germans had taken their rations for some days previously. A dam on the Somme burst its banks and no advance was possible until this was repaired and new roads made across the floods, but it was only a few days until once more the troops were pushing on and the Commanding Officer and Company Commanders of the 17th were making a reconnaissance of the new main position at Germaine. The digging at Germaine on March 28th was one of the heaviest day's work ever done by the Battalion. The job commenced at night, after an 18 mile march in rain and finished in snow. The digging was covered by the 16th H.L.I., who held the outpost line. The newly dug trenches were shelled on the following forenoon.
ON THE HEELS OF THE ENEMY.[ToC]
The taking of Savy—casualties—patrolling—capture of Fayet—congratulatory messages—strenuous days—Canizy—competitions with the French—work and sport—Hangard—leaving the Fourth Army—Farewell message from General Rawlinson.
The Battalion moved off from Germaine at midnight on April 1st, 1917, and proceeded by Companies at 200 yard intervals cross country to Fluquieres. Arriving there they passed through the village, a pile of smouldering ruins, and on the main St. Quentin road and about half a mile along it they reached Roupy with its destroyed cross-roads and proceeded towards a point near Savy where the Battalion deployed, and attacking at 5 a.m. moved forward, overcame the opposition and took Savy. In the village the Bosche put up a desperate stand and some fierce fighting took place before they were pushed beyond the railway bank north of the village. Most of the fighting took place in the neighbourhood of an orchard at the southern end of the village, and here the 11th Border Regiment joined forces in helping to drive out the stubborn enemy. Once through the village serious destruction was caused by heavy machine gun fire from an enemy strong point in a mine crater. With the aid of two Lewis guns, the crater was soon in the hands of the 17th and a heavy fire directed on the retreating enemy. Thereafter the Battalion started to dig in (about 6.30 a.m.), and soon consolidated their gains, although subject to strong artillery, machine gun and sniping fire. In the afternoon a further attack was made by the 96th Brigade, and before evening Bois-de-Savy was in their hands. The Battalion was relieved in the evening and moved off to take up quarters in dug-outs on the Fluquieres-Douchy Road, but the place had been so badly knocked about that a large portion of the unit bivouacked.
The total casualties in this day's fighting was 103, 31 of whom were killed. During the following week the Battalion suffered from the severe winter conditions, coupled with incessant shelling and had much to do strengthening their positions. On the 9th some magnificent patrolling was done, for which the Battalion was deservedly congratulated. In the afternoon of that day four patrols set out to gain information of Fayet and the ground between Francilly and St. Quentin. One patrol went to the ridge overlooking St. Quentin, one went into a German trench near Fayet, one went within 300 yards of Fayet, and the fourth reconnoitred the southern approaches of the village—and much valuable information was accordingly gained.
On the 12th April, Major Lumsden, V.C., D.S.O., who was in temporary command of the Battalion, relinquished that post, to take up duty as Brigadier-General of the 14th Infantry Brigade—which this very distinguished officer commanded until he was killed—and Captain Morton assumed command of the Battalion, with Captain Paterson, M.C., as second in command.
While at Holnon on the 13th, "C" and "D" Companies were sent forward in support of the 2nd K.O.Y.L.I., who were attacking Fayet. This attack was carried out in conjunction with one being made by the French, who were endeavouring to take St. Quentin. "B" Company joined the others in the front line, and later the Battalion took over a sector of the front line. After consolidating here, congratulatory messages were received from Brigadier-General Blacklock, General Shute and General Rawlinson.
The road from Nesle to St. Quentin is a long and cruel one, but in these early days of 1917, it was to the 17th H.L.I. the pathway to glory. They were sweeping onwards in the track of the retreating enemy, with the glow of victory to strengthen their hearts and the blessings of a delivered people in their ears. The echoing trumpets of romance called to them from the Cathedral City, and their blood stirred to the call. These were the impressions that led them, in common with the rest of the Division, to surmount appalling obstacles, natural and devilish. They soaked in the snow, and froze in the keen blast; they starved and toiled on the way, but "stuck it," and their reward was the fall of Savy village. There was fighting all along the 50 mile front just then, and Savy did not loom very large in the chronicles of the time, but those who took part in its capture, and in the taking of the wood a mile beyond, knew that they had achieved the heroic. There was no resting; Francilly and Holnon were the next to fall, and the men were within sight of the spires of St. Quentin. They lived for some days in earth holes, and the weather flayed them unmercifully. Then one dark morning, the 13th of April, they assembled silently and lay down in the field, whilst dawn broke with singing of birds, and the shriek and whistle of the barrage. The Division was attacking Fayet, the enemy's last stronghold beyond the city. Before they went over, grey and green coated figures were being brought down. There were many other grey and green figures grotesquely contorted in the brown ribbed fields, and those of them who had escaped from the inferno fought it out intermittently, in the woods beyond the village. But their sniping was braved for a few days more, and then one night they staggered weakly back through nightmare villages to Germaine for rest.
After resting at Germaine the Battalion set off on the 19th for Canizy which was reached by evening. They found this village emptied of the native populace and saw that the Germans had been carrying out their usual work of destruction in the same wanton and deliberate scale as in nearly every village in the regained area. A more cheerful memory of this devastated village is that while here the Battalion got its new bugle band. While stationed there the Battalion marched over to Ham where a football match was to be played. Their march into the town caused great interest, and they passed through a long line of French soldiers and civilians who lined the roads. On their approach along the main street, the square seemed totally blocked with a mass of French soldiers, and a company of infantry stood at the "present" as a Guard of Honour as they marched past the Town Hall, while the French band rendered our National Anthem. After the Battalion team had won their match by 6 goals to 1 against the 121st Infantry Regiment and a scratch team had played a drawn game against the 408th Regiment, the French band played the men out of the village. But the French were not allowed to have all their own way of it with the music, for the Battalion Pipe Band played to them and was received with much favour.
The regiment was in highest spirits, battle scarred and with a glorious record of great achievements established. The Battalion remained at rest in the village of Canizy until May 15th—that is, they trained hard and played hard, went marches and were inspected, performed innumerable fatigues and parades and carried out generally that never ending programme of activities which always makes a soldier smile at the mention of the word "rest!" The men played some of their keenest and most memorable games of soccer here, and one of the principle pastimes engaged in by the officers was hunting, until this was forbidden by G.H.Q. The country, being entirely uncultivated made ideal going. Major Campbell, in charge of Physical Training, G.H.Q., was with the 17th for some time, and put extra life into sport and training.
On the 15th the Battalion moved off to Curchy, via Voyennes and Nesle, and on the succeeding day to Rosieres and so on to Hangard on the 18th, where the "resting" was carried on until the end of the month, when they proceeded to Villers-Bretonneux. Of the villages in the regained area little or no description in the normal sense is possible beyond the fact that while some semblance of streets could be traced in some of them, the majority of them were simply masses of masonry debris literally peppered with shell craters. But it was noticeable in such villages as Nesle that the civilians showed a very marked physical improvement as the result of better feeding and life under British occupation. While at Hangard, Battalion Headquarters occupied Hangard Chateau—one of the finest chateaux in France. (It was demolished during the 1918 German offensive.) The Brigade concentrated at Villers-Bretonneux prior to entraining for the Second Army.
But before leaving the Fourth Army, to which the 17th had given such brilliant service, the following message was transmitted to the Battalion as one of the Divisional units concerned:—
Fourth Army, No. G.S.702.
"32nd Division.
"As the Division will shortly be leaving the Fourth Army I desire to express to all ranks my warm thanks for the excellent services they have performed whilst under my command. The gallantry and dash displayed by the Division during the advance in March and April, especially in the actions resulting in the capture of Savy, Bois de Savy, Francilly, Holnon, Selency, Fayet and Cepy Farm, reflect the highest credit on all concerned.
"The skilful leadership of all ranks, coupled with the close co-operation between Artillery, Infantry and Aircraft, was a feature in these operations deserving the highest praise, and I heartily congratulate the Division on the successes they have achieved.
"I much regret that the Division is now leaving the Fourth Army, but I shall hope that at some future date I may again have the good fortune to find them under my command.
"(Signed) H. RAWLINSON, General,
Commanding Fourth Army.
"H.Q., Fourth Army,
"22nd May, 1917."
IN FLANDERS.[ToC]
En route to Steenbecque—R.T.O.—the 14th Corps—reconnaissance of Messines Sector—heavy marches—Coxyde and Kuhn—amenities of Nieuport area.
The Battalion on 1st June, 1917, left the Fourth Army and the Somme area. The 17th never again served in that area though it served again with the Fourth Army on the sea coast. Entraining at Villers-Bretonneux the unit journeyed to Amiens and by way of Abbeville, Etaples, Boulogne, Calais, St. Omer, Hazebrouck to Steenbecque.
Owing to a mistake of the Railway Transport Officer an incident, upsetting but not without its amusing side, occurred at Abbeville, where the train moved off without warning while the Battalion was parading in the station for tea, with only 100 all ranks on board. The train calmly continued its journey and in due course arrived at Steenbecque, the men who were left following on in the overcrowded trucks of the 2nd Manchesters. Leaving the train at Hazebrouck, the stranded party marched to Steenbecque, their appearance, owing to deficiencies of equipment and in some cases even of uniform, causing much interested amusement. At the latter station the first party were picked up, packs and equipment donned, and then, in the afternoon the Battalion accomplished a very interesting, though long and heavy march to a small hamlet in the Donlieu area, where they billeted for ten days or so.
The 32nd Division came into the 14th Corps, commanded by the Earl of Cavan, in G.H.Q. Reserve. The 14th Corps was composed of the Guards Division, 1st, 8th and 32nd Divisions.
On 5th June the Commanding Officer, with his officers and N.C.O.s reconnoitred the Messines Sector with a view to supporting the attack to be carried out on the Messines-Wytschaete Ridge by the Second Army. The 17th at Donlieu "stood to" ready to move off in support of this offensive, though happily the success of the attack did not necessitate the Battalion being called on. Major Inglis of the 1st H.L.I.—who had been cross-posted to the 2nd Manchesters, which Battalion he commanded until re-posted to command the 17th H.L.I. on the 20th of July—joined the Battalion on the 8th of June.
Lt.-Col. J. Inglis, C.M.G., D.S.O.[ToList]
To face page 60.
Donlieu was left on 14th June and the Battalion went in column of route to Steenvoorde, in which area they were billeted. This was one of the most trying marches they had experienced, and a large number of men fell out. In 6 hours the unit had covered 24 kilometres which, in full marching order, was a most difficult and wearisome performance. On the 16th the Battalion embussed outside Steenvoorde, and after leaving the charabancs at Petite Synthe, they marched to billets at Mardyck. Hereabouts was pleasant country with excellent sea bathing. Petite Synthe was left on the 19th for Dunkirk where they entrained and proceeded east along the sand dunes to Coxyde and, on the following day, into the coastal camp of Kuhn. Coxyde and Kuhn were French built camps and very good, with vegetable gardens attached to them.
Until 10th July the Battalion stayed in this vicinity, and despite spells of shelling, trench mortar and aerial bombardments, considerable patrolling and wiring work, the stay on the sand dunes about Nieuport was heaven after the endless mud and horror of the winter on the Somme. The very mention of Nieuport to a man who was there in the first week of July, 1917, makes a marked impression on his countenance. Since detraining at Coxyde on 20th June, things had been comparatively quiet and the weather ideal. Working parties were supplied for the roads during the day and smaller parties were engaged on the breastworks in the front line at night. The quietness was absolutely awful. But the presence of civilians in Oost Dunkirk and Les Bains gave an air of security and quietude to the place which was very soothing to the heart of the soldier. It is true that aerial activity was disquieting at times, but several successful attacks on the "Vultures of the Kaiser" made these items of interest, rather than causes of alarm. The Germans seemed to pay greater attention to something well on the left of the Battalion and towards the sea, than to anything that concerned them particularly. The appearance of the roads from Oost Dunkirk to Nieuport was most assuring and their great beauty and undisturbed tranquillity were all that could be desired.
A large amount of work was attempted during this period on the Brigade Front, in order to obtain sufficient cover for protection against retaliation after our artillery bombardments began, prior to an intended attack on the sea-coast by the 4th Army, in conjunction with the 5th and 2nd Armies from Ypres. The enemy, before our artillery came in, greatly increased his artillery force, and daily destroyed any work done by night. These destructive shoots were afterwards found to be part of his barrage programme for the attack on the 10th July.
OPERATIONS ON THE COAST.[ToC]
Enemy hurricane bombardment—enemy attempt frustrated—attack abandoned—visit to H.L.I.—sports—visit of Dr. Kelman—patrol work by Corpl. Wilson—listening post raided—departure for Adinkerke.
The Battalion continued to carry out its duties on the Belgian Coast until relieved from that Sector on October 5th, 1917. In the previous chapter some idea of the general conditions has been given. And the period which followed was of somewhat like nature with intermittent outstanding excursions and alarms and with memorable pleasant episodes to intermix with those more combative, and in this chapter the outstanding features will be recorded without following the movements of the Battalion to the various points in this sand-dune sector.
The comparatively routine behaviour of the daily aerial and artillery "strafe" broke into a brisk and heavy bombardment on the Division to the left on the night of July 9th, but on the 10th about five o'clock in the morning this heavy fire switched on to the trenches from the border of the sea to Nieuport. The bombardment crashed on to all lines, firing, reserve, and rear. It got heavier and heavier and soon reached an unprecedented violence and extended to the flanking Divisions as well. The British guns replied, but could not force the hostile fire to slacken, and in the evening the enemy came on in attack. They carried the trenches of the units on the left and patrols were put out and the flank strengthened. This was the severest bombardment the Battalion had ever been in. It was a hurricane onslaught. The 17th knew that sort. They had been through it. Positions were taken and held, where no trench afforded cover, and where breastworks were blown away.
The 17th were ordered to send three Companies in support of the Border Regiment who were being hard pressed east of the Yser. "A," "B" and "C" Companies were despatched on this mission. These Companies experienced very stiff fighting throughout the night of the 10-11th, until relieved early in the morning of the 11th by the Northumberland Fusiliers.
On the following day the bombardment slackened a little, though during the night hurricane fire broke out, and over the period of this attack the Hun used a very large number of tear gas shells—which at that time was a new horror introduced to the sufferings of the British armies. Who will forget the Redans, Le Grand and Le Petit, the Bridges Putney and Pelican? The last named was renewed or rebuilt on the average three times every twenty-four hours. No words can describe what took place between the 10th and 13th of that awful month. The Germans, expecting an attack, made one. After these terrible three days, the Battalion, whose luck it was on this occasion to be spared the brunt of the action, after being relieved by the Borderers, struggled back through a mixed barrage of shells of all calibres, sprinkled with those of gas. There was a fog of gas and dust for miles behind the lines.
The enemy attempt had broken down; the Battalion returned to Ghyvelde of pleasant recollection, and on the 13th the Division was congratulated on its successful efforts.
On July 20th Major J. Inglis joined the Battalion and took over command at Bray Dunes Plage. On the 23rd the Brigade was inspected by the Divisional General, Major-General Shute. After his inspection he gave an address congratulating the Brigade on its part against the enemy attack on the 10th inst. at Nieuport, and on the same day the Corps Commander also inspected the Brigade, complimenting the men on their clean and smart appearance, and paying a high tribute to their fighting qualities.
August opened with the prospect of making an attack on the enemy and exercises were practised accordingly. On 6th August a Battalion reconnaissance was made which included reporting on all tracks to the front line, arranging an assembling position in "no man's land," and learning the condition of the existing wire in front of both our own and the enemy's line. The weather for some little time had been very wet, the night selected for the reconnaissance was very bright and none too suitable, and the condition of the ground was extremely muddy, making movement slow and difficult. After examining the whole situation it was recognised that any possibility of successfully attacking upon this position was out of the question. Indeed, the bad weather throughout August delayed whatever action had been contemplated by either side.
The 9th H.L.I. (The Glasgow Highlanders) were lying at Ghyvelde, and on 11th August, the 17th paid them a visit, while the Battalion football teams played a match. Another convivial day was spent on the 24th when the Battalion sports were held. The day cleared up to one of bright sunshine, and a large number of spectators enjoyed the sport. The events were continued on the following day when even a larger number of guests and spectators attended, including many Colonial soldiers, and the various events were keenly contested, both by the men of the home Battalion and those from others in the area. A good turn out of British and Belgian nurses from La Panne Hospital brightened the gathering, and at the conclusion of the sports the prizes were presented by two of the lady guests. On the Saturday following Brigade Sports were held under ideal conditions, the Battalion representatives winning numerous prizes.
At Church Parade on the 26th, the Presbyterian Service was conducted in camp by the Rev. Dr. Kelman, of Free St. George's, Edinburgh, who delivered a very impressive address which was listened to with the closest attention by the men. Dr. Kelman then left to preach to another Battalion and the 17th prepared to go back to the line.
The Battalion kept up its old record of keen patrolling, and during their front line spell at the beginning of September some reconnaissance work was well carried out under conditions unusually difficult. On the night of 3rd September, 1917, 2nd Lieut. Forbes and Corpl. J. Wilson of "C" Company waded across a swamped portion which lay between the Battalion positions and a point known as Roode Poorte Farm. Coming to a point where the water was too deep for wading, Corpl. Wilson swam across and on reaching ground crawled in the direction of the enemy lines. Finding this line of approach of no use for operations, he swam back to the point where the patrol was covering his movements, and selecting another point, swam across the canal which lay to the east, opposite the farm buildings, and carried out his reconnaissance.
On the 8th, while at Wulpen, a gas attack was successfully carried through on to the enemy's lines, and on the 13th, the third anniversary of the forming of the Battalion was spent in the trenches. A telegram congratulating the Battalion on its anniversary was received from the Brigadier, and a reply sent reciprocating the General's good wishes.
The enemy perpetrated a novel surprise raid, which had some of the elements of picture-house humour in it, on one of the Battalion advanced Listening Posts, and by their new device gained temporary footing in it. A strong stream of water, apparently from a hose was directed suddenly upon the men in the Listening Post from the enemy position. While the men were baffled and blinded by the rush of water, the post was bombed and the two listeners retired on the main post for support. Immediately a counter-attack was organised and led by Company Sergeant-Major Miller of "A" Company, and the post was re-established.
Orders were received on October 5th, 1917, for the relief of the 97th Infantry Brigade by the 125th Infantry Brigade. The Battalion accordingly withdrew to Coxyde that night, and on the following morning left for Adinkerke on the way to fresh fields and battles new.
THE YPRES SALIENT.[ToC]
Passchendaele—gallantry of attack—casualties—Hilltop Farm—move to Landethun and Yeuse—Serre Sector—close of 1917.
At Adinkerke, on their way to the Ypres Salient, the men were embarked on barges on October 6th, 1917, and journeyed by canal to near Rosendael where they billeted and where Lieut. Colonel J. Inglis rejoined the Battalion from leave and resumed command. They then underwent intensive training at Uxem until the 24th, when they left en route for the Eringham area in accordance with the forward move of the Brigade Group. The next day saw them at Rubrouck and on the next again they arrived at Broxcele where training was again entered upon and continued until November 9th.
About this period Lieut. Colonel Inglis and the Adjutant, Captain F.E. Dunsmuir, were away from the Battalion making a preliminary tour of inspection of the line on the Ypres front.
On the 10th, the Battalion was once more in column of route on their way to Wormhoudt, and on the following day, to Watou to "Road Camp" in the St. Jan Ter Biezen area, where training was resumed, and this time once more within sound of the rumble of the guns. But that didn't upset the H.L.I., whose 16th and 17th Battalions met in the final of the Brigade Football Tournament, which was won in easy style, 5 goals to nil, by the Chamber of Commerce boys. Four days later they defeated the 32nd Divisional Supply Column in the semi-final of the Divisional Tournament, and then two days after that, meeting the 2nd Royal Inniskillen Fusiliers in the final, the 17th H.L.I. carried off the Championship, repeating their performance of the previous year against the same finalists.
On the following day the Divisional Commander addressed the Brigade, which was drawn up on the football field, and reminded the men of the sterner duties that now lay before them, and expressed the hope that they would maintain the honourable traditions associated with the name of the 97th Infantry Brigade—which, indeed, they more than maintained.
The Battalion left the camp on November 22nd for Poperinghe where they entrained to continue the journey up the line, and arriving at St. Jean Station, detrained and marched to "Irish Camp."
On the afternoon of the 23rd a start was made for the Passchendaele front line system, the route taken by the Battalion being for the greater part over the duck board walks "Mouse Trap Track," which covered ground won in the recent big push at Passchendaele. The take-over was not completed without casualties, but these were comparatively few considering the dangerous nature of the going, which was in the open over shell-pitted ground. The Battalion relieved by the 17th was the 1st Northamptonshire Battalion. During the night the 17th captured its first prisoner in this area—a corporal of the 315th Regiment. According to his statement he had been out on patrol when he lost one of his boots in the mud and in trying to find it he had strayed into our lines and been taken. During their initial tour of the Passchendaele system much heavy work was done in converting the shell-hole defence line into trenches, and patrolling. Several casualties were reported each day and the mud was thick and sticky. On the 26th the Battalion was relieved and proceeded to Dambre Camp in the Vlamertinghe area where everybody rested and completed the preparations for the forthcoming offensive at Passchendaele.
It may be said at the outset that the element of surprise intended in the Passchendaele attack failed entirely, as the enemy were aware of the British intentions and fully prepared. In addition, the fact that the artillery barrage proper did not open until zero plus eight minutes, allowed the enemy entire freedom of action in his front posts with rifles and machine guns.
The Battalion moved into the line on the evening of December 1st in conjunction with the other Battalions of the Brigade—2nd K.O.Y.L.I.; 16th H.L.I.; 11th Border Regiment; and the 15th Lancashire Fusiliers (attached). The 16th Northumberland Fusiliers of the 96th Infantry Brigade were attached to the 97th Infantry Brigade as counter-attacking troops to be used in the event of a strong hostile counter-attack on the Brigade front. The frontage taken over by the Brigade was one of 1,850 yards approximately along the Passchendaele Ridge. There were two objectives to be taken, of which sections were detailed as the job of the 17th—a slice which included two formidable "pill-boxes" known as the "Vat and Veal Cottages."
The Battalion assembled on a frontage of 400 yards and at Zero Hour (1.55 a.m.) moved forward to the attack. Companies deployed from a two platoon frontage in snake formation—this method having been adopted owing to the shell torn nature of the ground—and advanced in four waves. "A" and "B" Companies were to capture the first objective, mopping up all occupied points in the way, including the two pill boxes, while "C" and "D" were to "leap-frog" through them, carry the next objective and consolidate.
The initial stages of the attack were successfully carried through, but the enemy—as was afterwards learned—knowing of what was on foot, waited in readiness. Suddenly he opened heavy machine gun fire upon the advancing Companies, inflicting heavy casualties which, in the dark and over the difficult ground, had the effect of splitting up the sections and creating some confusion. The officers and men of the Battalion gallantly pressed on against these odds, however, and succeeded in reaching their objective; but the enemy machine gun and rifle fire became so intense that their advanced positions were rendered humanly untenable. Our men, though forced to retire in places, established themselves in shell-hole posts, where an attempt was made to consolidate.
The artillery and machine gun barrage, though intense, had failed, owing to the enemy's fore-knowledge of the attack, to effect its purpose. His strong points were heavily garrisoned and wired and he was also found to be established in strong lines of trenches also effectively wired. The Battalion hung on all through that awful night in its isolated positions, for orders were received that the attack would be renewed in the morning, but these orders were afterwards cancelled.
From dawn onwards artillery fire slackened somewhat, but the enemy machine gunners and snipers kept up harassing fire from their well established posts against the men in their exposed and isolated posts.
It was obvious that a hostile counter-attack might be expected, and this took place about 4 p.m. on the afternoon of the 2nd, preceded by an intense artillery barrage. Owing to the terrible difficulties of their position, and the sweeping casualties inflicted, the line was forced back, but the actual enemy attack which followed his barrage was met by the rifle fire of the shattered 17th, and after the Bosches had approached within a certain distance of the posts, they broke and turned back in retreat.
Types of Support Line Dug-outs and First Aid Post.[ToList]
To face page 68.
Though the withdrawal of the Divisional line had been almost general, some of the Battalion posts were still hanging on to the advanced positions on the 3rd. Many wounded were lying out, suffering the most appalling rigours of war and the Battalion stretcher-bearers displayed great devotion to duty in ignoring the heavy fire while bringing them in to comparative shelter. The work at first was extremely dangerous, but later on in the day a lull occurred when it was possible to carry on this labour of mercy under less trying conditions. And it must be recorded, as far as this battle is concerned, that from this point onward the German reversed his frequent policy and shewed respect for the Red Cross Flag, only one instance of sniping taking place when one of the Battalion stretcher-bearers was shot dead while bending over a wounded comrade. Enemy stretcher-bearers were also at work and in some instances they reciprocated attentions given to their wounded, by dressing and carrying our casualties. In this way all the wounded were got in before the Brigade was relieved that night. The Battalion frontage was taken over by the 5/6th Royal Scots. The relief was successfully completed and the remnants of the Battalion reached "Hilltop Farm" in the early morning, entraining later for Hospital Camp in the Vlamertinghe area. The casualties were particularly heavy among Officers and N.C.O.s, and gives trenchant evidence of their self-sacrificing gallantry in seeking by utter disregard for danger to turn a forlorn hope into victory, and by personal example and incentive to make still richer the honourable traditions of the 17th in the face of such overwhelming odds, and amidst such overaweing devastation. In this action seven officers were killed and five wounded. Of other ranks 41 were killed, 130 wounded and 13 missing.
The Battalion was organised as far as possible in its depleted condition and work and training carried on until December 10th, when once more the unit moved up the line to Hilltop Farm, N.E. of Ypres. During their stay here, Mr. Fred A. Farrell, the well-known Scottish artist, visited the 17th on a commission from the Corporation of Glasgow to execute drawings of the Glasgow Battalions and the places in which they were operating.
On December 13th they were back in the trenches. Hard winter weather had now set in, with fog, frost and water sogged ground. On the 20th the Battalion was relieved and, as far as weather is concerned, spent a typical Christmas Day when it came round, in Dambre Camp. Being in Corps Reserve, nothing in the nature of Christmas festivities could be permitted, but the gifts supplied by the Chamber of Commerce provided seasonable fare and brought a measure of good cheer.
After a series of alarms and stand-to's, a Divisional Relief was carried through, and on December 30th the Battalion trained to Audruicq and set out on an arduous route march for the villages of Landrethun and Yeuse, where the men were happily enabled to spend a night's rest in comfortable billets, "A," "B," "C," and Headquarters in the former village, and "D" in the latter.
The last day of the year which had probably been the hardest and, as far as campaigning is concerned, the most eventful in the history of the Battalion, was passed amidst the peaceful surroundings of these villages untouched by war. The beginning of the year had seen the Battalion in the line in the Serre Sector, then had followed the memorable days of Beaumont Hamel, Honoroye, the battle of Savy and the taking of Fayet in the St. Quentin area, a well deserved period of rest at Canizy and thence by train and road into Belgium, being held in reserve for the Battle of Messines, three hard months spent in the line in the Nieuport Sector and the St. George's Sector, and then after a spell of rest—forward into Passchendaele.
THE DISBANDMENT.[ToC]
Hogmanay—with the II. Corps—the blow—new army establishment—Hospital Camp—disbandment—the passing of the "17th."
For some time rumours had been flitting about that certain Battalions were going to be disbanded in accordance with a programme of reorganised military establishments. Every New Army unit in the B.E.F. had about this time qualms of fear that if rumours proved true the selection might fall on them. Esprit de corps was never stronger and the very thought of possible separations from brothers-in-arms, fell as a vague shadowy fear over the 17th because it looked very likely that the 17th, being the junior H.L.I. Battalion of the Division, would be the Divisional victim in any re-arrangement that might be carried out. But nothing definite was known, and the advent of New Year, 1918, brought with it a feeling of hope for the future.
The Battalion was still billeted in the peaceful villages of Landrethun and Yeuse. On the opening day of the year the ground was snow covered, rendering parades well nigh impossible, and so the men were at liberty. Preparations were eagerly pushed forward for a New Year Feast, and on the 3rd, in spite of provisioning difficulties, very complete arrangements had been successfully made considering the length of time available for providing the men with a seasonable repast on that evening. The Companies sat down to a feast of roast pork—which only a few hours before had been a live pig. There was soup, haggis, plum pudding, apple dumpling, cake, cigarettes, and copious supplies of beer. The Commanding Officer, accompanied by Major G.R.S. Paterson, and the Adjutant, visited each Company in turn to wish them the Compliments of the Season, and the night finished with song and story.
Work and training was resumed again in earnest the next day as far as the weather conditions would permit. On the 9th of January the Battalion moved off, embussing for the forward area to operate on the II. Corps Line. After a cold journey in a heavy snowstorm, they arrived at Murat Camp late at night and came under the command of the 35th Division. They found the camp in very bad order and set about putting it right, meanwhile working parties were carrying on under the C.R.E. of the Division. Splendid work was carried out by the Battalion during this period, despite snowstorms and blizzards, and high praise was given to the unit by the Corps Commander. All the Royal Engineer Officers connected with the work declared they had never had better nor keener infantry parties.
On the 16th Major Morton assumed command of the Battalion during the absence of Lieut.-Colonel Inglis on leave; and on the 18th Major Morton was ordered to hospital and Major Paterson took over.
The Battalion Intelligence News Sheet, inaugurated to keep all ranks fully informed of the principal events of the day as regards the war, was circulated, but it could not hope to oust The Outpost as the real news vehicle of the 17th.
On the 25th of January the Battalion left Murat Camp for a camp near Woeston and came under the command of the 1st Division, and on the 27th the Battalion relieved the 10th Gloucesters in reserve in the Het Sas Sector, and carried on improving the line until the 31st of January—when the blow fell and hopes were dashed to the ground. While in Brigade Support at Houthust Forest Sector, Major Paterson was sent for by Brigadier-General C.A. Blacklock, who informed him that the re-organisation of the Army necessitated the disbanding of an H.L.I. Battalion in the 32nd Division. The Battalion selected was the junior one, the 17th. General Blacklock expressed in very generous terms his admiration for the Battalion, and for all that it had done, and expressed his sorrow and regret that so fine a unit had to be broken up, and the officers, non-com. officers and men serving in it would be drafted to other H.L.I. Battalions, which would necessitate, in many cases, the breaking up of what had been very long friendships.
Early in January, 1918, it had been decided by the War Office to adopt the three Battalion per Brigade system throughout the British Army, and this resulted in the disbandment of many Battalions which had seen much service abroad, and had won a name for themselves in France. Perhaps the chief Battalion in the whole army to be disbanded was the 17th Service Battalion of the Highland Light Infantry, and the disbandment of this Battalion came as a bitter blow, not only to those who were serving in the Battalion at that time, but also to those who had served in it at some time or other in the past and possibly to those who were looking forward to serving with it in the future.
Needless to say all ranks of the Battalion were deeply disappointed at the Commander-in-Chief's decision, which was received as a calamity. The highest traditions of the Battalion had been maintained throughout, and the esprit de corps and good comradeship of all ranks made the news almost unbearable.
As soon as the official notification arrived the Battalion was relieved by the First Battalion, the Dorset Regiment, and was withdrawn to Hospital Camp near Woesten where the disbanding was to be carried out. From then onwards an enormous amount of work fell on everybody, especially on the Adjutant, Captain Dunsmuir, M.C., who was responsible for compiling the rolls of the different drafts, which were to proceed to the various H.L.I. Battalions in France, comprising the 10/11th, 12th, 14th, 15th, 16th, and 18th Battalions.
On the 11th of February the first draft, consisting of about seven officers and 200 other ranks marched out of camp to the tune of the pipes en route for the railway station at Boesinghe, where it entrained and proceeded to join the 10/11th Battalion H.L.I. Although there was much cheering as the train steamed away, yet there were many men with sad hearts at leaving the Battalion they had served in from the beginning, which had become their home in the Army.
For the next few days that followed, similar drafts were sent off until the strength of the Battalion was reduced to the establishment for Headquarters with Transport. For about a week this small unit carried on, until the Transport section, under the Transport Officer, Lieut. Smith, was detached, and was attached to the Division where it remained for some time until it was sent to the base for drafting. All that remained now was the Headquarters establishment, commanded by Lieut.-Colonel Inglis, D.S.O., who had returned from leave, and this establishment was sent to take over another camp which was to be run as a Divisional Reception Camp for men returning to their units from leave. About a week later orders were received that some of the H.Q. personnel were to be drafted away, and on the next day a draft of about thirty men under R.S.M. Burns proceeded to join the 13th Entrenching Battalion. A few days later all that was left of the Battalion under Captain Dunsmuir, M.C., was drafted to the same Battalion, and Lieut.-Colonel Inglis, D.S.O., and Major Morton, who was again with the Battalion, were ordered to report to Divisional Headquarters.
All that remained now of the 17th Battalion Highland Light Infantry was the name, but that name will always remain in the minds of those who served in the Battalion, and the mere mention of it brings back happy memories of days spent both at home and abroad to those who knew it.
As William Glennie of "A" Company, writes:—"That the good old Battalion would end, we all expected, as the happy sequence of completed duty, and somehow we all imagined we would be there. In our ideal picture of the scene, George Square was clearly outlined; somehow we fancied old Hughie would order 'Officers, fall out please,' and while the ranks took the rhythmical right turn, the 'Faither' would step forward from the right of 'C' Company, give his characteristic red army salute, shake his cane and rap out 'Quick time off the parade ground' in his best Troon parade style. But we forgot the war, as too often in our ideal outlook we did.
"'Fall out ... the 17th Highland Light Infantry....' That was at No. 6 Camp, Calais, in the chill dusk of 6th February, 1918. Back from Blighty leave, as the news spread, we took it philosophically—the old Battalion had been disbanded, and scattered to various sister battalions. Here we were, practically all the originals to the number of about 50, the sole remnants of 26 months of war, welcomed back to France for the second time, but not to the Seventeenth; orphans to be adopted by strange parents.
"'Quick march.' The party swung slowly down the rough track between the huts. It was one of those innumerable hutted campments behind Poperinghe. At the junction of the road stood Colonel Inglis, Majors Morton and Paterson, Captain Dunsmuir and R.S.M. Kelly. It all seemed so usual, save that there was more handshaking and waving of bonnets. 'Cheerio, old chap—best of luck.' Gone, those pals of three years in camp, trench, billet and shell hole; but we never knew how great a part of our life they had become. Then in the look in each other's eyes, in the huskiness of the voice, rather than in the ill-concealed tear, came the full realisation of the undying spirit of our old Chamber of Commerce Battalion, and the certainty that the death of the Battalion had bequeathed to us the Living Soul of the Seventeenth."