Principles.
I. A heavy body, that in the first second of time has fallen the height of a feet, has acquired such a velocity, that, moving uniformly therewith, will in the next second of time move the length of 2 a feet.
II. The spaces run thro’ by falling bodies are proportional to one another as the squares of their last or acquired velocities.
These two principles are demonstrated by the writers on mechanics.
III. Water forced out of a larger chanel thro’ one or more smaller passages, will have the streams thro’ those passages contracted in the ratio of 25 to 21.
This is shewn in the 36th prop. of the 2d book of Newton’s Principia.
IV. In any stream of water, the velocity is such, as would be acquired by the fall of a body from a height above the surface of that stream.
This is evident from the nature of motion.
V. The velocities of water thro’ different passages of the same height, are reciprocally proportional to their breadths.
For, at some time, the water must be delivered as fast as it comes; otherwise the bounds would be overflowed.
At that time, the same quantity, which in any time flows thro’ a section in the open chanel, is delivered in equal time thro’ the narrower passages; or the momentum in the narrow passages must be equal to the momentum in the open chanel; or the rectangle under the section of the narrow passages, by their mean velocity, must be equal to the rectangle under the section of the open chanel by its mean velocity.
Therefore the velocity in the open chanel is to the velocity in the narrower passages, as the section of those passages is to the section of the open chanel.
But the heights in both sections being equal, the sections are directly as the breadths;
Consequently the velocities are reciprocally as the breadths.
VI. In a running stream, the water above any obstacles put therein will rise to such a height, that by its fall the stream may be discharged as fast as it comes.
For the same body of water, which flowed in the open chanel, must pass thro’ the passages made by the obstacles:
And the narrower the passages, the swifter will be the velocity of the water:
But the swifter the velocity of the water, the greater is the height, from whence it has descended:
Consequently the obstacles, which contract the chanel, cause the water to rise against them.
But the rise will cease, when the water can run off as fast as it comes:
And this must happen, when, by the fall between the obstacles, the water will acquire a velocity in a reciprocal proportion to that in the open chanel as the breadth of the open chanel is to the breadth of the narrow passages.
VII. The quantity of the fall caused by an obstacle in a running stream is measured by the difference between the heights fallen from to acquire the velocities in the narrow passages and open chanel.
For just above the fall, the velocity of the stream is such, as would be acquired by a body falling from a height higher than the surface of the water:
And at the fall, the velocity of the stream is such, as would be acquired by the fall of a body from a height more elevated than the top of the falling stream; and consequently the real fall is less than this height.
Now as the stream comes to the fall with a velocity belonging to a fall above its surface;
Consequently the height belonging to the velocity at the fall must be diminished by the height belonging to the velocity, with which the stream arrives at the fall.
Problem.
In a chanel of running water, whose breadth is contracted by one or more obstacles; the breadth of the chanel, the mean velocity of the whole stream, and the breadth of the water-way between the obstacles being given; To find the quantity of the fall occasioned by those obstacles.
| Let | b = breadth of the chanel in feet. |
| v = mean velocity of the water in feet per sec. | |
| c = breadth of the water-way between the obstacles. |
| Now 25 : 21∷ c : 21 ⁄ 25 c the water-way contracted. | Principle III. |
| And 21 ⁄ 25 c: b ∷ v : 25b ⁄ 21c v the veloc. per sec. in the water-way between the obstacles. | Princip. V. |
| Also (2a)² : vv ∷ a : vv ⁄ 4a the height fallen to acquire the vel. v. | I. & II. |
| And (2a)² : (25b ⁄21c)² × vv ∷ a: (25b ⁄ 21c)² × vv ⁄4a the height fallen to acquire the vel. 25b ⁄ 21c v. | I. & II. |
| Then (25b ⁄ 21c)² x vv ⁄ 4a - vv ⁄ 4a is the measure of the fall required. | VII. |
Or ((25b⁄21c)² - 1) × vv ⁄ 4a is a rule, by which the fall may be readily computed.
Here a = 16,0899 feet and 4a = 64,3596.
Example I. For London-Bridge.
By the observations made by Mr. Labelye in 1746,
The breadth of the Thames at London-bridge is 926 feet;
The sum of the water-ways at the time of the greatest fall is 236 feet;
The mean velocity of the stream taken at its surface just above bridge is 3⅙ feet per second.
Under almost all the arches there are great numbers of drip-shot piles, or piles driven into the bed of the water-way, to prevent it from being washed away by the fall. These drip-shot piles considerably contract the water-ways, at least ⅙ of their measured breadth, or about 39⅓ feet in the whole.
So that the water-way will be reduced to 196⅔ feet.
Now b = 926; c = 196⅔; v = 3⅙; 4a = 64,3596.
Then 25b ⁄ 21c = 23150 ⁄ 4130 = 5,60532.
And 5,60532² = 31,4196; and 31,4196 - 1 = 30,4196 = (25b ⁄ 21c)² - 1.
Also vv = (19 ⁄ 6)² = 361 ⁄36; And vv⁄4a = 361⁄36 × 64,3596 = 0,15581.
Then 30,4196 × 0,15581 = 4,739 feet, the fall sought after.
By the most exact observations made about the year 1736, the measure of the fall was 4 feet 9 inches.
Example II. For Westminster-Bridge.
Altho’ the breadth of the river at Westminster-bridge is 1220 feet; yet, at the time of the greatest fall, there is water thro’ only the thirteen large arches, which amount to 820 feet: to which adding the breadth of the twelve intermediate piers, equal to 174 feet, gives 994 for the breadth of the river at that time: and the velocity of the water just above bridge (from many experiments) is not greater than 2¼ feet per second.
Here b = 994; c = 820; v = 2¼; 4a = 64,3596.
Now 25b ⁄ 21c = 24850 ⁄ 17220 = 1,443.
And 1,443² = 2,082; And 2,082 - 1 = 1,082 = (25b ⁄ 21c)² - 1.
Also vv = (9 ⁄ 4)² = 81 ⁄ 16; And vv ⁄ 48 = 81 ⁄ 16 × 64,3696 = 0,0786.
Then 1,082 × 0,0786 = 0,084 feet, the fall sought.
Which is about 1 inch; and is about half an inch more than the greatest fall observed by Mr. Labelye.
LXIV. An Account of the Earthquake in the West Parts of Cornwall, July 15th 1757. By the Rev. William Borlase, M. A. F.R.S. Communicated by the Rev. Charles Lyttelton, LL.D. Dean of Exeter, F.R.S.
Read Jan. 26, 1758.
ON Friday the 15th of July, 1757. a violent shock of an earthquake was felt in the western parts of Cornwall.
The thermometer had been higher than usual, and the weather hot, or calm, or both, for eight days before; wind east and north-east. On the 14th in the morning, the wind shifting to the south-west, the weather calm and hazy, there was a shower. The afternoon hazy and fair, wind north-west. The barometer moderately high, but the mercury remarkably variable.
On the 15th in the morning, the wind fresh at north-west, the atmosphere hazy. Being on the sands, half a mile east of Penzance, at 10 A. M. near low water, I perceived on the surface of the sands a very unusual inequality: for whereas there are seldom any unevennesses there, but what are made by the rippling of the water, I found the sands, for above 100 yards square, all full of little tubercles (each as large as a moderate mole-hill), and in the middle a black speck on the top, as if something had issued thence. Between these convexities were hollow basons of an equal diameter. From one of these hollows there issued a strong rush of water, about the bigness of a man’s wrist, never observed there before nor since.
About a quarter after six, P. M. the sky dusky, the wind being at west north-west, it fell quite calm. At half past six, being then in the summer-house at Keneggy, the seat of the Hon. J. Harris, Esq; near Penzance, with some company, we were suddenly alarmed with a rumbling noise, as if a coach or waggon had passed near us over an uneven pavement; but the noise was as loud in the beginning and at the end, as in the middle; which neither the sound of thunder, or of carriages, ever is. The sash-casements jarred: one gentleman thought his chair moved under him; and the gardener, then in the dwelling house (about an hundred yards distant from us) felt the stone pavement of the room he was in move very sensibly.
In what place the shock began, and whether progressive or instantaneous in the several places where it was felt, is uncertain, for want of accurately determining the precise point of time in distant places.
The shock was not equally loud or violent. Its extent was from the isles of Scilly eastward as far as Liskerd, and towards the north as far as Camelford; thro’ which district I shall trace it, according to the best informations I could procure.
In the island of St. Mary, Scilly, the shock was violent. On the shores of Cornwall, opposite to Scilly (in the parish of Senan, near the Land’s-end) the noise was heard like that of a spinning-wheel on a chamber-floor. Below stairs there was a cry, that the house was shaking; and the brass pans and pewter rattled one against another in several houses in the same parish. In the adjoining parish of St. Just, two young men being then swimming, felt a strong and very unusual agitation of the sea. In the town of Penzance, in one house the chamber-bell rung; in another the pewter plates, placed edgeways on a shelf, shifted, and slid to one end of the shelf: and it was every-where perceived more or less, according as people’s attention was engaged.
At Trevailer, the seat of William Veale, Esquire, about two miles from Penzance, the noise was heard, and thought at first to be thunder: the windows shook, and the walls of the parlour, where Mr. Veale sat, visibly moved. The jarring of the windows continued near half a minute; but the motion of the walls not quite so long: and some masons, being at work on a contiguous new building, the upright poles of the scaffolds shook so violently, that, for fear of falling, they laid hold on the walls, which, to their still greater surprize, they found agitated in the same manner. And a person present, who was at London at the time of the two shocks in the year 1751, thought this shock to resemble the second, both in degree and duration[10].
At Marazion, the next market-town east of Penzance, the houses of several persons shook to that degree, that people ran out into the street, lest the houses should fall upon them.
In the borough of St. Ives, on the north sea, six miles north of Penzance, the shock was so violent, that a gentleman, who had been at Lisbon during several shocks, said, that this exceeded all he had met with, except that on the 1st of November 1755, so fatal to that city.
At Tehidy, the seat of Francis Basset, Esq; the rooms shook, and the grounds without doors were observed to move. The shock was felt sensibly at Redruth, St. Columb, Bodman, &c. along to Camelford, which is about 90 miles from the isle of Scilly. From Marazion eastward it was felt at several places in like manner, as far as Lostwythyel; but at Liskerd, about ten miles east of Lostwythyel, it was but faintly perceived, and that by a few persons. It was still less sensible at Loo and Plymouth, “scarcely sufficient to excite curiosity or fear”[11].
The times of its duration were various. At Keneggy we thought the noise could not have lasted above six seconds; at Trevailer, not two miles distant to the west, it was thought to have lasted near half a minute; in the parish of Gwynier half a minute; at Ludgvan, three miles east of Penzance, the noise was rather longer than half a minute; but the shaking felt in the garden, and observed in the houses, short and momentary. In Germo great Pinwork, seven miles east of Penzance, it lasted only a few seconds; but in the isles of Scilly it was computed at 40 seconds.
Thus was this earthquake felt in towns, houses, and grounds adjacent; but still more particularly alarming in our mines, where there is less refuge, and consequently a greater dread from the tremors of the earth.
In Carnorth adit, in the parish of St. Just, the shock was sensibly felt 18 fathom deep; in the mine called Boscadzhill-downs, more than 30 fathom.
At Huel-rith mine, in the parish of Lannant, people saw the earth move under them, first quick, then in a slower wavy tremor; and the stage-boards of the little winds or shafts 20 fathom deep were perceived to move.
In Herland mine, commonly called the Manor, in the parish of Gwynier, the noise was heard 55 and 60 fathom deep, as if a studdle[12] had broke, and the deads[13] were set a running. It was nothing like the noise of thunder.
In Chace-water mine the same noise was heard, at least 70 fathom under the surface.
At Huel-rith mine, near Godolphin, the noise was seemingly underneath. I felt (says the director of the mine) the earth move under me with a prodigious swift, and apparently horizontal tremor: its continuance was but for a few seconds of time, not like thunder, but rather a dull rumbling even sound, like deads running under ground. In the smith’s shop the window-leaves shook, and the slating of the house cracked. The whim-house shook so terribly, that a man there at work ran out of it, concluding it to be falling. Several persons then in the mine, working 60 fathom deep, thought they found the earth about them to move, and heard an uncommon noise: some heard the noise, and felt no tremor; others, working in a mine adjoining called Huel-breag, were so frightened, that they called to their companions above to be drawn up from the bottoms. Their moor-house was shaken, and the padlock of their candle-chest was heard to strike against the staples. To shew, that this noise proceeded from below, and not from any concussion in the atmosphere above, this very intelligent captain of the mine[14] observes, from his own experience, that thunder was never known to affect the air at 60 fathoms deep, even in a single shaft pierced into the hardest stone; much less could it continue the sound thro’ such workings as there are in this mine, impeded in all parts with deads, great quantities of timber, various noises, such as the rattling of chains, friction of wheels and ropes, and dashing of waters; all which must contribute to break the vibrations of the air as they descend: and I intirely agree with this gentleman’s conclusion, that thunder, or any other noises from above in the atmosphere, could not be heard at half the depth of this mine. This therefore could be no other than a real tremor of the earth, attended with a noise, owing to a current of air and vapour proceeding upwards from the earth.
I do not hear of any person in those parts, who was so fortunate as to be near any pool or lake, and had recollection enough to attend to the motion of the waters; but it may be taken for granted, that during the tremors of the earth the fluids must be more affected than the solids: nay, the waters will apparently be agitated, when there is no motion of the earth perceptible, as was the case of our ponds and lake-waters in most parts of Britain on the 1st of November 1755. Whence this happens is difficult to say: whether the earth’s bosom undergoes at such times a kind of respiration, and alternately emits and withdraws a vapour thro’ its most porous parts sufficient to agitate the waters, yet not sufficient to shake the earth; or whether the earth, during the agitation of the waters, does rock and vacillate, tho’ not so as to be sensible to man; is what I shall leave to future inquiry.
Earthquakes are very rare in Cornwall. This was but of short duration, and did no harm any-where, as far as I can learn; and it is to be hoped not the sooner forgotten for that reason; but rather remembered with all the impressions of gratitude suitable to an incident so alarming and dangerous, and yet so inoffensive.
LXV. Some Observations upon the Sleep of Plants; and an Account of that Faculty, which Linnæus calls Vigiliæ Florum; with an Enumeration of several Plants, which are subject to that Law. Communicated to Wm. Watson, M. D. F.R.S. by Mr. Richard Pultney of Leicester.
Read Jan. 26, 1758.
ACosta and Prosper Alpinus, who both wrote near the conclusion of the XVIth century, are, I believe, the first, who recorded that nocturnal change in the leaves of plants, which has since been called somnus. It is an observation indeed as old as Pliny’s time, that the leaves of trefoil assume an erect situation[15] upon the coming of storms. The same is observable of our wood-sorrel; and Linnæus adds, of almost all plants with declinated stamina[16]. In the Trifolium pratense album C. B. or common white-flowered meadow trefoil, it is so obvious, that the common people in Sweden remark, and prognosticate the coming of tempests and rain from it.
The examples of sleeping plants instanced by Alpinus are but few. That author says, it was common to several Egyptian species[17]; but specifies only the Acaciæ, Abrus, Absus, Sesban, and the Tamarindtree. Cornutus some time afterwards remarked this property in the Pseudo-acacia Americana. From that time it has remained almost unnoticed, till Linnæus, ever attentive to nature’s works, discovered that the same affair was transacted in many other plants; and his observations have furnished us with numerous and obvious examples thereof. Mr. Miller mentions it in the Medicago arborea Lin. Sp. Pl. 778. and we may add to the list two other common plants not mentioned by Linnæus: these are the Phaseolus vulgaris, common kidney-bean; and the Trifolium pratense purpureum majus, or clover-grass: in both which this nocturnal change is remarkably displayed. Doubtless the same property exists in numberless other species; and future observation will very probably confirm Dr. Hill’s sentiment, that no “plant or tree is wholly unaffected by it.”
It is now more than twenty years since Linnæus first attended to this quality in plants. In his Flora Lapponica, when speaking of the Trifolium pratense album, as above-mentioned, he remarks, that the leaves of the Mimosa, Cassia, Bauhinia, Parkinsonia, Guilandina, and others in affinity with them, were subject to this change in the night time: and he had then carried his observations so far, as to find, that heat and cold were not the cause of this quality; since they were alike influenced by it when placed in stoves, where the temperature of the air was always the same.
The merit of reviving this subject is therefore due to the illustrious Swede; and the naturalist is greatly indebted to him for so far extending his observations thereon.
The subject of the somnus plantarum cannot but be highly entertaining to the lovers of natural knowlege: and such, I apprehend, cannot be less entertained with that faculty, which Linnæus calls vigiliæ florum; of which we shall give a brief account.
Previous to our explanation of this affair it is proper to observe, that the flowers of most plants, after they are once opened, continue so night and day, until they drop off, or die away. Several others, which shut in the night-time, open in the morning either sooner or later, according to their respective situation in the sun or shade, or as they are influenced by the manifest changes of the atmosphere. There are however another class of flowers, which make the subject of these observations, which observe a more constant and uniform law in this particular. These open and shut duly and constantly at certain and determinate hours, exclusive of any manifest changes in the atmosphere; and this with so little variation in point of time, as to render the phænomenon well worth the observation of all, whose taste leads them this way.
This faculty in the flowers of plants is not altogether a new discovery; but we are indebted to the same hand for additional observations upon this head likewise. It is so manifest in one of our common English plants, the Tragopogon luteum, that our country people long since called it John-go-to-bed-at-noon. Linnæus’s observations have extended to near fifty species, which are subject to this law. What we find principally upon this subject is in the Philosophia Botanica, p. 273. We will enumerate these plants, and mention the time when the flowers open and shut, that those, who have opportunity and inclination, may gratify themselves, and probably at the same time extend this branch of botanic knowlege still farther.
It is proper to observe, that as these observations were made by Linnæus in the academical garden at Upsal, whoever repeats them in this country will very probably find, that the difference of climate will occasion a variation in point of time: at least this will obtain in some species, as our own observations have taught us; in others the time has corresponded very exactly with the account he has given us.
Whether this faculty hath any connexion with the great article of fecundation in the oeconomy of flowers, I cannot determine: in the mean time it is not improbable. Future and repeated observations, and well-adapted experiments, will tend to illustrate this matter, and it may be lead the way to a full explanation of the cause.
1. Anagallis flore phœniceo C. B. pin. 252. Raii Syn. p. 282. Anagallis arvensis Lin. Spec. plant. p. 148. The Male Pimpernel. The flowers of this plant open about eight o’clock in the morning, and never close till past noon. This plant is common in kitchen-gardens and in corn-fields, and flowers in June, and continues in flower three months.
2. The Anagallis cærulea foliis binis ternisve ex adverso nascentibus C. B. pin. p. 252. Raii Hist. Plant. p. 1024. Anagallis Monelli Sp. plant. 148. Blue-flowered Pimpernel with narrow leaves. The flowers of this plant observe nearly the same time in opening and shutting as the foregoing.
3. Convolvulus peregrinus cæruleus folio oblongo C. B. pin. 295. Convolvulus tricolor Sp. plant. 158. Little blue Convolvulus, or Bindweed. This opens its flowers between the hours of five and six in the morning, and shuts them in the afternoon.
4. Phalangium parvo flore ramosum C. B. pin. 29. Raii Hist. Pl. 1193. Branched Spiderwort with a small flower. These open about seven in the morning, and close between the hours of three and four in the afternoon.
5. Lilium rubrum Asphodeli radice C. B. pin. 80. Hemerocallis fulvus Sp. pl. 324. The Day Lily. The flowers open about five in the morning, and shut at seven or eight in the evening.
6. Plantago aquatica minor. Park. 1245. Raii Syn. 257. Alisma ranunculoides Sp. pl. 343. Fl. Suec. 2. Nº. 325. The lesser Water-Plantain, during its flowering-time, only opens its flowers each day about noon.
7. Caryophyllus sylvestris prolifer C. B. pin. 209. Raii Syn. 337. Dianthus prolifer Sp. pl. 410. Proliferous Pink. The flowers expand about eight in the morning, and close again about one in the afternoon.
8. Spergula purpurea J. B. III. 722. Raii Syn. p. 351. Arenaria rubra. Sp. pl. 423. Purple Spurrey. These expand between nine and ten in the morning, and close between two and three in the afternoon. This little plant is common among the corn in sandy soils, and flowers in June.
9. Portulaca latifolia sativa C. B. pin. 288. Portulaca oleracea Sp. pl. p. 445. Common Purslain, opens its flowers about nine or ten in the morning, and closes them again in about an hour’s time.
10. Ficoides Africana, folio plantaginis undulato micis argenteis adsperso Boerh. Ludg. I. p. 291. Mesembryanthemum chrystallinum Sp. pl. 480. Diamond Ficoides. The flowers of this plant open at nine or ten, and close at three or four in the afternoon.
11. Ficoides Africana folio tereti in villos radiatos abeunte. Tourn. Mesembryanthemum barbatum Sp. pl. 482. The flowers of this species expand at seven or eight in the morning, and close about two in the afternoon.
12. Ficoides folio tereti Neapolitana flore candido Herm. Ludg. 252. Kali Crassulæ minoris foliis C. B. pin. 289. Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum Sp. pl. 480. The flowers of this plant open at ten or eleven in the morning, and close at three in the afternoon.
13. Mesembryanthemum folio linguiformi latiore Dillen. Hort. Elth. Mesembryanthemum linguiforme Sp. pl. 488. Ficoides with a tongue-shaped leaf. These open at seven or eight in the morning, and are closed about three in the afternoon.
14. Nymphæa alba J. B. III. 770. Raii Syn. 368. Nymphæa alba Sp. pl. 510. Fl. Suec. 2. Nº. 470. White Water Lily. This plant grows in rivers, ponds, and ditches, and the flowers lie upon the surface of the water. At their time of expansion, which is about seven in the morning, the stalk is erected, and the flower more elevated above the surface. In this situation it continues till about four in the afternoon, when the flower sinks to the surface of the water, and closes again.
15. Papaver erraticum nudicaule flore flavo odorato Dillen. Hort. Elth. 302. Papaver nudicaule Sp. pl. p. 507. Wild Poppy with a naked stalk and a yellow sweet-smelling flower. The flower of this plant opens at five in the morning, and closes at seven in the evening.
16. Alyssoides incanum, foliis sinuatis Tourn. Inst. 213. Alyssum sinuatum Sp. pl. 651. Hoary Madwort with sinuated leaves. The flowers of this plant expand between the hours of six and eight in the morning, and close at four in the afternoon.
17. Abutilon repens alceæ foliis, flore helvolo Dillen. Hort. Elth. 5. Malva Caroliniana Sp. pl. 688. Creeping Indian Mallow with leaves like Vervain Mallow, and a flesh-coloured flower. These open at nine or ten in the morning, and close at one in the afternoon.
18. Tragopogon luteum Ger. 595. Raii Syn. 171. Tragopogon pratense Sp. pl. 789. Yellow Goats Beard, or Go-to-bed-at-noon. The latter of these names was given to this plant long since, on account of this remarkable property. The flowers open in general about three or four o’clock, and close again about nine or ten, in the morning. These flowers will perform their vigiliæ, if set in a phial of water, within doors for several mornings successively; and I have sometimes observed them to be quite closed, from their utmost state of expansion, in less than a quarter of an hour. It flowers in June.
19. Tragopogon gramineis foliis, hirsutis. C. B. pin. 275. Raii. Hist. Plant. 253. Rose-coloured Goats Beard. These open between five and six in the morning, and close about eleven. Tragopog. hybridum Sp. plant. 789.
20. Tragopogon, calycibus corolla brevioribus inermibus, foliis lyrato-sinuatis. Hort. Ups. 244. Sp. pl. 790. Hall. Hort. Gotting. 2. p. 419. The flowers of this plant open at six or seven in the morning, and shut between the hours of twelve and four in the afternoon.
21. Sonchus Tingitanus papaveris folio. Tourn. Raii Suppl. 137. Scorzonera Tingitana Sp. pl. 791. African Sowthistle with a poppy leaf. This plant opens its flowers between four and six in the morning, and closes them in about three hours.
22. Sonchus repens, multis hieracium majus J. B. II. 1017. Raii Syn. 163. Sonchus arvensis Sp. pl. 793. Tree Sowthistle. These flowers expand about six or seven, and close between eleven and twelve in the forenoon. This is common in corn-fields, and flowers in June, July, and August.
23. Sonchus lævis Ger. Raii Syn. 161. Sonchus oleraceus Sp. pl. 794. Smooth or unprickly Sowthistle, Hares Lettuce. These open about five in the morning, and close again at eleven or twelve.
24. Sonchus lævis laciniatus cæruleus C. B. pin. 124. Raii Hist. pl. 225. Sonchus alpinus Sp. pl. 794. Blue-flowered Mountain Sowthistle. These open about seven, and close about noon.
25. Sonchus tricubitalis, folio cuspidato Merr. pin. Raii Syn. 163. Sonchus asper arborescens C. B. pin. 124. Sonchus palustris Sp. pl. 793. The greatest Marsh tree Sowthistle. It expands its flowers about six or seven, and closes them about two in the afternoon.
26. Lactuca sativa C. B. pin. 122. Sp. pl. 795. Garden Lettuce, opens its flowers about seven, and closes them about ten, in the forenoon.
27. Dens leonis Ger. 228. Raii Syn. 170. Leontodon Taraxacum Sp. pl. 798. Dandelion. It expands at five or six, and closes at eight or nine, in the forenoon. This flowers early in the spring, and again in the autumn.
28. Dens leonis hirsutus leptocaulos, Hieracium dictus. Raii Syn. 171. Leontodon hispidum Sp. pl. 799. Rough Dandelion, or Dandelion Hawkweed. This plant opens its flower about four in the morning, and keeps it expanded till three in the afternoon. In May.
29. Hieracium minus præmorsa radice. Park. 794. Raii Syn. 164. Leontodon autumnale. Sp. pl. 799. Hawkweed with bitten roots, or Yellow Devil’s-bit. The flowers open about seven, and keep in an expanded state till about three in the afternoon. It flowers in July and August.
30. Pilosella repens Ger. 573. Raii Syn. 170. Hieracium Pilosella Sp. pl. 800. Common creeping Mouse-ear. It opens about eight in the morning, and closes about two in the afternoon. Very common on dry pastures, flowering in June and July.
31. Hieracium murorum folio pilosissimo C. B. pin. 129. Raii Syn. 168. Hieracium murorum Sp. pl. 802. The flowers of this plant expand about six or seven, and close about two in the afternoon. Upon old walls, flowering in June and July. This is called in English, French or Golden Lungwort.
32. Hieracium fruticosum angustifolium majus. C. B. pin. 129. Hieracium umbellatum Sp. pl. 804. Narrow-leaved bushy Hawkweed. The flowers of this species expand about six in the morning, and remain open till five in the afternoon.
33. Hieracium fruticosum latifolium hirsutum C. B. pin. 129. Raii Syn. p. 167. Hieracium sabaudum Sp. pl. 804. Bushy Hawkweed with broad rough leaves. These flowers are in their expanded state from about seven in the morning till one or two in the afternoon. In woods, flowering in June and July.
34. Hieracium montanum cichorii folio. Raii. Syn. p. 166. Hieracium paludosum Sp. pl. 638. Fl. Suec. 2. Nº. 702. Succory-leaved Mountain Hawkweed. The flowers expand about six in the morning, and close about five in the afternoon.
35. Hieracium hortense floribus atro-purpurascentibus C. B. pin. 128. Hieracium aurantiacum Sp. pl. 801. Garden Hawkweed with deep purple flowers, or Sweet Indian Mouse-ear. The flowers are in their expanded state from six or seven in the morning till three or four in the afternoon.
36. Hieracium luteum glabrum, sive minus hirsutum. J. B. Raii Syn. 165. Crepis tectorum Sp. pl. 807. Smooth Succory Hawkweed. The flowers of this plant expand about four in the morning, and close about noon.
37. Hieracium Alpinum Scorzoneræ folio Tourn. Inst. 472. Crepis Alpina Sp. pl. 806. Mountain Hawkweed with a vipers-grass leaf. These open about five or six, and close at eleven in the forenoon.
38. Hieracium dentis leonis folio, flore suave-rubente, C. B. pin. 127. Raii hist. pl. 231. Crepis rubra Sp. pl. 806. Hawkweed of Apulia with a flesh-coloured flower. The flowers remain in their expanded state from six or seven in the morning till one or two in the afternoon.
39. Hieracium echioides, capitulis cardui benedicti C. B. pin. 128. Raii Syn. 166. Picris echioides Sp. pl. 792. Lang de bœuf. On banks about hedges, and about the borders of fields, flowering in August. These expand about four or five in the morning, and never close before noon: sometimes they remain open till nine at night.
40. Hieracium Alpinum latifolium hirsutie incanum flore magno. C. B. pin. 128. Raii Syn. p. 167. Hypochæris maculata Sp. pl. 810. Broad-leaved Hungarian Hawkweed. These flowers are in their vigilating state from six in the morning till four in the afternoon.
41. Hieracium ramosum, floribus amplis, calycibus valde hirsutis, foliis oblongis obtusis: dentibus majoribus inæqualibus incisis Raii Suppl. 144. 76. Hypochæris Achyrophorus Sp. pl. 810. This plant opens its flowers about seven or eight in the morning, and closes them about two in the afternoon.
42. Hieracium minus dentis leonis folio, oblongo glabro C. B. pin. 127. Hypochæris glabra Sp. pl. 811. These expand about nine in the morning, and close about twelve or one o’clock.
43. Hieracium falcatum alterum Raii Hist. 256. Lapsana calycibus fructus undique patentibus, radiis subulatis, foliis lyratis Hort. Ups. 245. Sp. pl. 812. The flowers open at five or six, and close between the hours of ten and one.
44. Hedypnois annua Tourn. Inst. 478. Hyoseris hedypnois Sp. pl. 809. The flowers open at seven or eight, and close again at two in the afternoon.
45. Hieracium montanum alterum leptomacrocaulon Col. Raii Hist. 234. Lapsana chondrilloides Sp. pl. 812. Mountain Hawkweed with long slender stalks and small flowers. The flowers are in their expanded or vigilating state from five or six in the morning till about ten.
46. Cichoreum sylvestre Ger. em. 284. Raii Syn. 172. Cichorium Intybus Sp. pl. 813. Wild Succory. On the borders of fields, flowering in August and September. The flowers open about eight in the forenoon, and keep expanded till about four in the afternoon.
47. Calendula arvensis C. B. pin. 275. Raii Hist. 338. Calendula officinalis Sp. pl. 921. Wild Marigold. The flowers expand from nine in the morning till three in the afternoon.
48. Calendula foliis dentatis Roy. Ludg. 177. Miller, p. 50. Tab. 75. f. 1. Calendula pluvialis Sp. pl. 921. Marigold with indented leaves. The flowers expand from seven in the morning till three or four in the afternoon. Linnæus observes of this plant, that if its flowers do not expand about their usual time in the morning, it will almost assuredly rain that day; with this restriction indeed, that the plant is not affected by thunder showers. Phil. Bot. 275.
49. Sonchus pedunculis squamatis, foliis lanceolatis indivisis sessilibus. Hort. Upsal. 244. Flor. Suec. 2. Nº. 690. Lactuca Salicis folio, flore cæruleo. Amman. ruth. 211. Of this plant it is remarked, that whenever the flowers are in the expanded state in the night-time, the following day generally proves rainy.
LXVI. An Account of the Case of a Boy troubled with convulsive Fits cured by the Discharge of Worms. By the Rev. Richard Oram, M. A. Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Ely.
Read Jan. 26, 1758.
JOseph, son of John and Mary Postle, of Ingham in the county of Norfolk, was subject to convulsive fits from his infancy; which were common and tolerable till he was about seven years of age. About that time they began to attack him in all the varieties that can be conceived. Sometimes he was thrown upon the ground; sometimes he was twirled round like a top by them; at others he would spring upwards to a considerable height, &c. and once he leaped over an iron bar, that was placed purposely before the fire to prevent his falling into it. He was much burned; but was rendered so habitually stupid by his fits, that he never expressed the least sense of pain after this accident. His intellect was so much impaired, and almost destroyed, by the frequency and violence of his fits, that he scarce seemed to be conscious of any thing. He did not acknowlege his father or mother by any expressions or signs; nor seemed to distinguish them from other people. If at any time he escaped out of the house without the observation of the family, he had not understanding to find and return to it; but would pursue the direction or road he first took, and sometimes lose himself. Once he was missing for a whole night; and found the next morning in the middle of a fen, stuck fast in mud as deep as his breast. He was very voracious, and would frequently call for something to eat; which was the only indication he gave of his knowing any thing. No kind of filth or nastiness can be conceived, which he would not eat or drink without distinction. He appeared to be as ill as he really was; for he was become a most shocking spectacle. He was so much emaciated, that he seemed to have no flesh upon his bones; and his body so distorted, that he was rendered quite a cripple. His parents consulted a physician at Norwich, who very judiciously (as it will appear) considered his disorder as a worm-case, and prescribed for it accordingly; but (being afraid, I presume, to give too violent medicines to the boy) without success. In short, he was so singularly afflicted, that his parents told me they could not help thinking him under some evil influence.
It was observed, that his disorder varied, and grew worse, at certain periods of the moon.
In these miserable circumstances the poor boy continued to languish, till he was about eleven years of age (July 1757), when he accidentally found a mixture of white lead[18] and oil, which had some time before been prepared for some purpose of painting, set by on a shelf, and placed, as it was thought, out of his reach. There was near half a pint of this mixture when he found it; and, as he did not leave much, it is thought he swallowed about a quarter of a pint of it. There was also some lamp-black in the composition; which was added to give it a proper colour for the particular use it was intended for in painting. It was, as I suppose it usually is, linseed oil, which had been mixed with the lead and lamp-black.
The draught began to operate very soon, by vomiting and purging him for near 24 hours in the most violent manner. A large quantity of black inky matter was discharged; and an infinite number of worms, almost as small as threads, were voided. These operations were so intense, that his life was despaired of. But he has not only survived them, but experienced a most wonderful change and improvement after them: for his parents assured me in November 1757, when I saw him, that he had daily grown better from the time of his drinking the mixture, both in body and mind. Instead of a skeleton, as he almost was before, he is become fat, and rather corpulent: and his appetite is no longer ravenous, but moderate and common. His body too is become straight and erect. His understanding is at least as much benefited by this peculiar remedy. It cannot be expected, that he should already have attained much knowlege, as he seemed, before he was so wonderfully relieved, to be almost destitute of ideas. But he appeared, when I saw him, to have acquired nearly as much knowlege in four months, as children usually do in four years; and to reason pretty well on those things, which he knew. He is now capable of being employed on many occasions; is often sent a mile or two on errands, which he discharges as carefully, and then returns as safely, as any person.
It is farther remarkable, that the boy’s mother, her father, and sister, are frequently infested with worms. Her father, tho’ about 60 years of age, is still much troubled with them: the worms, which he voids, appear flat, and much larger than those, which his children have observed. Her sister is often exceedingly disordered by them. About three months since they threw her into violent convulsions, and for some time deprived her of her senses. But the mother of the boy has been affected in a more extraordinary manner than the rest. About 20 years ago she voided some worms, which forced their way thro’ the pores of the skin, as it is supposed; for they were found in small clusters under her arms. As she was very young then, she does not remember how she was particularly affected; only, that she suffered violent struggles and convulsions. She is still, about five or six times in a year, seized with fainting fits, which usually attack her in bed, and last three or four minutes; but she cannot certainly say, tho’ there is very little reason to doubt, that they are occasioned by worms.
An Account of the same Subject, in a Letter from Mr. John Gaze, of Walket, in the County of Norfolk, to Mr. Wm. Arderon, F.R.S. Communicated by Mr. Henry Baker, F.R.S.
Read Jan. 26, 1758.
JOseph Postle, son of John Postle, of Ingham in Norfolk, until about the age of seven years was an healthy well-looking child; but about that age was afflicted with stoppages, which often threw him into convulsive fits, and at last rendered him quite an idiot. He continued in this condition for about four years, eating and drinking all that time any thing that came in his way, even his own excrements, if not narrowly watched. His father took the advice of several eminent physicians, both at Norwich and elsewhere; but all their prescriptions proved of no service.
About the beginning of August last he happened to get at a painting-pot, wherein there was about a pound of white lead and lamp-black mixed up with linseed oil. This he eat almost all up before he was discovered. It vomited and purged him, and brought away prodigious numbers of small worms. In a few days he grew well, his senses returned, and he is now able to give as rational answers as can be expected from a boy of his age. His appetite is good, he is very brisk, and has not had the least return of his former disorder.
I heard of the above by several people; but not being satisfied, got my friend to go to Mr. Postle’s house, of whom he had the foregoing account.
January 12th, 1758.
LXVII. An Account of the extraordinary Heat of the Weather in July 1757, and of the Effects of it. In a Letter from John Huxham, M. D. F.R.S. to Wm. Watson, M. D. F.R.S.
Read Feb. 2, 1758.
I Find by your letter, that the heat at London was not so great in the beginning of July 1757, as at Plymouth by two or three degrees of Fahrenheit’s thermometer. We had again, after much rain at the close of the month, and in the beginning of August, excessive heat; viz. on the 8th, 9th, and 10th of August; which mounted the mercury in that thermometer to 85; nay, on the 9th, to near 86. I never before remember the mercury in that thermometer to exceed 84; and that is even here a very extraordinary degree of heat.
The consequences of this extremely hot season were hæmorrhages from several parts of the body; the nose especially in men and children, and the uterus in women. Sudden and violent pains of the head, and vertigo, profuse sweats, great debility and oppression of the spirits, affected many. There were putrid fevers in great abundance; and a vast quantity of fluxes of the belly both bilious and bloody, with which the fevers also were commonly attended. These fevers were always ushered in by severe pains of the head, back, and stomach; vomitings of green and sometimes of black bile, with vast oppression of the præcordia, continual anxiety, and want of sleep. These were soon succeeded by tremores tendinum, subsultus, delirium, or stupor. The pulse was commonly very quick, but seldom tense or strong; was sometimes heavy and undose. The blood oftentimes florid, but loose; sometimes livid, very rarely sizy: in some however, at the very attack, it was pretty dense and florid. The tongue was generally foul, brown, and sometimes blackish; and towards the crisis often dry. The urine was commonly high coloured, and in small quantity; frequently turbid, and towards the end deposed a great deal of lateritious sediment. A vast number were seized with this fever, during, and soon after, the excessive heats; tho’ but few died in proportion. Long and great heats always very much exalt the acrimony of the bilious humours; of which we had this summer abundant instances.
Bleeding early was generally beneficial; profuse, always hurtful, especially near the state of the fever.
LXVIII. An Account of the fossile Thigh-bone of a large Animal, dug up at Stonesfield, near Woodstock, in Oxfordshire. In a Letter to Mr. Peter Collinson, F.R.S. from Mr. Joshua Platt.
Dear Sir,
Read Feb. 2, 1758.
ABOUT three years ago I sent you some vertebræ of an enormous size, which were found in the slate-stone pit at Stonesfield, near Woodstock, in this county.
Philos. Trans. Vol. L. Tab. XIX. p. [525].
J. Mynde sc.
I have lately been so lucky as to procure from the same place the thigh-bone of a large animal, which probably belonged to the same creature, or one of the same genus, with the vertebræ above-mentioned.
As the bone, and the stone, in which it is bedded, weigh no less than two hundred pounds, I have sent you a drawing of it (See Tab. [XIX.]); from which, and the following short description, you may, I hope, form some idea of this wonderful fossile.
The bone is 29 inches in length; its diameter, at the extremity of the two trochanters, is 8 inches; at the lower extremity the condyles form a surface of 6 inches. The lesser trochanter is so well expressed in the drawing, that you cannot mistake it; and both the extremities appear to be a little rubbed by the fluctuating water, in which I apprehend it lay some time before the great jumble obtained, which brought it to this place; and from whence I imagine it to have been part of a skeleton before the flood. For if it had been corroded by any menstruum in the earth, or during the great conflux of water before the draining of the earth, it must have suffered in other parts as well as at each end: but as the extremities only are injured, we can attribute such a partial effect to the motion of the water only, which caused it to rub and strike against the sand, &c.
The small trochanter was broken in lifting it out of the hamper, in which it was brought to me; but not unhappily; since all the cancelli were by that means discovered to be filled with a sparry matter, that fixed the stone of the stratum, in which it lay. The outward coat or cortex is smooth, and of a dusky brown colour, resembling that of the stone, in which it is bedded.
One half of the bone is buried in the stone; yet enough of it is exposed to shew, that it is the thigh-bone of an animal of greater bulk than the largest ox. I have compared it with the recent thigh-bone of an elephant; but could observe little or no resemblance between them. If I may be allowed to assume the liberty, in which fossilists are often indulged, and to hazard a vague conjecture of my own, I would say it may probably have belonged to the hippopotamus, to the rhinoceros, or some such large animal, of whose anatomy we have not yet a competent knowlege.
The slate-pit, in which this bone was found, is about a quarter of a mile north-west from Stonesfield, upon the declivity of a rising ground, the upper stratum of which is a vegetable mould about eight or ten inches thick: under this is a bed of rubble, with a mixture of sand and clay, very coarse, about six feet deep, in which are a great number of anomiæ both plain and striated, and many small oblong oysters, which the workmen call the sickle-oyster, some of them being found crooked, and bearing some resemblance to that instrument; but all differing from the curvi-rostra[19] of Moreton.
Immediately under this stratum of rubble is a bed of soft grey stone, of no use; but containing the echini ovarii, with great mamillæ, the clypeati of different sizes, all well preserved; and also many anomiæ and pectines. This bed, which is about seven or eight feet in depth, lies immediately above the stratum of stone, in which the bone was found.
This stratum is never wrought by the workmen, being arenarious, and too soft for their use. It is about four or five feet thick, and forms a kind of roof to them, as they dig out the stone, of which the slates are formed; for they work these pits in the same manner as they do the coal-pits, leaving pillars at proper distances to keep their roof from falling in.
This last bed of slate-stone is about five feet depth, and lower than this they never dig. So that the whole depth of the pit amounts to about 24 or 25 feet.
It was by working out the slate-stone, that this bone was discovered sticking to the roof of the pit, where the men were pursuing their work; and with a great deal of caution, and no less pains, they got it down intire, but attached to a large piece of stone; and in this state it now remains in my possession.
There is no water in the works, but such as descends from the surface thro’ perpendicular fissures; and the whole is spent in forming the stalactites and stalagmites, of which there is great variety, and whose dimensions are constantly increasing. One of the workmen has been so curious, as to mark the time of the growth of some of them for several years past.
I am, with the greatest esteem,
Dear Sir,
Your ever obedient,
and most humble Servant,
Joshua Platt.
Oxon, Jan. 20. 1758.
LXIX. A Discourse on the Usefulness of Inoculation of the horned Cattle to prevent the contagious Distemper among them. In a Letter to the Right Hon. George Earl of Macclesfield, P. R. S. from Daniel Peter Layard, M. D. F.R.S.
My Lord,
Read Feb. 2, 1758.
THE honour you have done me, in condescending to peruse my Essay on the contagious Distemper among the horned Cattle, claims my most respectful thanks; and I am no less obliged to your Lordship for the just remark you made, “That before inoculation could be practised on the horned Cattle, it is necessary to bring proofs, that this disease is not susceptible more than once; and also assurances, that a recovery from the distemper by inoculation guards the beast from a second infection.”
An intire conviction of the analogy between this disease and the small-pox would not permit me to omit mentioning the great advantages, which must arise from inoculation; and therefore, my Lord, I recommend its use: nor do I find any reason to alter my opinion, after having carefully read over what has been published, and made the strictest inquiry I was able in several parts of Great Britain.
I shall, in the concisest manner possible, submit the following particulars to your Lordship’s consideration, and the learned Society, over which you so deservedly preside.
The Marquis de Courtivron, in two memoirs read before the Royal Academy of Sciences in the year 1748, and published by that learned body, relates the observations he, together with Monsieur Pelversier de Gombeau, formerly surgeon to the regiment de la Sarre, made on the rise, progress, and fatality, of the contagious distemper at Issurtille, a town in Burgundy; to which are added experiments they made, by application, digestion, and inoculation, towards communicating the disease; and concludes from the failure of these attempts, that the distemper can only be communicated from one beast to another. Besides, notwithstanding the Marquis observes[20] the regularity of the illness, the critical days, on the seventh and ninth, and particularly that all such as recovered had more or fewer pustules broke out in different parts of the body; yet[21] he will not allow of Rammazzini’s opinion, of the analogy between this distemper and the small-pox, nor that it is an eruptive fever; but ranks it as a plague.
But the Marquis goes still farther. He positively say,[22] “That in the preceding years, in the provinces of Bresse, Maconnois, and Bugey, some private persons had suffered by buying cattle recovered from the distemper, which had, at that time, the pustules remaining on them: which cattle had the distemper afterwards.” Nay, he adds that “even after recovering twice, a third infection has seized and killed many.”
No wonder, my Lord, that such positive assertions should stagger, and cause the practice of inoculation not to be received, till the nature of the disease be absolutely determined, and facts prove the contrary of what has been asserted.
In a matter of so great importance to every nation, it were to be wished, that the Marquis de Courtivron had produced attested observations of these second and third infections: for tho’ a nobleman of his rank, character, and great abilities, would not willingly impose upon the world; yet it may happen, that he may have received wrong informations.
As to the nature, rise, progress, and fatality, of this distemper at Issurtille, it appears to be the same disease as raged in these kingdoms. All the symptoms agree, as described by Rammazzini, Lancisi, the Marquis, and in my Essay. A distempered beast gave rise to the three infections. The illness was every-where the same in Italy, France, and Britain; and either terminated fatally on the fourth or fifth day, when a scouring prevented the salutary eruptions, or in some cases by abortion; and on the seventh or ninth favourably, when the pustules had regularly taken their course. Tho’ the Marquis did not observe, that any particular medicines were of use, he says, that in general acids were beneficial, especially poor thin wines somewhat sour; and that the distempered beasts were all fond of these acids[23].
The fatality was likewise the same, as will appear from the Marquis’s tables. Of 192 head of cattle, 176 died. The mortality was chiefly among the fat cattle, cows with calf, and young sucking or yearling calves; and of the surviving sixteen, only two calves out of seventy-seven lived, and these two, with seven other beasts of the sixteen, escaped the infection, tho’ constantly among the diseased: so that it is plain,
| Of 192 beasts, | 176 | died |
| 7 | recovered | |
| 9 | escaped the infection. | |
| 192 |
The mortality was as considerable in these kingdoms.
Whoever will compare the appearances, progress, and fatality, of the small-pox, with what is remarked by authors of authority, as Rammazzini and Lancisi, and other observers, relative to the contagious distemper among the horned cattle, will not be at a loss one moment to determine, whether this disease be an eruptive fever, like unto the small-pox, or not.
Now if, as the Marquis has granted in both his memoirs[24], it be a general observation, that an eruption of pustules on some parts of the body, regularly thrown out, digested, and dried, is the means used by nature to effect the cure; and that in general the morbid matter does not affect the parotid, inguinal, or other glands, nor produce large carbuncles and abscesses, as the plague does: Nay more, since it is observed by the Marquis, that the difference between the contagious distemper of 1745 and 1746, and of 1747 and 1748, was, that in the former the salutary eruptions appeared, but in the latter were, as he justly apprehends, checked by the excessive cold weather; and should it appear, that by inoculation the same regular eruptive fever has been produced, with every stage, and the same symptoms as arise in the small-pox; the nature of this distemper will then be ascertained.
I shall now proceed, my Lord, to lay before your Lordship and the Society the accounts I have received relating to the infection and inoculation of the cattle, and make some observations on the experiments made at Issurtille.
So long, my Lord, as the distemper has raged in Great Britain, not one attested proof has been brought of any beast having this disease regularly more than once. I make no doubt but these creatures may be liable to eruptions of different kinds; but as all sorts of eruptions, says Dr. Mead[25], are not the small-pox, nor measles, so every pustule is not a sign of the plague. Thro’ ignorance, or fraud, persons may have been deceived in purchasing cattle, and have lost them, as well in England as in the provinces of France mentioned by the Marquis; but until a second infection be proved, the general opinion must prevail in this case, as in the small-pox: for tho’ many have insisted on the same thing with regard to the small-pox, yet a single instance, properly vouched and attested, has never been produced, either after recovery from the natural way, or from inoculation; unless what is frequently the case with nurses and others attending the small-pox, that is, pustules breaking out in their arms and face, be allowed as the signs of a second infection.
The farmers and graziers in Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire, Lincolnshire, Kent, and Yorkshire, from whence I have written testimonies, all agree, that they never knew of a beast having the contagious distemper more than once. In this county particularly, Mr. J. Mehew, the farmer mentioned in my Essay, has now among his stock at Godmanchester eight cows, which had the contagious distemper the first time it appeared in Godmanchester in 1746. It returned in 1749, 1755, and 1756; the two last not so generally over the town as the two former years. All these four times Mr. Mehew suffered by the loss of his cattle; yet those eight cows, which recovered in 1746, remained all the while the distemper was in the farm the three years it raged, were in the midst of the sick cattle, lay with them in the same barns, eat of the same fodder, nay of such as the distempered beasts had left and slabbered upon, drank after them, and constantly received their breath and steams, without ever being in the least affected. Is not this a convincing proof? If in general the cattle be susceptible of a second infection, how comes it, that not one of these eight cows were affected?
In the years abovementioned the distemper spared no beast, but such as had recovered from that disease: and this is confirmed to me by Mr. Mehew’s father and brother, all the chief farmers of Godmanchester, and is the opinion of all the farmers and graziers in Huntingdonshire, who are so thoroughly convinced of there being no second infection, that they are always ready to give an advanced price for such cattle as have recovered from the contagious distemper.
The Rev. Mr. Scaife, assistant to the Rev. Dr. Greene, Dean of Salisbury, in his parish of Cottenham, Cambridgeshire, acquaints me, that the farmers in that neighbourhood lost, in 1746 and 1747, twelve hundred head of cattle, in 1751 four hundred and seventy; and tells me, that Mr. Ivett, Sayers, Moor, Dent, Lawson, chief farmers at Cottenham, Mr. Taylor, Sumpter, and Matthews, of his own parish of Histon, and the farmers of Wivelingham alias Willingham, unanimously declare, they never had one instance of a beast having the distemper twice.
Mr. Thorpe, a farmer and grazier near Gainsborough in Lincolnshire, has had beasts recovered from the distemper, which have herded with cattle fallen ill afterwards, and never met with a single instance of a second infection.
Mr. Lostie, an eminent surgeon at Canterbury, has inquired for me of the farmers and graziers in that part of Kent, and about Romney-Marsh; and from whence no belief of a second infection can be had.
The Rev. Dr. Fountayne, Dean of York, writes me word, that no beast has been known, in his neighbourhood, to have had the distemper twice. And several persons from that county, and others, have told me the same thing.
If the above testimony of persons of character and veracity, together with the concurrent persuasion of farmers in general, be allowed of, it must be determined, that there is no instance of a second infection. Supposing now it should appear, that this distemper is regularly, as in the natural way, tho’ in a milder manner, produced by inoculation, and that inoculation secures a beast also from a second infection; then undoubtedly inoculation will be recommendable.
The very few trials made in England, and those not with the greatest exactness or propriety, will yet serve to put this matter out of all doubt.
The Rev. Dean of York had five beasts inoculated, by means of a skein of cotton dipped in the matter, and passed thro’ a hole, like a seaton, in the dew-lap. Of these five, one cow near the time of calving died: the other four, after going thro’ the several stages of this contagious disease, recovered; two of which, being cows young with calf, did not slip their calves. All four have herded with distempered cattle a long while, and never had the least symptom of a second infection.
Mr. Bewley, a surgeon of reputation in Lincolnshire, inoculated three beasts two years old, for Mr. Wigglesworth of Manton, in the dew-lap, and with mucus from the nostrils. All three had the regular symptoms of the contagious distemper in a mild manner, recovered, and tho’ they herded a twelvemonth after with five or six distempered beasts, they never were the least affected. Mr. Bewley also declared to Mr. Thorpe, that there never was one instance produced, that he knew of, of a second infection.
Since it is plain, that notwithstanding neither well-digested pus was made use of, nor incisions made in the properest places, and it may be supposed few medicines were given; yet inoculation succeeded so as to bring on the distemper in a regular and mild manner, as appears by the cows with calf not slipping their calves. One may fairly conclude, that in this contagious distemper, like unto the small-pox, the practice of inoculation is not only warrantable, but much to be recommended.
But how comes it then, that neither by application, digestion, nor inoculation, the distemper was not communicated in France?
The Marquis says, that this distemper is not communicated but from one beast to another immediately. I must beg leave to say, that to my knowlege the distemper in February 1756 was carried from the farm-yard, where I visited some distempered cattle, to two other farm-yards, each at a considerable distance, without any communication of the cattle with each other, and merely by the means of servants going to and fro, or of dogs.
The experiments made on four beasts, by tying over their heads part of distempered hides, or pieces of linen and woollen cloth or silk, which had received the breath and steams of dying cattle, serve to shew, by the bullock’s forcing off the cloth tied about him, that the putrid stench was disagreeable to him; but that neither his blood, nor that of the other three beasts, was then in a state to receive the infection.
With regard to the pustules, which the Marquis relates were mixed with oats and bran, or dissolved in white wine; the distempered bile, which was mixed with milk; milk taken from diseased cows; water, in which part of a distempered hide had been steeped; and the precaution taken to force these mixtures into the paunch of calves, by means of a funnel, whose end was covered with a piece of raw distempered skin, that the beast might both swallow and suck in the disease. All these experiments could have no other effect than what followed; which was, that the acrimony of the distempered bile created first a nausea, and then produced a violent scouring, which killed the beast, leaving marks of its irritation on the intestines.
The practice of inoculation is but lately followed, and even now but little known, in the provinces of France. Its advantages have not long since been strangely disputed at Paris. In the case of inoculating cattle, instead of a slip of raw hide taken from a beast just dead, or putting a pustule into the neck, they should either have passed in the dewlap cotton or silk dipped in well-digested pus, or have inserted in proper incisions cotton-thread or silk soaked with pus either on the shoulders or buttocks; the true way of inoculating in the English manner. Some persons have indeed thought, that to inoculate with the blood of the infected would answer the intention; but most of the modern practitioners chuse to depend on digested matter.
Several constitutions will not receive infection, let them be inoculated ever so judiciously. A Ranby, a Hawkins, a Middleton, and other inoculators, will tell us, that the incisions have sometimes suppurated so much, and pustules have appeared round the edges of the wound, without any other particular marks of the disease; and yet the patient has never had the small-pox afterwards. The Marquis mentions an instance somewhat of the same kind in his first Memoir, p. 147.
The examination of these very important and interesting particulars has, I observe, drawn me into a prolixity, which I fear may prove tedious to your Lordship: but should I have removed all doubts, and brought convincing proofs of the absurdity of fearing a second infection; should I have shewn inoculation to be a necessary practice, and that the contagious distemper may be communicated more ways than one; I hope your Lordship will excuse the length of this letter. I shall only add my earnest wishes, that the legislature may, by effectual means, prevent the importation of distempered cattle and hides into these kingdoms; the only means of naturalizing and perpetuating a dreadful distemper, now, thank God! much decreased among us.
I am, with the greatest respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship’s
Most humble and most obedient Servant,
Daniel Peter Layard.
Huntingdon, 26 Nov. 1757.
LXX. Trigonometry abridged. By the Rev. Patrick Murdoch, A. M. F.R.S.
Read Feb. 2, 1758.
THE cases in trigonometry, that can properly be called different from one another are no more than four; which may be resolved by three general rules or theorems, expressed in the sines of arcs only; using the supplemental triangle as there is occasion.
Philos. Trans. Vol. L. Tab. XX. p. [539].
J. Mynde sc.