FOOTNOTES:
[1] Mr. Peter Walker, of Philadelphia, the late publisher of the Princeton Review, issued last year an index volume, giving brief biographic notices of each contributor to its pages, since 1825. The volume is incomplete. We are indebted to it for much of the information contained in the text.
[2] This Index Expurgatorious puts the ban upon such words as these:—bogus, authoress, poetess, collided, debút, donate, donation, loafer, located, ovation, predicate, progressing, pants, rowdies, roughs, secesh, osculate for kiss, endorse for approve, lady for wife, jubilant for rejoicing, bagging for capturing, loaned for lent, posted for informed, and realized for obtained.
[3] Report addressed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer by the Master of the Mint, and Colonel Smith, late Master of the Calcutta Mint, on the mintage necessary to cover the expenses of establishing and maintaining the gold currency.
[4] Mr. Hendriks' Evidence before the Royal Commission.
[5] Report from the Royal Commission on International Coinage.
[6] This is shown by the tariff price of the British sovereign at the Paris Mint, mentioned at p. [21].
[7] Colonel J. T. Smith's Evidence before the Royal Commission.
[8] Mr. Hendriks' Evidence, Royal Commission on International Coinage, p. 19.
[9] Mrs. Crewe's house was subsequently the resort of Charles Fox and his party, who took for their motto—
'Buff and Blue,
And Mrs. Crewe.'
[10] British Quarterly Review. October, 1867, Article 'Recent Researches in Palestine.'
[11] Tel Hum—the mound of 'Hum. Capernaum—the village of na-hum.
[12] B. J., iii. x. 8.
[13] Dean Stanley reminds us that as a rule the hill tribes of a country hold out longest against an invader, but in the case of Canaan the nations of the plain, possessing horses and chariots, which the Israelites were destitute of, had the advantage.—Sin. and Pal.
[14] Jud. Bell. v. iv. i.
[15] 2 Chron. xxxii. 30; I Kings viii. 1.
[16] I Kings ii. 10; xi. 43, &c.
[17] 'Sketch of Jerusalem,' p. 103.
[18] Robinson, Bib. Res. i. 293.
[19] Jos. Ant. xiv. iv. 3.
[20] 'Dictionary of the Bible,' Art. Jerusalem
[21] 'Ancient Jerusalem,' p. 320.
[22] 'Horeb and Jerusalem,' p. 259.
[23] Jud. Bell. vi. iii. 2.
[24] Jud. Bell. vi. iii. 2.
[25] In thus provisionally identifying Zion with a hill north of the temple, it may be well to call attention to Josephus's description of the eastern hill. He says it was ἀμφίκυρτος, a word which is sometimes translated 'gibbous' sometimes 'sloping on both sides,' and sometimes 'the shape of a moon when horned.' Liddell and Scott say 'curved on each side, like the moon in its third quarter, gibbous;' but as κύρτος by itself, is simply 'curved or arched,' and each side of the moon is carved as much when it is crescent as when gibbous, we have rendered the term 'crescent-shaped,' being influenced by the fact that the Tyropœon valley and that from Herod's gate would really give a crescent shape to the two eastern hills which in his day were one.
[26] It seems to us overlooked, that before the Akra was cut down it may have been higher than the western hill. If so, it would be the upper city in David's time, and Josephus's statement that David look the lower city and the Akra would have new light thrown upon it. It would then be clear that Akra was co-extensive with the city of David, which is Zion, and the absence of all mention of the upper city at this siege would be explained.
[27] Jud. Bell. v. iv. 1, 2.
[28] Robinson, Bib. Res. iii. 191. Lewin, 'Sketch of Jerusalem,' Appendix.
[29] עֹפֶל,a hill from עָפַל to swell up. With the art. הָעֹפֶל. pr.n. of a hill to the east of Mount Zion. Gesenius Lex. And see Stanley, 'S. and P.,' Appendix.
[30] Jos. Ant. xv. xi. 5; xiv. iv. 2; B. J. i. ii. 5, 2; ii. xvi. 3; vi. vi. 2; vi. vii. i.
[31] Lewin, Sketch of Jer., pp. 19, 96; Jos. Ant., xiv. iv. 2; B. J. i. vii. 2.
[32] Ant. xv. xi. 5.
[33] B.7, v.v. 1; L. xxi. 1. Ant. xv. xi. 5.
[34] Williams and Ferguson both ascribe them to Justinian.
[35] See Athenæum, June 11th, 1870.
[36] Athenæum, June 11th, 1870.
[37] The Quarterly Statement of Palestine Exploration Fund, No. V., following M. Ganneau, whose information was at first deficient, represents the stone as rounded at the top and squared at the bottom; and this error is repeated by Professor Rawlinson, in the Contemporary Review, August, 1870.
[38] Révue Archéologique, June, 1870.
[39] Gesenius, Rödiger, Bunsen and others maintain this view. Wuttke and Fürst are against it.
[40] Letter to the Times, March 3rd, 1870.
[41] B. J. iii. x. 8. See a paper on the 'Fishes of the Holy Land,' by Dr. Albert Gunther in the Student and Intellectual Observer, July, 1869. The fish was found in the Round Fountain, not the Spring of Tabigah, identified by Wilson as Capharnaum.
[42] Ἐς τὰν πόλιν = Stamboul.
[43] We need hardly say that the Archbishopric of Paris dates only from the seventeenth century. Up to that time the Bishop of Paris had been a suffragan of the Metropolitan of Sens.
[44] Eginh. Ann. 768.—'In ipsâ tamen valetudine Turonos delatus, apud Sancti Martini memoriam oravit. Inde cum ad Parisios venisset, viii. Kal. Octobris diem obiit, cujus corpus in basilicâ beati Dionysii martyris humatum est.' So Vita Karoli, 3, 'Apud Parisius morbo aquae intercutis diem obiit.' Mark the singular use of Parisius as an indeclinable noun.
[45] Eginh. Ann. 753, 708.
[46] Ib. 800. The passage is worth quoting, as a specimen of the constant locomotion of the German kings:—'Redeunte vernâ temperie, medio fere Martio Rex Aquisgrani digressus, litus Oceani Gallici perlustravit, et in ipso mari, quod tunc piratis Nordmannicis infestum erat, classem instituit, præsidia disposuit, pascha in Centulo apud sanctum Richarium celebravit. Inde iterum per litus maris iter agens, Ratumagum civitatem venit ibique Sequanâ amne transmisso, Turonos ad sanctum Martinum orationis causâ profectus est, moratus ibi dies aliquot propter adversam Liutgardæ conjugis valetudinem, quæ ibidem et defuncta et humata est; obiit autem diem ii. Non. Jun. Inde per Aurelianos ac Parisios Aquasgrani reversus est, et mense Augusto inchoante Mogontiacum veniens, generalem conventum ibidem habuit, et iter in Italiam condixit, atque inde profectus cum exercitu Ravennam venit, ibique septem nom amplius dies moratus. Pippinum filium suum cum eodem exercitu in terram Beneventanorum ire jussit, movensque de Ravennâ simul cum filio, Anconam usque pervenit, quo ibi dimisso Romam proficiscitur.' This same visit to Paris seems to be alluded to by the monk of Saint Gallen, Gesta Karoli, i. 10. (Pertz, ii. 735.) 'Quum vero ingeniosissimus Karolus quodam anno festivitates nativitatis et apparitionis Domini apud Treverense vel Metense oppidum celebrasset sequenti vero anno easdem sollemnitates Parisii vel Turonis ageret.'
[47] Ermoldus Nigellus, ii. 143 (Pertz ii. 481.)
'Inde Parisiacas properant cito visere sedes,
Quo Stephanus martyr culmina summa tenet,
Quo, Germane, tuum colitur, sanctissime corpus,
Quo Genuveffa micat, virgo, dicata Deo.
Nec tua præteriit Dionysi culmina martyr,
Quin adiens tibimet posceret auxilium.'
And again, iii. 269—
'Cæsar iter tutum per propria regna gerebat,
Usque Parisiaca quo loca celsus adit.
Jam tua martyr ovans Dionysi tecta revisit,
Hilthuin abba potens quo sibi dona paras;
Hinc, Germane, tui transivit culmina tecti
Martyris et Stephani, seu, Genuvefa, tui.'
[48] History of Normandy and England, i. 279-281.
[49] Ibid., i. 282.
[50] The fact that Paris was the gathering-place comes out most strongly in the Annales Bertiniani, 830 (Pertz i. 423.) 'Nam aliqui ex primoribus mumurationem populi cognoscentes, convocaverunt illum, ut eum a fide, quam domno Imperatori promissam habebant, averterent; ideoque omnis populus qui in Britanniam ire debebat ad Parisium se conjunxit, nec non Hlotharium de Italiâ et Pippinam de Aquitaniâ hostiliter adversum patrem venire, ut illum de regno ejicerent et novercam suam perderent ac Bernardum interficerent, compulerunt.'
[51] Vita Hludowici, 45 (Pertz, ii. 633.) 'Quum autem instaret auctumnalis temperies, ei qui Imperatori contraria sentiebant alicubi in Franciâ conventum fieri generalem volebant. Imperator autem clanculo obnitebatur, diffidens quidem Francis magisque se credens Germanis.' One cannot help talking here about France and French, though such is not the established use of the words till long after. It should, however, be noticed that the Francia of this writer, while it excludes Germany, equally excludes Burgundy and Aquitaine. (See c. 49.) The assembly was held at Neomaga (Nimwegen) and we read that 'omnis Germania eo confluxit Imperatori auxilio futura.'
[52] Annales Bertiniani, 834. 'Quum hoc Lotharius cognovisset, de Aquis abscessit, et patrem suum usque ad Parisius sub memoratâ custodiâ deduxit.' So in the Vita Hludowici. 50, 'Hlotharius patre assumpto per pagum Hasbaniensem iter arripuit, et Parisius urbem petivit, ubi obviam fore cunctos sibi fideles præcepit.'
[53] Annales Bertiniani, 834. 'Illo abscedente, venerunt episcopi qui præsentes aderant, et in ecclesiâ sancti Dionysii domnum Imperatorem reconciliaverunt, et regalibus vestibus armisque induerunt. Deinde filii ejus Pippinus et Ludoicus cum ceteris fidelibus ad eum venientes paterno animo gaudenter suscepti sunt, et plurimas illis ac cuncto populo gratias egit, quod jam alacriter illi auxilium præbere studuissent.'
[54] See p. 56, ante.
[55] See the Annals of Prudentius of Troyes, 841 (Pertz, i. 437) and the story in Nithard, ii. 6—8. Palgrave, England and Normandy, i. 313, 314. Hildwin, Abbot of St. Denis, and Gerard, Count of Paris—the first we remember bearing that title—had been among the first to break their oaths to Charles.
[56] See the vivid description of Carolingian Paris and its first capture in Palgrave, i. 433-439; but Sir Francis has not wholly withstood the temptation to exaggerate the antiquity of some of the existing buildings.
[57] Ann. Prud. Trec. 841 (Pertz, i. 437). 'Interea piratæ Danorum ab Oceano Euripo devecti Rotumam irruentes, rapinis, ferro, ignique bacchantes, urbem, monachos, reliquumque vulgum et cædibus et captivitate pessumdederunt, et omnia monasteria seu quæcumque loca flumini Sequanæ adhærentia aut depopulati sunt aut multis acceptis pecuniis territa relinquunt.'
[58] Ann. Prud. Trec. 845. 'Nordmannorum naves centum viginti mense Martio per Sequanam hinc et abinde cuncta vastantes, Loticiam Parisiorum nullo penitus obsistente pervadunt. Quibus quum Carolus occurrere moliretur, sed prævalere suos nullatenus posse prospiceret, quibusdam pactionibus, et munere septem milium librarum eis exhibito, a progrediendo compescuit, ac redire persuasit.' So in the Annals of Fulda, 845 (Pertz. i. 364): 'Nordmanni regnum Karoli vastantes, per Sequanam usque Parisios navigio venerunt, et tam ab ipso quam incolis terræ acceptâ pecuniâ copiosâ, cum pace discesserunt.'
[59] Ann. Prud. Trec. 857: 'Dani Sequanæ insistentes cuncta libere vastant, Lutetiamque Parisiorum adgressi, basilicam beati Petri et sanctæ Genovefæ incendunt et ceteras omnes, præter domum sancti Stephani et ecclesiam sancti Vincentii atque Germani præterque ecclesiam sancti Dionysii, pro quibus tantummodo, ne incenderentur, multa solidorum summa soluta est.' Sir Francis Palgrave (i. 439,464) gives a vivid picture of this sack of Paris. Of Saint Denis he adds: 'Saint Denis made a bad bargain. The Northmen did not hold to their contract, or another company of pirates did not consider it as binding: the Monastery was burnt to a shell, and a most heavy ransom paid for the liberation of Abbot Lewis, Charlemagne's grandson, by his daughter Rothaida.' Sir Francis, as usual, gives no reference; but we may be sure that he could, if he had pleased, have given one for the burning of the Monastery as well as for the capture of the Abbot, which the Annals mention under the next year, though not in connection with the sack of Paris.
[60] Sir Francis Palgrave, i. 462, says: 'Amongst the calamities of the times, the destruction of the Parisian monasteries seems to have worked peculiarly on the imagination. Paschasius Radbertus, the biographer of Wala, expatiates upon this misery when writing his Commentary on Jeremiah.' Some extracts are given in Pertz, i. 450: 'Quis umquam crederet, vel quis umquam cogitare potuisset ... ut piratæ, diversis admodum collecti ex familiis, Parisiorum attingerent fines, ecclesiasque Christi hinc inde cremarent circa litus?... Fateor enim quod nullus ex regibus terræ ista cogitaret, neque ullus habitator orbis nostri audire potuisset quod Parisium nostrum hostis intraret.'
[61] It is worth notice, that Charles the Bald, as well as his soldiers, could speak the 'lingua Romana,' or Romance tongue. See the Capitularies put forth by the Kings Lewis, Charles, and Lothar at Coblentz in 860. Lewis speaks 'lingua Theothisca,' and Charles, 'lingua Romana,' (Pertz, Leges, i. 472.) Yet Charles, in his own Capitularies, speaks of 'lingua Theodisca' as the language of the country, exactly as Lewis does, (i, 482, 497.)
[62] Regino 861: 'Carolus Rex placitum habuit in Compendio ibique cum optimatum consilio Roberto Comiti Ducatum inter Ligerim et Sequanam adversum Brittones commendavit, quem cum ingenti industriâ per aliquod tempus rexit.' Dr. Kalckstein's monograph, Robert der Tapfere, has reached us since this article was written, and we have scarcely had time to glance at it. We can see that he has gone into the matter with hearty thoroughness, but we are not able to avail ourselves at all largely of his researches in detail. We can, however, refer to his clear investigations of Robert's origin, and of the extent of his grant.
[63] Regino 867: 'Ruotbertus qui marcam tenebat.' So Hincmar, Ann. 865. Marchio, in Andegaro.
[64] Richer i. 5: 'Odo patrem habuit ex equestri ordine Rotbertum, avum vero paternum Witichinum, advenam Germanum.' He appears to have been of Saxon origin. See Kalckstein, p. 9, and the first 'Excursus.'
[65] The monk of Saint Gallen (Gesta Karoli, i. 10) gives us a definition of Francia, in the widest sense. 'Franciam vero interdum quum nominavero, omnes Cisalpinas provincias significo ... in illo tempore propter excellentiam gloriosissimi Karoli et Galli, et Aquitani, Ædui et Hispani, Alamanni et Baioarii, non parum se insignitos gloriabantur, si vel nomine Francorum servorum censeri mererentur.'
[66] Richer i. 14, twice speaks of the Duchy of France, as 'Celtica' and 'Gallia Celtica.' 'Rex [Karolus] Celticæ [Rotbertum] Ducem præficit.' These are Charles the Simple, and the second Robert, afterwards King.
[67] 'Ann. Fuld.,' 867 (Pertz i., 380). 'Ruodbertus Karoli Regis Comes apud Ligerim fluvium contra Nordmannos fortiter dimicans occiditur, alter quodammodo nostris temporibus Machabæus, cujus prœlia quæ cum Brittonibus et Nordmannis gessit, si per omnia scripta fuissent, Machabæi gestis æquiparari potuissent.' See the details in Regino, 867. Hincmar, Ann. 866. The battle of Brissarthe is well described in M. Mourin's 'Comtes de Paris,' a book whose name we have placed at the head of this article. The volume forms a careful and spirited history of the rise of the Parisian Kingdom; but it is strongly coloured by Parisian dreams about the frontier of the Rhine.
[68] Odo did not succeed at once. On account of his youth, and, that of his brother Robert, the Duchy was granted to Hugh the Abbot. Ann. Met. 867. (See Kalckstein, p. 109.) Odo did not succeed to the whole Duchy till the death of Hugh in 887 in the middle of the siege, 'Ducatus quem [Hugo] tenuerat et strenue rexerat Odoni filio Rodberti ab Imperatore traditur, qui eâ tempestate Parisiorum Comes erat.' (Regius, 887.) We are not told what was the exact extent of the county.
[69] See especially the entries in the 'Annales Vedastini' (Pertz, ii. 200), under 874 and several following years. Take, above all, the general picture under 884. 'Nortmanni vero non cessant captivari atque interfici populum Christianum, atque ecclesias subrui, destructis moeniis et villis crematis. Per omnes enim plateas jacebant cadavera clericorum, laicorum, nobilium atque aliorum, mulierum, juvenum, et lactentium: non enim erat via vel locus quo non jacerent mortui; et erat tribulatio omnibus et dolor, videntes populum Christianum usque ad internecionem devastari.'
[70] The Ludwigslied is printed in Max Müller's German Classics, also in the second volume of Schilter's Thesaurus.
[71] A full account of the battle is given in the Annales Vedastini, 881.
[72] Annales Vedastini, 882. 'Australes Franci (that is, Eastern, Austrasian, not Southern) congregant exercitum contra Nortmannos, sed statim terga vertunt, ibique Walo, Mettensis episcopus, corruit, Dani vero famosissimum Aquisgrani palatium igne cremant et monasteria atque civitates, Treveris nobilissimam et Coloniam Agrippinam, palatia quoque regum et villas, cum habitatoribus terræ interfectis, igne cremaverunt.'
[73] Annales Fuldenses (Pertz, i. 390), 876. 'Karolus vero, Hludowici morte compertâ, regnum illius, cupiditate ductus, invasit, et suæ ditioni subjugare studuit; existimans se, ut fama vulgabat, non solum partem regni Hlotharii, quam Hludowicus tenuit et filiis suis utendam dereliquit, per tyrannidem posse obtinere, verum etiam cunctas civitates regni Hludowici in occidentali litore Rheni fluminis positas suo regno addere, id est Mogontiam, Wormatiam, et Nemetum, filiosque fratris per potentiam opprimere, ita ut nullus ei resistere vel contradicere auderet.' One is inclined to ask whether there may not be something prophetic under the first entry under the next year; 'Hludowicus rex mense Januario, generali conventa habito apud Franconofurt, quos de regno Karoli tenuit captivos remisit in Galliam.'
[74] Ann. Fuld. 876. The way in which Charles' Imperial dignity is recorded is remarkable. After a satirical description of the Imperial costume, the Annal goes on, 'Omnem enim consuetudinem regum Francorum contemnens, Græcas glorias optimas arbitrabatur, et ut majorem suæ mentis elationem ostenderet, ablato Regis nomine, se Imperatorem et Augustum omnium regum cis mare consistentium appellare præcepit.' The phrase 'cis mare' is remarkable, when we think of the English claims to Empire, and of the constant use of the word 'transmarinus' to express England and English things. The common name for diaries in these Annals is 'Galliæ Tyrannus.'
[75] Abbo, i. 48 (Pertz, ii. 780),—
Urbs mandata fuit Karolo nobis basileo,
Imperio cujus regitur totus prope kosmas
Post Dominum, regem dominatoremque potentum,
Excidium per eam regnum non quod patiatur,
Sed quod salvetur per eam sedeatque serenum.'
[76] Regino 887. (Pertz, i. 596). 'Heinricus cum exercitibus utriusque regni Parisius venit.' 'Utrumque regnum' means of course the East and the West Franks. The same Annals, in the next year, speak of Charles as reigning over 'omnia regna Francorum.'
[77] See especially the Annales Vedastini, 885-890; other details come from the Chronicle of Regino, 887-890.
[78] Let us take one out of several passages where he describes his own exploits (ii. 800-302):—
'Nemo stetit supra speculam, solus nisi sæpe
Jam sancti famulus dicti, lignum crucis almæ
In flammas retinens, oculis hæc vidit et inquit.'
[79] The book is printed in the second volume of Pertz, 776-805. The Third Book has a sort of Interpretatio throughout. We give a few lines (15-18) as a specimen:—
laicorum
'Tapete undique villose populorum lectus in itinere.
Amphytappa laon extat, badanola necnon;
Ornamentum decorum valde amant vestem putam vel gumfun claram potionem per linteum.
Effipiam diamant, strangulam pariterque propomam.
lenocinatio fugat paleam
Agagula celebs aginat pecudes nec ablundam.'
But the narrative portions of the poem, though often obscure enough, are not altogether in this style.
[80] i. 10:—
'Nam medio Sequanae recubans, culti quoque regni
Francigenum, temet statuis per celsa canendo:
Sum polis, ut regina micans omnes super urbes!
Quae statione nites cunctis venerabiliori,
Quisque cupiscit opes Francorum, te veneratur.'
[81] i-15:—
'Insula te gaudet, fluvius sua fert tibi giro
Brachia, complexo muros mulcentia circum
Dextra tui pontes habitant tentoria limfæ
Lævaque claudentes; horum hinc inde tutrices
Cis urbem speculare falas, citra quoque flumen.'
[82] i. 45:—
'Hic Consul venerabatur, Rex atque futurus,
Urbis erat tutor, regni venturus et altor.'
[83] i. 66:—
'Hic Comites Odo fraterque suus radiabant
Rotbertus, pariterque Comes Ragenarius; illic
Pontificisque nepos Ebolus, fortissimus Abba.'
[84] Ann. Ved. 885;—'Nortmanni, patratâ victoriâ valde elati, Parisius adeunt turrimque statim aggressi, valide oppugnant; et quia necdum perfecte firmata fuerat, eam se capi sine morâ existimant.'
[85] Regino, 887:—'Erant, ut ferunt triginta, et eo amplius adversariorum millia, omnes pene robusti bellatores.'
[86] See Freeman's History of the Norman Conquest, i. 270, ed. ii.
[87] i. 38:—'Solo Rex verbo, sociis tamen imperitabat.'
[88] j.—107:
'Fortis Odo innumeros tutudit. Sed quis fuit alter?
Alter Ebolus huic socius fuit æquiperansque;
Septenos unâ potuit terebrare sagittâ,
Quos ludens alios jussit præbere quoquinæ.'
[89] Ann. Ved. 885:—'Dani, multis suorum amissis, rediere ad naves; indeque sibi castrum statuunt adversus civitatem, eamque obsidione vallant, machinas construunt, ignem supponunt, et omne ingenium suum apponunt ad captionem civitatis; sed Christiani adversus eos fortiter dimicando, in omnibus exstitere superiores.'
[90] Let us take Abbo's description (i. 205) of an engine which may have been only a sow or a tortoise, but which certainly suggests the Trojan horse,
'Ergo bis octonis faciunt mirabile visu,
Monstra rotis ignara; modi compacta triadi,
Roboris ingentis, super argete quodque cubante
Domate sublimi cooperto. Nam capiebant
Claustra sinûs arcana uteri penetralia ventris
Sexaginta viros, ut adest rumor, galeatos.'
[91] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Octavo Idus Februarii contigit grave discrimen infra civitatem habitantibus; nam ex gravissimâ inundatione fluminis minor pons disruptus est.' It is called 'pictus pons' by Abbo, i. 250.
[92] Ib. 'Illis vero qui intra turrim erant acriter resistentibus, fit clamor multitudinis usque in cœlum; Episcopus desuper muro civitatis cum omnibus qui in civitate erant nimis flentibus, eo quod suis subvenire non possent, et quia nil aliud agere poterat, Christo eos commendabat.'
[93] Ib. 'Nortmanni cum impetu portam ipsius turris adeunt ignemque subponunt. Et hi qui intra erant, fracti vulneribus et incendio capiuntur, atque ad opprobrium Christianorum diversis interficiuntur modis, atque in flumine præcipitantur.'
[94] Ann. Ved, 886. 'Herkengerus [the messenger sent by the Bishop, described as Comes] ... Henricum cum exercitu Parisius venire fecit; sed nil ibi profecit ... atque in suam rediit regionem.'
Regino (887) makes the same confession. 'Imperator Heinricum ducem cum exercitu vernali tempore dirigit sed minime prævaluit.' The Fulda Annals alone (886) seem to make out something of a case for Henry. His army 'in itinere propter imbrium inundationem et frigus imminens non modicum equorum suorum perpessi sunt damnum.' The Annalist then adds, 'Quum illuc pervenissent, Nordmanni rerum omnium abundantiam in munitionibus suis habentes, manum cum eis conserere nec voluerunt, nec ausi sunt.' He goes on to say that they spent the whole of Lent and up to the Rogation days in vain labours (inani labore consumptis). They then went home, having done nothing except kill some Danes whom they found outside their camp, and carry off a large number of horses and oxen.
[95] Abbo, ii. 3.
'Saxoniâ vir Ainricus fortisque potensque
Venit in auxilium Gozlini præsulis urbis,
At tribuit victus illi letumque cruentis
Heu paucis auxit vitam nostris, tulit amplam
His prædam. Sub nocte igitur quâdam penetravit
Castra Danûm, multos et equos illic sibi cepit.'
After some further description he adds:
'Sic et Ainricus postremum castra reliquit,
Culpa tamen, fugiente morâ, defertur ad arcem.'
[96] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Gauzlinus vero, dum omnibus modis populo Christiano juvare vellet, cum Sigfrido, Rege Danorum, amicitiam fecit, ut per hoc civitas ab obsidione liberaretur. Dum hæc aguntur, Episcopus gravi corruit in infirmitate, diem clausit extremum, et in loculo positus est in ipsâ civitate. Cujus obitus Nortmannis non latuit; et antequam civibus ejus obitus nuntiaretur, a Nortmannis de foris prædicatur Episcopum esse mortuum.'
[97] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Dehinc vulgus pertæsi una cum morte patris obsidione, irremediabiliter contristantur; quos Odo, illustris Comes, suis adhortationibus roborabat. Nortmanni tamen quotidie non cessant oppugnare civitatem; et ex utrâque parto multi interficiuntur, pluresque vulneribus debilitantur, escæ etiam cœperunt minui in civitate.'
[98] Ib. 'Odo videns affligi populum, clam exiit de civitate, a principibus regni requirens auxilium, et ut Imperatori innotesceret velocius perituram civitatem, nisi ei auxilium detur.'
[99] Ib. 'Dehinc regressus, ipsam civitatem de ejus absentiâ nimis repperit mœrentem; non tamen in eam sine admiratione introiit. Nortmanni ejus reditum præscientes, accurrerunt ei ante portam turris; sed ille, omisso equo, a dextris et sinistris adversarios cædens, civitatem ingressus, tristem populum reddidit lætum.'
[100] 'Æstivo tempore, antequam segetes in manipulos redigerentur,' says Regino (887) of the coming of Henry, and adds, 'Post hæc Imperator ... venit.' This does not practically contradict the Annales Vedastini (886): 'Circa auctumni tempora Imperator Carisiacum veniens cum ingenti exercitu, præmisit Heinricum, dictum Ducem Austrasiorum, Parisius.'
[101] Regino 887. 'Idem Heinricus cum exercitibus utriusque regni Parisius venit.'
[102] Ann. Ved. 886: 'Qui quum advenisset illuc cum exercitu prope civitatem, cum paucis inconsulte cœpit equitare circa castra Danorum, volens invisere qualiter exercitus castra eorum posset attingere, vel quo ipsi castra figere deberent.' To which Regino (887) adds: 'Situm loci contemplatur aditumque perquirit, quo exercitui cum hostibus minus periculosus pateret congressus.'
[103] This is told most fully by Regino (887): 'Porro Nordmanni audientes appropinquare exercitum, foderant foveas, latitudinis unius pedis et profunditatis trium, in circuitu castrorum, easque quisquiliis et stipulâ operuerant, semitas tantum discursui necessarias intactas reservantes.'
[104] Ib. 'Aspiciente universo exercitu, absque morâ trucidant, arma auferunt, et spolia ex parte diripiunt.'
[105] The exploit of Count Ragnar comes only from the Annales Vedastini: 'Quum nudâssent illum armis suis, supervenit quidam e Francis, Ragnerus nomine Comes, ejusque corpus non absque vulneribus illis tulit; quod statim Imperatori nuntiatum est.' Regino says only, 'Agminibus impetum facientibus, vix cadaver exanime eruitur.' He adds, 'Exercitus, amisso duce ad propria revertitur.'
[106] Abbo ii. 217:
'En et Ainricus, superis crebro vocitatus,
Obsidione volens illos vallare, necatur.
Inque suos, nitens Sequanam transire, Danorum
Rex Sinric, geminis ratibus spretis, penetravit
Cum sociis ter nam quinquagenis, patiturque
Naufragium medio fluvii, fundum petiturus,
Quo fixit, comitesque simul, tentoria morti.
Hic sua castra prius Sequanæ contingere fundum
Quo surgens oritur, dixit, quam linquere regnum
Francorum, fecit Domino tribuente quod inquit.'
[107] Regino, 887. 'Post hæc Imperator, Galliarum populos perlustrans, Parisius cum immenso exercitu venit, ibique adversos hostes castra posuit, sed nil dignum Imperatoriâ majestate in eodem loco gessit.' So Ann. Ved. 886: 'Ille vero audito multum doluit; accepto tamen consilio, Parisius venit cum manu validâ; sed quia Dux periit, ipse nil utile gessit.' So the Annals of Fulda, 886: 'Imperator per Burgundiam obviam Nortmannos in Galliam, qui tunc Parisios erant, usque pervenit. Occiso ibi Heinrico, Marchensi Francorum, qui in id tempus Niustriam tenuit, Rex, parum prospere actis rebus, revertitur in sua.'
[108] Ann. Ved. 886. 'Factum est vere consilium miserum; nam utrumque, et civitatis redemptio illis promissa est, et data est via sine impedimento, ut Burgundiam hieme deprædarent. So Ann. Fuld. 886: 'Imperator perterritus, quibusdam per Burgundiam vagandi licentiam dedit, quibusdam plurimam promisit pecuniam, si a regno ejus statute inter eos tempore discederent.'
[109] Regino, 887. 'Ad extremum, concessis terris et regionibus quæ ultra Sequanam erant Nordmannis ad deprædandum, eo quod incolæ illarum sibi obtemperare nollent, recessit.'
[110] The details follow immediately after in Regino.
[111] See above, p. 59. So Ann. Ved. 886. 'Terrâ patris sui Rothberti Odoni Comiti concessâ, Imperator castra movit.'
[112] Ann. Ved. 888.
[113] Ib. 'Odo vero Rex Remis civitatem contra missos Arnulfi perrexit, qui ei coronam, ut fertur, misit, quam in ecclesiâ Dei genitricis in natali sancti Briccii capiti impositam, ab omni populo Rex adclamatur.' Cf. Ann. Fuld., 888-895. Regino 895. Arnulf was not crowned Emperor till 806.
[114] Regino, 888. 'Nordmanni, qui Parisiorum urbem obsidebant, miram et inauditam rem, non solum nostrâ, sed etiam superiore ætate fecerunt.'
[115] Ib. 'Quum civitatem inexpugnabilem esse persensissent, omni virtute omnique ingenio laborare cœperunt, quatenus urbe post tergum relictâ, classem cum omnibus copiis per Sequanam sursum possent evehere, et sic Hionnam fluvium ingredientes, Burgundiæ fines absque obstaculo penetrarent.'
[116] Ann. Ved. 886.
[117] Ib.
[118] Ib.
[119] Regino, 889. 'Nordmanni a Senonicâ urbe recedentes, denuo Parisius cum omnibus copiis devenerunt. Et quum illis descensus fluminis a civibus omnino inhiberetur, rursus castra ponunt, civitatem totis viribus oppugnant, sed, Deo opem ferente, nihil prævalent.'
[120] Ann. Ved. 888. 'Circa auctumni vero tempora Odo Rex, adunato exercitu, Parisius venit; ibique castra metatus est prope civitatem, ne iterum ipsa obsideretur.'
[121] Regino, 890. 'Civibus qui continuis operum ac vigiliarum laboribus induruerant, et assiduis bellorum conflictibus exercitati erant, audaciter reluctantibus, Nordmanni, desperatis rebus, naves per terram cum magno sudore trahunt, et sic alveum repetentes, Britanniæ finibus classem trajiciunt. Quoddam castellum in Constantiensi territorio, quod ad sanctum Loth dicebatur, obsident.' The action of Odo comes from Ann. Ved. 889. 'Contra quos Odo [Danos] Rex venit; et nuntiis intercurrentibus, munerati ab eo regressi a Parisius, relictâque Sequanâ, per mare navale iter atque per terram pedestre et equestre agentes in territorio Constantiæ civitatis circa castrum sancti Laudi sedem sibi faciunt, ipsumque castrum oppugnare non cessant.'
[122] Widukind, iii. 4. 'Exinde, collectâ ex omni exercitu electorum militum manu, Rothun Danorum urbem adiit, sed difficultate locorum, asperiorique hieme ingruente, plagâ eos quidem magnâ percussit; incolumi exercitu, infecto negotio, post tres menses Saxoniam regressus est.'
[123] See Dudo's account in Duchesne, Rer. Norm. Scriptt., 130-134; or Palgrave, ii. 562-578.
[124] Richer, ii. 54. 'Tres itaque Reges, in unum collecti, primi certaminis laborem Lauduno inferendum decernunt. Et sine morâ, illo exercitum ducunt. Quum ergo ex adverso montis eminentiam viderent, et omni parte urbis situm explorarent, cognito incassum sese ibi certaturos, ab eâ urbe discedunt et Remos adoriuntur.' He then goes on to describe the taking of Rheims. This is confirmed by Widukind, iii. 3. 'Rex cum exercitu Lugdunum adiit, eamque armis tentavit.' He places the taking of Rheims after the attack on Paris, and afterwards, perhaps inadvertently, speaks of Laon as if it had been taken. Lugdunum is of course a mistake for Laudunum.
[125] Flodoard, 946 (Pertz, iii. 393). 'Sicque trans Sequanam contendentes, loca quæque præter civitates gravibus atterunt deprædationibus.'
[126] Widukind (iii. 2) records Otto's answer to a boastful message of Hugh. 'Ad quod Rex famosum satis reddit responsum; sibi vero fore tantam multitudinem pileorum ex culmis contextorum, quos ei præsentari oporteret, quantam nec ipse nec pater suus umquam videret. Et revera, quum esset magnus valde exercitus, triginta scilicet duarum legionum, non est inventus, qui hujusmodi non uteretur tegumento, nisi rarissimus quisque.' On these straw hats see Pertz's note.
[127] Widukind (iii. 3.), immediately after the attempt on Rouen, adds, 'Inde Parisius perrexit, Hugonemque ibi obsedit, memoriam quoque Dionysii martyris digne honorans veneratus est.'
[128] Richer, ii. 57. 'Decem numero juvenes quibus constanti mente fixum erat omne periculum subire.' He then describes their pilgrim's garb.
[129] Richer, ii. 57. 'Ille farinarium sese memorat, at illi prosecuti, siquid amplius possit interrogant. Ille etiam piscatorum Ducis magistrum se asserit, et ex navium accommodatione questum aliquem sibi adesse.' This miller of the Seine appears also in a story of Geoffrey Grisegonelle in the Gesta Consulum Andegavensium, vi. (D'Achery, Spicilegium, iii. 247). 'In crastino Consul furtivus viator, egreditur, non longe a Parisiacâ urbe burgum sancti Germani devitans, a molendinario qui molendinos Secanæ custodiebat, dato ei suo habitu, navigium sibi parari impetravit.'
[130] All that Richer (ii. 58,) tells us is that Otto's troops, after crossing the river, 'terrâ recepti incendiis prædisque vehementibus totam regionem usque Ligerim depopulati sunt. Post hæc feruntur in terram piratarum ac solo tenus devastant. Sicque Regis injuriam atrociter ulti; iter ad sua retorquent.' The 'terra piratarum' is of course Normandy.
[131] Lothar was the son of Lewis and Gerberga, the sister of Otto the Great; Lothar and the younger Otto were therefore cousins.
[132] Richer iii. 71. 'Æream aquilam quæ in vertice palatii a Karolo Magno acsi volans fixa erat, in vulturnum converterunt. Nam Germani eam in favonium converterant, subtiliter signicantes Gallos suo equitatu quandoque posse devinci.' So Thietmar of Merseburg, iii. 6 (Pertz. iii. 761), records the turning of the eagle and adds, 'Hæc stat in orientali parte domûs, morisque fuit omnium hunc locum possidentium, ad sua eam vertere regna.' The raid on Aachen is also described by Baldric in the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium i. 96 (Pertz. vii. 440). He always speaks of Lothar as 'Rex Karlensium,' and of his kingdom as 'partes Karlensium.' In Thietmar he is 'Rex Karolingorum.'
[133] Richer iii. 74, 'Sic etiam versâ vice, Lotharium adurgens, eo quod militum copiam non haberet fluvium Sequanam transire compulit, et gemebundum ad Ducem ire coegit.'
[134] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 97, 'Paternis moribus instructus, ecclesias observavit immo etiam opulentis muneribus ditare potius æstimavit.'
[135] Richer iii. 74, 'Per fines urbis Remorum transiens sancto Remigio multum honorem exhibuit.'
[136] This story comes from Baldric, Gest. Ep, Cam. i. 97. 'Deinde vero ad pompandam victoriæ suæ gloriam Hugoni, qui Parisius residebat, per legationem denuntians, quod in tantam sublimitatem Alleluia faceret ei decantari in quanta non audierit, accitis quam pluribus clericis Alleluia te Martyrum in loco qui dicitur Mons Martyrum, in tantum elatis vocibus decantari præcepit, ut attonitis auribus ipse Hugo et omnis Parisiorum plebs miraretur.' The 'Mons Martyrum' is, we need scarcely say, Montmartre.
[137] Gest. Cons. Andeg. vi. 2. Very little can be made of a story in which the invasion of Otto is placed in the reign of Robert, the son of Hugh Capet, who is represented as King, his father being still only Duke. The expedition of Otto is thus described. 'Otto siquidem Rex Alemannorum cum universis copiis suis Saxonum et Danorum Montem Morentiaci obsederat, et urbi Parisius multos assultus ignominiose faciebat.' Geoffrey Grisegonelle comes to the rescue with three thousand men.
[138] Richer iii. 77. The name of the French champion is Ivo.
[139] Ib. iii. 77. 'Otto Gallorum exercitum sensim colligi non ignorans, suum etiam tam longo itinere quam hostium incursu posse minui sciens, redire disponit, et datis signis castra amoverunt.'
[140] Rudolf Glaber i. 3. His way of telling the whole story should be noticed. 'Lotharius ... ut erat agilis corpore, et validus, sensuque integer, tentavit redintegrare regnum, ut olim fuerat.' This is explained in the next sentence. 'Nam partem ipsius regni superiorem, quæ etiam Lotharii Regnum cognominatur, Otto Rex Saxonum, immo Imperator Romanorum, [this means Otto the Great, "primus ac maximus Otto">[ ad suum, id est Saxonum, inclinaverat regnum.' The retreat is thus described. 'Lotharius ex omni Franciâ atque Burgundiâ militari manu in unum coactâ, persecutus est Ottonis exercitum usque in fluvium Mosam, multosque ex ipsis fugientibus in eodem flumine contigit interire.'
[141] Richer iii. 77. 'Axonæ fluvii vada festinantes alii transmiserant, alii vero ingrediebantur quum exercitus a Rege missus a tergo festinantibus affuit. Qui reperti fuere mox gladiis hostium fusi sunt, plures quidem at nullo nomine clari.'
[142] Ib. iii. 80, 81. 'Belgicæ pars quæ in lite fuerat in jus Ottonis transiit.' Rudolf Glaber clearly means the same thing when he says, 'Dehinc vero uterque cessavit, Lothario minus explente quod cupiit.'
[143] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 98. 'Qui [Otto] quum satis exhaustâ ultione congruam vicissitudinem se rependisse putarat, ad hiberna oportere se concedere ratus; inde simul revocato equitatu, circa festivitatem sancti Andreæ, jam hieme subeunte, reditum disposuit; remensoque itinere, bono successu gestarum rerum gaudens super Axonam fluvium castra metari præcepit.'
[144] Ib. 'Paucis tamen famulorum remanentibus, qui retrogradientes—nam sarcinas bellicæ supellectilis convectabant—præ fatigatione oneris, tenebris siquidem jam noctis incumbentibus, transitum in crastino differe arbitrati sunt.'
[145] Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 98. 'Ipsâ etenim nocte in tantum excrevit alveolus, ut difficultate importuosi littoris neuter alteri manum conferre potuerit; hoc ita sane, credo, Dei voluntate disposito, ne strages innumerabilis ederetur utrimque.'
[146] Ib. The prize was to be, 'Commissâ invicem pugnâ, cui Deus annueret laureatus regni imperio potiretur.' This challenge again reminds us of Brihtnoth. Compare the references in Freeman, Norman Conquest, i. 271, Note 1.
[147] Ib. i. 98. 'Quid tot ab utrâque parte cædentur? Veniant ambo Reges in unum tantummodo, nobisque procul spectantibus, summi periculi soli subeuntes una conferantur, unoque fuso cæteri reservati victori subjiciantur.'
[148] Ib. Semper vestrum Regem vobis vilem haberi audivimus non credentes; nunc autem vobismetipsis fatentibus, credere fas est. Numquam nobis quiescentibus noster Imperator pugnabit, numquam nobis sospitibus in prœlio periclitabitur.' Compare the proposal of the Argeians for a judicial combat to decide the right to the disputed land of Thyrea; Thuc. v. 41, τοῖς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐδόκει μωρία εἶναι ταῦτα, much as it seemed to Count Godfrey.
[149] His comment (Gest. Ep. Cam. i. 99) is, 'Hoc igitur modo Regibus inter se discordantibus, jam dictu difficile est quot procellis factionum intonantibus ab ipsis suis vassallis afficitur Tethdo episcopus.'
[150] Richer iii. 78. Lothar debates whether he shall oppose Otto or make friends with him. 'Si staret contra, cogitabat possibile esse Ducem opibus corrumpi, et in amicitiam Ottonis relabi. Si reconciliaretur hosti, id esse accelerandum, ne Dux præsentiret, et ne ipse quoque vellet reconciliari. Talibus in dies afficiebatur, et exinde his duobus Ducem suspectum habuit.' See also the story of Hugh's dealings with Otto (82-85).
[151] So Thietmar of Merseburg, iii. 6. 'Reversus inde Imperator triumphali gloriâ, tantum hostibus incussit terrorem ut numquam post talia incipere auderent; recompensatumque est iis quicquid dedecoris prius intulere nostris.'
[152] That is, simply kinswomen; parentes in the French sense.
[153] Thierry's 'History of the Norman Conquest,' book i.
[154] Quod idem nostram ignaviam et segnitiem simul prodit, quod nec tam gravi necessitate moveri, nec tam commoda lege cogi potuerimus; quin tam dies res tanta (qua majoris esse momenti nihil unquam potuerit) intacta pene remanserit.
[155] Biblius in plurisque apud nos Ecclesiis, aut deficientibus aut tritis; et nemine, quantum ego audire potui, de excudenis novis cogitante; id pro irriti conatus sum in Britannica Bibliorum versione, quod fœliciter factum est in Anglicana.
[156] Nephew of Sir Hugh Middleton, who brought the New River to London.
[157] Vol. iv., pp. 293-4; and Appendix to vol. iv., p. 63.
'Mae dy ffeiriaid hwyntau'n cysgu,
Ac yn gado'r bobol bechu
Ac i fyw y modd y mynnon
Heb na cherydd na chynghorion.'
[159] 'Llyfryddiaeth y Cymry,' p. 211.
[160] Mr. Gladstone, to his great honour, has had the courage to break through this practice, by his recent appointment of a thorough Welshman to the diocese of St. Asaph.
[161] 'Justice to Wales: Report of the Association of Welsh Clergy in the West Riding of the County of York,' p. 8.
[162] Morgan's 'Life and Times of H. Harris,' p. 41.
[163] 'The Christian Leaders of the Last Century,' by the Rev. J. C. Ryle, p. 192.
[164] 'Johnes,' p. 63.
[165] This calculation does not include Monmouthshire.
[166] The instructions given as to the mode of collecting the returns are these: 'In order to fill this schedule correctly, it will be necessary to appoint persons in whom confidence can be placed, to count every congregation and school in the parish, and that on the same Sunday; not taking one place on one Sunday and another place on another Sunday. Care should be taken not to give account of any place in the schedule that is not within the limits of the parish. On the other side of the schedule let all the persons who have been engaged in counting write their names, as an attestation of the correctness of the returns.'
[167] Of late years, however, the Nonconformists have taken up the question of Day school education very strenuously and successfully, so that there are at this time more than 400 British or neutral schools in Wales.
[168] Minutes of Council, 1854-5, p. 602.
[169] Report of the Committee of Council on Education, 1868-9, p. 179.
[170] 'Considerations on the Revision of the English New Testament.'
[171] British Quarterly Review, April, 1868.
[172] The valuable earlier Auchinleck MS. is written by five or six hands.
[173] 'Old English Homilies and Homiletic Treatises of the 12th and 13th centuries.' Edited by Richard Morris. First series, 2 parts, 8vo. London: 1867-68.
[174] The 'Story of Genesis and Exodus,' an Early English Song, about a.d. 1250; now first edited from an unique MS. by Richard Morris. 8vo. London: 1865.
[175] Father, God of all things, Almighty Lord, highest king, give thou me a propitious season, to show this world's beginning, Thee, Lord God, to honour, whetherso I read or sing.
[176] First.
[177] Unnatural.
[178] Trouble.
[179] 'Seinte Marherete,' the Maiden and Martyr, in Old English. Edited by Oswald Cockayne, M.A. London: 1866.
[180] 'Hali Meidenhad.' An Alliterative Homily of the thirteenth century. Edited by Oswald Cockayne. London: 1866.
[181] The 'Lay of Havelok the Dane;' composed in the reign of Edward I., about a.d. 1280. Formerly edited by Sir F. Madden, and now re-edited by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. Extra Series. London: 1868.
[182] 'King Horn,' with fragments of 'Floriz and Blauncheflour,' and the 'Assumption of our Lady.' Edited, with Notes and Glossary, by J. Rowson Lumby. London: 1866.
[183] Parallel Extracts from Twenty-nine MSS. of 'Piers Plowman,' with comments, and a proposal for the Society's Three-text edition of this poem, by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London. 1866. The 'Vision of William concerning Piers Plowman.' By William Langland (a.d. 1362), edited from the Vernon MS., by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London: 1867.
[184] 'Pierce the Ploughman's Crede' (about 1394 a.d.), transcribed and edited from MS. Trin. Coll. Cam. R. 3, 15, collated with MS. Bibl. Reg. 18 B. xvii. in the British Museum, and with the old printed text of 1553, by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London: 1867.
[185] Dan Michel's 'Ayenbite of Inwyt; or, Remorse of Conscience,' in the Kentish dialect. 1340 a.d. Edited by Richard Morris. London: 1866.
[186] 'English Gilds.' The original ordinances of more than one hundred Early English Gilds, from original MSS. of the 14th and 15th centuries. Edited, with Notes, by the late Toulmin Smith; with an Introduction and Glossary, &c., by his daughter, Lucy Toulmin Smith, London: 1870.
[187] 'Early English Alliterative Poems,' in the West Midland dialect of the 14th century. Edited by Richard Morris. London: 1864.
[188] 'The Romance of William of Palerne' (otherwise known as the Romance of William and the Werwolf). Edited by Rev. Walter W. Skeat. London: 1867.
[189] 'Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight.' An Alliterative Romance-Poem. About 1320-30 a.d. By the Author of Early English Alliterative Poems. Re-edited by Richard Morris. London: 1864.
[190] 'Lancelot of the Laik.' A Scottish Metrical Romance. About 1490-1500. Re-edited by the Rev. W. W. Skeat. 8vo. London: 1865.
[191] 'Arthur:' a short Sketch of his Life and History, in English Verse, of the first half of the 15th century. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1864.
[192] 'Morte Arthure.' Edited from Robert Thornton's MS. (about 1440 a.d.), in the Library of Lincoln Cathedral, by George G. Perry. London: 1865.
[193] One of Arthur's grand achievements is the capture, after a severe siege, of the city of Metz. The Duke of Lorraine is sent to Dover, and the government of the country is otherwise provided for by Arthur.
[194] Looks.
[195] Is frightened.
[196] Visor.
[197] Face.
[198] Health.
[199] 'Merlin; or, the Early History of King Arthur.' A prose Romance (about 1450-1460 a.d.) Edited from the unique MS. in the University Library, Cambridge, by Henry B. Wheatley. Parts I.—III. London: 1865-69.
[200] 'The Romance of the Chevalere Assigne.' Re-edited by Henry H. Gibbs. London: 1868.
[201] 'The Book of the Knight of La Tour Landry.' Compiled for the instruction of his daughters. Translated from the original French, in the reign of Henry VI., and edited by Thomas Wright. London: 1868.
[202] 'The Wright's Chaste Wife.' A merry tale. By Adam of Cobsam. About 1462. Edited by F. J. Furnivall. 1865.
[203] 'Political, Religious, and Love Poems.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1866.
[204] 'The Babees Book, &c. Manners and Meals in Olden Time.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1868.
[205] 'The Book of Quinte Essence, or the Fifth Being; that is to say, Man's Heaven.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1866.
[206] 'English Prose Treatises of Richard Rolle de Hampole.' Edited from Robert Thornton's MS., cir. 1440. By George G. Perry. London: 1866.
[207] 'Religious Pieces in Prose and Vers.' Edited from Robert Thornton's MS., cir. 1440. By George G. Perry. London: 1867.
[208] 'Instructions for Parish Priests.' By John Myrc. Edited from Cotton MS., Claudius A II. By Edward Peacock. London: 1868.
[209] 'Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, the Parliament of Devils, and other Religious Poems.' Edited by F. J. Furnivall. London: 1867.
[210] We should be glad to have an exposition of the 'Catholic' view relative to the use of capitals, what special sanctity is supposed to reside in them, and what rule governs their employment. They form a marked feature in 'Catholic' literature, and certainly sometimes puzzle us. Why, for example, should 'Party' have a capital here?
[211] The ex-Emperor's selfishness is proved by his never having tried to introduce anything answering to our Poor Law, with the working of which he must have been thoroughly acquainted. Our system is far from perfect; but it saves us from those terrible food revolutions, one of which has so lately made Paris such a pitiable sight. Louis Napoleon preferred the French voluntary system, because he always hoped to get the ouvriers in hand (as he had got the peasants), and to use them, too, against any rising of the more intelligent classes.
[212] Benjamin Constant is a notable instance of the want of staunchness of too many French writers. At first strongly against the Empire, he was won over by the uncle far more easily than poor Prévost-Paradol was by the nephew.
[213] Witness the cruel exactions, at Compiègne (Pall Mall Gazette, 11th March) and elsewhere, during the armistice and after the conclusion of peace.
[214] The hatred is reciprocated. Germany does not forget French occupation. An eminent German remarked to us the other day that more than a dozen Prussian towns are still paying the interest of the money borrowed to pay the first Napoleon's exactions. He remarked, too, on the cruelties which the French practised; and said that Germany remembers Davoust at Hamburg, and his turning out 26,000 people on New Year's-day to perish in the cold, because they could not show that they had a sufficient stock of siege provisions.
[215] Yet the clergy, as might be predicted from the fulsomeness of their homage, only flattered Napoleon for their own ends. They soon showed their ingratitude. Pradt, Archbishop of Mechlin, invented the epithet, Jupiter-Scapin. Talleyrand did his best to pull down the falling Empire. The peasantry whom they had taught were less fickle.
[216] A curiosity in the history of Catechisms is that in use in Spain while Napoleon was extolled as God's image on earth in the neighbouring country. Therein young Spaniards were taught as follows: 'Tell me, my child, who are you?'—'A Spaniard, by the grace of God.' 'Who is the enemy of our happiness?'—'The Emperor of the French.' 'How many natures hath he?'—'Two; the human and the diabolical.'—Mignet, vol. ii. 336.
[217] Scrutator has tried to prove that it was really Prussia, and not France, which made war inevitable.
[218] Of the sad civil war in the capital we would only say that it is partly due to the want of a proper Poor Law, partly to the justly bitter feeling caused by the hard terms of peace—terms so different from those of 1815, which secured fifty years' peace, and eventually made France and England friends.
[219] It is needless to enumerate the number of English essays and books upon Berkeley and his philosophy which have recently appeared. It may not be so well known to our readers that Berkeley's doctrines are at present very widely discussed in Germany. A great deal of this discussion is doubtless due to the exertions of that fervid Berkeleian, Dr. T. Collyns Simon, who, according to a German critic, 'reist in Deutschland umher, um mit allen Mitteln des Worts und der Schrift, propaganda für seinen Meister zu machen;' but the interest shown on the subject must rest on a deeper basis. Of German dissertations on Berkeley we have seen the following:—R. Hoppe in Bergman's Zeitschrift, v. Heft. 2. 1870; Freiherr v. Reichlin-Meldegg, in Fichte's Zeitschrift, lvi. Heft. 2, 1870; T. Collyns Simon and H. Ulrici, in Fichte's Zeitschrift, lvii. Heft. 1; and F. Friederich's Ueber Berkeley's Idealismus, 1870. To these must be added, as the most important of all, Prof. F. Ueberweg's translation of Berkeley's 'Principles of Human Knowledge,' with a short preface and some very valuable notes, published in Heimann's cheap series of philosophical works, Berlin, 1869. The growing interest felt in Berkeley is also to be seen in the larger amount of space given to the criticism of his doctrines in the more recent work on the history of philosophy, such as Freiherr v. Reichlin-Meldegg's Einleitung zur Philosophie, Wien, 1870.
[220] We use the word 'Idealist' in the modern German sense. It is the technical term to denote that tendency in human speculation which is embodied in Plato's Dialectic, Schelling's Natur-Philosophie, Hegel's metaphysical logic, or Ferrier's scorn for Psychology, and is opposed to 'Realist,' which is applied to Herbart's Metaphysic, Mill's Ethics, or Buckle's History of Civilization; cf. Dr. F. Ueberweg on 'Idealism, Realism, and Ideal-Realism,' in Fichte's Zeitschrift, vol. 34.
[221] The writer of an article on the Idealism of Berkeley and Collier, in the North British Review, January, 1871, summarizes forcibly the arguments against Berkeley which have been urged by the so-called school of Natural Realists. It is evidently an attempt to show that the theories of Berkeley and Collier are incompatible with the doctrine of the Incarnation, and therefore, the writer thinks, with that of Transubstantiation also.
[222] Professor Hermann Ulrici, of Halle, in Fichte's Zeitschrift, vol. lvii. Pt. 1, 1870, pp. 171-4.
[223] As Freiherr v. Reichlin-Meldegg does, Enleit. für Philosophie, p. 122.
[224] The advance which Berkeley made from the stand-point of Locke may not have been made very clear by this abstract statement; but the difference of conception was just the difference between the Baconian and modern induction. Bacon endeavoured to explain everything by referring it to its form; and this form was a contemporaneous cause, corresponding very much to the abstract ideas of Locke, or rather to those abstract ideas which are supposed to be the more important, viz., the primary qualities (cf. Ellis and Spedding's Ed. of Bacon, I., p. 29). Modern induction explains by referring a consequent to its invariable antecedent. It introduces the idea of motion, succession, or flow, and explains a thing by showing its place in the flow of phenomena. It is interesting to note that while Berkeley was thus substituting a living causality for the abstract ideas of Locke, and explaining the construction and objective knowledge of things by their position in the successive moments of a personal agency, other philosophers were endeavouring to solve the same metaphysical and psychological problem in somewhat the same way. Leibnitz's 'Monadologie' was really an attempt to explain the existence of universals and objective principles of knowledge by the thought of growth or development or flow; but Leibnitz's explanation differs from Berkeley's in this, that he kept chiefly the thought of the development itself before his mind, and conceived a gradual progression through impersonal existences up to the conscious self, while Berkeley, keeping to his direct spiritual intuition, ever looks at this flow as manifesting the presence and action of a free personal spirit. The same general thought is also at the basis of Wolff's hint that the causal-nexus, not abstract ideas, enables us to explain how universal judgments are formed out of individual experiences (logica, § 706). It has developed since then into the conception of organic development, which plays such an important part in Kant's 'Kritik der Urtheilskraft,' is the fundamental thought in such post Kantian metaphysics as the 'Natur-Philosophie' of Schelling, and the 'Mikrokosmos' of Herman Lotze, and may be called the metaphysical foundation for the scientific method which has led to the theories of Darwin in natural history, of Aug. Schleicher in philology, and of the Leyden School in the history of religions.
[225] In proof of this, we need only refer to the admirable preface of Professor Fraser, especially pp. 3, 5, 7, 9.
[226] Berkeley is usually esteemed the foremost of modern Nominalists, but we question if his Nominalism was more than a denial of Conceptualism. It was not a positive doctrine. There are several assertions in his 'Common-place Book' which show that even in his earlier days he was not a Nominalist in the proper sense of the term. He denies once and again Locke's statement that we know particulars only; he believes in the real existence of classes or kinds; and he says that genera and species are not abstractions. In his later writings he probably found that in his eagerness to attack the conceptualist doctrine of abstract conceptions, he had probably been carried too far, for in his third edition of 'Alciphron' he curiously omits those chapters which treat of Nominalism, and in 'Siris' the reality of universals is assumed throughout.
[227]Berkeley's 'Abhandlung über die Principien der menschlichen Erkenntniss. In's Deutsch übersetzt,' &c., von Dr. Fr. Ueberweg, pp. 110-112.
[228] Ueberweg's 'Logik,' § 46.
[229] 'Logik,' § 57.
[230] There is undoubtedly one difficulty to this hypothesis, and that difficulty arises from Berkeley's mathematical opinions; for the whole question between Berkeley and Newton in the 'Analyst' may be resolved to this one particular,—in Berkeley's view a line is a series of points, in Newton's the line is not the series of separate points, but these points coalescing and arranging themselves in length. Newton says, 'Lineæ describuntur ac describendo generantur non per appositiones partium sed per motum continuum punctorum.' The difference between them was just the difference between Nominalism and Realism, and Berkeley takes the Nominalist side. This may have been due to his ignorance of mathematics.
[231] Ueberweg, 'Logik,' § 1.
[232] Plotinus Enn. III. iii.; c. 6.
[233] Dr. J. H. Stirling on Sir W. Hamilton, being the 'Philosophy of Perception,' p. 124.
[234] The best of these is decidedly that by 'Scrutator.' If we could unmask the writer, we believe we should find Mr. Otway, for he writes with a full knowledge of the facts, and his views are laid down with geometrical precision.
[235] Despatch of Benedetti to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, dated March 31, 1869.
[236] Despatch of Earl Granville to Lord Loftus, dated July 15, 1870.
[237] Despatch of Bismark to Count Bernstoff, July 18, 1870.
[238] Letters of Count Daru, dated February 1, and M. de Lavalette, dated February 16.
[239] Vide British Quarterly Review for October, 1866, p. 524-6.
[240] Proclamation of the King of Prussia from Versailles to the German people, dated January 18, 1871.
[241] Sir Alexander Malet shows conclusively that Austria was not a voluntary agent in the dismemberment of Denmark, and that, had we actively interposed, she would have been very glad to back out of the partnership with Prussia.