Replies.
THE CAXTON MEMORIAL.
(Vol. iv., p. 283.)
In forming a literary project, whether extensive or otherwise, it is advisable to keep in view the humble science of arithmetic. Without that precaution, it may become a source of vexation both to its projector and its promoters; and, in some cases, the non-completion of it may be a real injury to literature.
When I proposed a typographic memorial of William Caxton, in preference to an architectural memorial, and intimated that it might be compressed into an octavo volume, and produced at a very moderate price, I flattered myself with having made a more correct estimate than is commonly made by designers and architects—Paxton, Cubitt, and Fox, always excepted—and I venture to announce, on more mature reflection, the same decided opinion.
With thanks to MR. BOTFIELD for his enumeration of the translated works of Caxton, I must remind him that the proposal was a collection of his original compositions, with specimens of his translations. To reprint the entire works which proceeded from his press was never my project. I could not have entertained such an idea for one moment; nor should I think the realisation of it desirable, even if it could be effected by magic. I readily admit, however, that I have a liking for Fayts of armes and chyvalrye—that Thystorye of Reynard the foxe is very attractive—and that the Boke for travellers would be a choice morçeau philologique.
The publications of Caxton are about sixty in number, and I am sure that more than six pages would seldom be required for any one work, and that many articles might be properly treated in less than two pages each. A short memoir of Caxton, a glossary of obsolete words and phrases, an appendix of documents, and an index, are the only additions which I should consider as essential to the completeness of the design. All this might be comprised in an octavo volume of moderate extent.
The Typographical antiquities of Ames, as augmented by Dibdin, being the accredited source of information on Caxton, and having misled some superior writers, I shall presume to deliver my opinion of the first volume of that work—not having much acquaintance with the subsequent volumes. Dibdin had formed, at the very outset, a most injudicious resolution. Caxton was his hero; and he resolved, as he tells us in his autobiography, to "devote the first volume entirely to the productions of his press." In order to carry out this plan, he was led to introduce much extraneous and useless matter. We have endless repetitions of what Lewis says, and what Ames says, and what Herbert says, and even what the dreamer Bagford says, instead of such information as should have been derived from an examination of the books themselves. Moreover, he is very deficient in the logic of history, in point of method, and in point of accuracy; and the extracts, being in modern orthography, are to philological students UTTERLY WORTHLESS.
This, and perhaps more than this, I may hereafter have occasion to prove; and should it seem to others that I express myself harshly, due consideration shall be given to their objections.
I must now assure MR. BOTFIELD that it gives me satisfaction to observe him somewhat disposed to view my project with favour, and that I am not less disposed to make such modifications of the conditions of publication as may meet the wishes of himself and the other contributors toward The Caxton Testimonial. Two modes of union suggest themselves, which I submit to his consideration in the form of queries.
1. If the preparation and impression of the intended volume should be undertaken by a certain literary society, honourably distinguished by the substantial character of the works which have been edited under its sanction, would the committee of The Caxton Testimonial engage to take a certain number of copies, in case the council of the society alluded to should assent to such a deviation from its usual course?
2. If this arrangement should be objected to on either side, would the committee of The Caxton Testimonial undertake to produce a literary memorial of Caxton on the plan before-described, or not much differing from it, and under the editorship of persons to be named by themselves?
If neither plan should be approved, I shall not abate one jot of hope as to the success of the project; but, by permission of the editor of "NOTES AND QUERIES," proceed with my humble contributions to The Caxton Coffer.
BOLTON CORNEY.
Might not the purpose be attained by the establishment of a club (on the same principles as the Bannatyne, Maitland, and Spalding Clubs), for the republication of the works of the first English printer? His works are of such excessive rarity that they are inaccessible even to the most devoted antiquary, and indeed many of them are scarcely known even by name. They are principally thin quartos, and the actual expense of reprinting them could not be heavy. The only trouble would be in collating them; and if the matter was once set on foot, we have many able typographical antiquaries who, I have no doubt, would assist in editing them. Such a plan appears preferable, because in making the Club open to any party who chose to pay the agreed-on subscription, it would thus become better known throughout the kingdom, and consequently stand a much better chance of support and, of course, success.
The great object of the memorial, in addition to a just recognition of the important services of Caxton, appears to be to revive his memory; and this end can only be effectually gained by a republication of his works, and the plan of a club appears to be the only way by which they can be extensively circulated.
PETRO-PROMONTORIENSIS.
[Our correspondent has, he will perceive, misapprehended MR. CORNEY'S suggestion; which is a far more practical one, than a reprint of all the works which issued from the press of Caxton. In the first of the modes which MR. CORNEY now suggests for carrying out his views he appears to us to have hit upon a very happy expedient; which we think may easily be accomplished in a way to do credit to all parties concerned in it, and really to do honour to the memory of William Caxton.]
EPIGRAM ASCRIBED TO MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS.
(Vol. iv., pp. 316. 356.)
As your correspondent C. has noticed the copy of Sallust containing the autograph of Mary Queen of Scots, which was presented to the library of this University by our illustrious alumnus JOHN WILSON CROKER, I think it right to send you the following account of it.
The full title is as follows:—
Opera Sallustiana.
Caij Crispi Sallustij inter historicos
nominatissimi, ac veri cum Iodoci Badij
Ascensij expositione perq[ue] familiari opera post nouā
limam et nonnulla nuperrime addita recēter: et subjecta continēt
¶ Pomponij leti Sallustiana recognitio et ejusdem vita et explanatis.
Historicq[ue] descriptio: species et utilitas ac viginti
styli historici precepta.
The words here printed in Italics are in rubric in the original. Then follows on the title-page a table of contents of the volume, with reference to the folio in which each piece is to be found.
Then follows a small square woodcut, representing SS. Peter and Paul holding the sacred handkerchief with the face of Christ impressed upon it; and on each side of this is the date in rubric, thus,
M. CCCCC. □ XXIII.
The whole is surrounded with a framework formed of various woodcut ornaments. One of these (on the left) represents Judas betraying our Lord with a kiss; the other (on the right) our Lord bearing His cross.
On the reverse of the title is a dedicatory letter from Iodocus Badius Ascensius to Franciscus de Roban, Archbishop of Lyons.
Then follows Tabula Alphabetica, occupying four pages.
Then (on fol. A. iiij) a letter, "Aug. Mapheo rerū Ro. Thesaur. Pōp. letus. S." beginning "Marcus Valerius probus unice vetustatis amator."
On the next page is 'Caij Crispi Sallustij vita per Pōpo. letū."
On the next page begins "De historia et ea concernentibus collecta per ascensium;" and in the blanks round the heading of this page is one of the autographs of the unfortunate queen, in her large bold hand,
Maria Regina.
On the next page begin "Viginti precepta pro historica lege," which are continued on the next two pages. In the blank spaces left round the titles of the ninth and tenth precepta, the queen has again written,
Ex libris Mariæ
Scotorum Reginæ
On the next leaf begin the works of Sallust, with the commentaries and other apparatus. The sheets are in eights, so that the book is more properly large 8o than 4o, signatures A—S(but S is only a half-sheet). The prefatory matter (including the title) is contained on a single sheet, sig. A, of six leaves only. This is expressed by the printer's register at the end—
"Regestum huius operis
A . a . b . c . d . e . f . g . h . i . k . l . m . n . o . p . q . r . s .
Oēs sunt quaterniones preter A [q]. est ternio . s . vero duernio."
The colophon has not been completely given by C.; it is as follows:
"¶ Crispi Sallustii Catilina (sic) et Jugurthina cum reliquis collectaneis ab Ascensio: ut cum[que] explanatis: hic suum capit finem. Lugduni diligenti recognitione Impressus per Antoniū Blachard[6] anno domini M. quingētesimo. xxiii. pridie Calend. Sextiles."
[6] Not Blanchard, as C. has printed the name.
These particulars may enable your readers to identify this edition, which is, I believe, very rare.
After the colophon are two pages occupied by remarks on Sallust by "Jacobus a cruce Bononiensis:" leaving the last page in the volume blank, except that in the centre is a woodcut of larger size than that already mentioned, which is on the title-page, but representing the same subject, viz. SS. Peter and Paul holding the sacred handkerchief.
On the upper right-hand corner of this last page are the verses quoted by C., and correctly quoted, except that meæ and puellæ in the first line are mee and puelle in the original.
There is not the smallest shadow of probability for supposing these verses, or any of the other MS. annotations which occur in the volume, to be in the handwriting of Mary Queen of Scots. She wrote a large and not by any means a scholarlike hand, which is very well known; whereas these verses and the other annotations, are in a small and crampt scholarlike hand of the sixteenth century, as unlike the handwriting of Mary as any that can be imagined. In fact I was not aware, until I read C.'s letter in "NOTES AND QUERIES," that anybody had ever supposed it to be hers.
The note recording the donation of this book by James I. to Bishop Hall, occurs fol. xc. It is in a large schoolboylike hand, and is correctly quoted by C.
The book contains numerous woodcuts, which have no discoverable relation to the text, and are inserted merely to mark the commencement of the books, or different pieces of which the volume consists. Many of these are repeated several times.
The ornamental letter to which C. refers is the letter O, the first in the book. The grotesque character of it noticed by C. would not be easily observed except it were specially pointed out. C. may be assured that it was not particularly pointed out to Her Majesty when she did us the honour of inspecting this and some other literary treasures of our library in 1849.
JAMES H. TODD.
Trinity Coll. Dublin.
STANZAS IN CHILDE HAROLD.
(Vol. iv., pp. 223. 285. 323.)
I trust that a few words more will not be deemed overmuch in pointing out what I think will be found to be the source of T. W.'s difficulty. We need not go to French or German translators, because it is reasonable to suppose that where any sense can be made out of the text as it stands, the last thing a foreigner would do would be to complete an elliptical expression. I agree with MR. COLLINS, who says the expression "is very good sense;" and from his adding "much more Byronic," I expect he will agree with me in adding also, "but very bad taste." T. W. seems to have felt this; and nothing can be more conclusive than his criticism upon this point. I trust that there are few men of taste who have not as utter an abhorrence of tyranny as Lord Byron; but I think that, strongly as men of genius may be supposed to feel, few would have lugged in the tyrants on such an occasion; as it seems to me it was just in the nature of the noble poet, with or without cause, to do. What Byron says is perfectly true; it is simply out of place: nevertheless, as the text stands, it is said with force. But adopt T. W.'s variation, and can a flatter truism be conceived? And, after all, the objection not removed; for the allusion would be equally out of place: unless, indeed, your correspondent could make out of the text that
"Thy waters wasted them while they were free,"
And wasted them, afterwards, during their slavery,
Or, has continued to waste them since.
SAMUEL HICKSON.
I will not dwell on T. W.'s last remarks about Byron's "Address to the Ocean," farther than to observe, that it is difficult to conceive how he can understand the French translation which he quotes, in such a way that it shall tally with the view which he has put forward. The translation says, "the waves wasted their shores in the days of liberty, as they have done since under many a tyrant." This is very different from making the line mean either "the waves wasted the tyrants," as T. W. thinks it means with Byron's punctuation, or "the shores obey the tyrants," as T. W. would make it mean with his amended punctuation.
In a recent number (p. 325.) MR. M. COLLINS objects to—
"Ten thousand fleets sweep over thee in vain!"
and exclaims, "In vain!" Why, did not Columbus, &c.? But this criticism also overlooks the meaning of the passage. The fleets traverse the ocean quite in vain, as to producing any permanent traces, as is explained in the very next words:
"Man marks the earth with ruin: his control
Stops with the shore," &c.
W. W.
Cambridge.
CAGOTS.
(Vol. iv., pp. 190. 331.)
A reference to Dr. Guggenbühl's Letter to Lord Ashley on Cretinism, and to the reviews of the subject, of which I can name two in the Athenæum, one in 1848, p. 1077., and another on June 21, 1851, will, I think, show that there are no "races of Cretins," though the disease—for it is nothing but a disease—will sometimes largely affect even families. One of the principal characteristics of the disease is a disgusting goître, enlarging the neck to such a size, that a part of it becomes pendulous to the length of upwards of a foot, and can even be flung over the shoulder, and is, indeed, often carried there. It is very commonly accompanied by idiocy; and, in fact, the Cretin is one of the most distressing objects that can be seen. The disease is very common in some parts of Switzerland, especially, I believe, the Valais; some attribute it to the water: and probably climatic influences, in conjunction with the deleterious elements contained in the water, and the frequent intermarriage of the villagers, and deficient or unwholesome diet, are the chief sources to which it must be traced. It is curable; at the institution on the Abendberg the treatment is very successful. The disease never appears above a certain level, and disappears when, under favourable circumstances, the patient is raised to that level. Cases have been found in Lancashire, and at Chiselborough in Somersetshire, and at other places which present predisposing causes resembling those of Switzerland.
I do not think that AJAX'S suggestion "credentes" as the derivation of Cretin can be substantiated. Is it a term at all connected with diversity of religious opinion and consequent persecution? In the Alps, Cretinism is regarded with pity and kindness, as RUSTICUS truly remarks. The term cagot is current in the French with the meaning of an impostor, a hypocrite; "celui qui a une dévotion fausse ou mal-entendue," is the meaning in the Dictionnaire de l'Académie; also a bigot.
It is altogether a religious term. May I suggest that they are a relique of the old population of the mountain vallies imperfectly Christianised, therefore despised by the more enlightened population of the neighbourhood,—half-civilised, perhaps, and physically degraded by the same causes which have given the goître and the idiocy of the Cretin to the inhabitants of the Valais. If so, they may be Iberian, or what is commonly called Celtiberian, a term which I think there is reason for abandoning. I shall be glad to hear more of these Cagots; about the Cretins a good deal is known, and with much certainty, but nothing, as far as I can learn, that tends to identify them historically with any religious sect.
I am able to add further information concerning the Cagots. They are a miserable race, mostly beggars, or employed only about the meanest and filthiest work, abounding in leprosy and other cutaneous diseases, and in the most loathsome vermin; houseless, half-clad, inhabiting stables, barns, or any casual place of shelter, generally mutilated and lame, outcasts from society, reputed to lead infamous lives, indulging in the most horrible practices, even of cannibalism, and worse offences than that. Their brand used to be an eggshell on their clothes, and the custom was to pierce their feet with an iron. Scaliger derived their name from "Canis Gottus," and their origin has been assigned to some one of the northern nations which penetrated into the south of France and north of Spain in the third and fourth centuries before our era.
On this may I be allowed to forward a Query or two? What is their language? What are their own traditions concerning their origin? I am confirmed in my opinion that they are no way analogous to the Cretins; the latter being diseased, and Cretins because they are diseased; the Cagot being diseased and filthy, and despised because he is a Cagot, an individual of a degraded and outcast race of men.
THEOPHYLACT.
TEXTS BEFORE SERMONS.
(Vol. iv., p. 344.)
In the early church the sermon was delivered immediately after the reading of the Scriptures (Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 5.), and sometimes preached without any text; at other times, upon more texts than one; but most commonly the text was taken out of some paragraph of the Psalms or Lessons, as they were read. Origen expressly calls Sermons, explanations of the Lessons (Orig. cont. Cels., lib. iii.). The Fathers sometimes so ordered the matter, as to preach upon the Psalm, the Epistle, and the Gospel all together, when they happened to be on the same subject. Thus St. Augustine (Serm. x. t. x. p. 112.) preached upon the subject of praise and thanksgiving, out of the Epistle, the Psalm, and the Gospel together, because they each had something relating to his subject. (Bingham, book xiv. ch. iv. § 17.) This may have given rise to the present plan of textual preaching. During the middle ages we frequently meet with the terms postilla, postillæ, postillare, and the like (from post illa verba Scripturæ sacræ), denoting sometimes merely expositions of Scripture, and sometimes popular discourses founded upon a passage just before read.
In England, about the year 957, Elfric, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, required the priest in each parish to explain the Gospel of the day, the Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, on Sundays and holydays. (Canon XXIII. Ælfrica, Wilkins, Concil. tom. i. p. 253.) The same person afterwards compiled Homilies in the Anglo-Saxon language, which for some time continued to be read in the English Church. (Cave, Historia Literaria, tom. ii.)
During the reign of King John, A.D. 1204, the custom of preaching from a text appears to have originated with Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, and adopted by some of the divines of the University of Oxford. The practice, however, met with some opposition by the sages and seniors of that seat of learning, as related by the author [Sir John Peshall] of The History of the University of Oxford, from the Death of William the Conqueror to the Demise of Queen Elizabeth, 4to. 1773, p. 7.:—
"The ancient practice of explaining considerable portions of Scripture first showed itself openly in this University. This was to name a thesis or text from the Scripture, and make divisions upon it; which method is said to have been adopted by Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, who therefore divided the Scriptures into chapters. The people at their religious assemblies much approved of this way, in preference to the raw discourses of young and ignorant preachers. Yet others, rejecting new customs and innovations, chose to follow their old way, which was that of the Saints Austin, Jerome, Barnard, &c.; and Robert Grostest, D.D. (whose word was a law with the university), was among the opposers. This was postillando, i.e. by expounding the words of Scripture as they stood in order, by inferences drawn from them. They took no text, but began in this manner: 'I intend, by the grace of God, in my following discourse, to treat of certain matters; and in these matters I intend to draw certain and true conclusions, for I intend now to speak of the fear of God. First, concerning fear,' &c. And so far down as the fifteenth century this kind of preaching continued: for so Vascanius, doctor and chancellor of the university, relates of himself: 'Anno 1450, in the octaves of St. John the Evangelist, on the Lord's Day, I showed in my sermon, preached at Oxford, in St. Martin's Church at Carfax, that Dr. Augustine preached four hundred sermons to the clergy and people without any thesis, and without taking a text at the beginning of his discourse. And so I (says he) preached the day and year above mentioned, in Oxford, by taking no theme or text; but I administered to the people profitable matters, without repeating of any text, but only words pertinent to matters proposed or declared.'"
The ancient practice of explaining considerable portions of Scripture to the people was revived by our reformers. Before them Colet had employed many years in publicly expounding all the Epistles of St. Paul. Archbishop Cranmer expounded Hebrews; as Bishops Hooper, Latimer, and Jewel, did Jonah, the Lord's Prayer, many of the Epistles, and all the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and holydays.
"From the practice of Ambrose, Origen, Chrysostom, and Austin, among the ancients, and of our reformers, and more modern divines, we may safely affirm (says Mr. Shepherd in his Elucidation of the Morning and Evening Prayer) that explaining and applying portions of Scripture read in the Lessons, is a very beneficial mode of preaching to ordinary congregations."
J. Y.
Hoxton.
THE REV. —— GAY.
(Vol. iii., pp. 424. 508.)
Through the kindness of a friend, who takes an interest in the pedigree of the Gay family, I am enabled to offer the following information to MR. TAGART.
In Paley's Life of Law, prefixed to the Theory of Religion, mention is made of Gay's dissertation; and the author is there stated to be of "Sidney College." Inquiry was accordingly made in that quarter, and the following answer was returned:—
"I find there have been four persons of the name of Gay educated at Sidney College; three of them certainly—and in all probability the fourth—members of the same family. As I shall have occasion to refer to them subsequently, I will give you their several entries in the College Register:
"'1. Johannes, fil. Jacobi Gay, clerici, natus apud Meath in com. Devon. lit. gram. instit. per quinquennium apud Torrington sub Mro Reynolds, deinde per biennium sub Mro Rayner, apud Tiverton in com. prædicto. Adm. est Pens. min. anno æt. 18mo sub tut. Mro Nath. Popple, S.T.B., et Mro Laur. Jackson, M.A., 7mo Nov. 1717.'
"'2. Nicholas, fil Jacobi Gay, clerici, natus apud Meath in com. Devon. lit. gram. instit. per quinquennium apud Torrington sub Mro Reynolds, deinde per triennium sub Mro Rayner apud Tiverton, in com. prædicto. Adm. est Sizator 20mo Oct. 1718, anno æt. 17mo, Tut. Laurentio Jackson, A.M.'
"'3. Jacobus, fil. natû max. Revdi Joannis Gay, hujus Collii quondam Socii, posteà Vicarii de Wilshamstead, natus apud Wilshamstead, in com. Bedf. lit. gr. instructus apud Bampton in com. Devon. sub Mro Wood. Adm. est Sizator 24to Aug. 1752, annum agens 17mo, Tut. J. Lawson et J. Cranwell.'
"'4. Johannes, fil. natû max. Nicolai Gay, de Newton St. Cyres in com. Devon. Vicarii, ibidem natus, lit. verò gram. inst. apud South-Molton per sexennium, et apud Ottery St. Mary per triennium sub viro revdo Joanne Colridge. Adm. est Sizator 15to Junii 1762, annum agens 19mo, Tut. Gul. Elliston, Mro Ci et Joh. Hey.'
"Gay (1.) was a scholar of Peter Blundell's foundation, and in 1724 succeeded to a fellowship on the same foundation. This fellowship, of which there are two at this college, is tenable for ten years; and all our fellows are compelled to proceed regularly to the degree of B.D. (seven years after they have taken that of M.A.). Mr. Gay was M.A. in 1725, and might have proceeded to B.D. in 1732: but he never took any higher degree than M.A. He must therefore have vacated his fellowship before 1732. I find no mention of his name in our College Office-book later than 7th May, 1730. He was probably presented during that year to the vicarage of Wilshamstead (which of course would render void his fellowship), and subsequently entered upon another kind of fellowship, one of the results of which was Gay (3.).
"Of Gay (2.) I find it recorded that he was appointed Chapel Clerk in 1719; that he was B.A. 1722, and M.A. 1731. As far as dates are concerned, it might be questioned which of the brothers (1. or 2.) was the author of the 'Preliminary Dissertation.' In our University Library I can find only two editions of Law's translation of Archbishop King's work, viz. the 2nd edit., 1732, which contains the 'Preliminary Dissertation,' but no mention of its author; and the 4th edit., Camb. 1758, at the end of the Preface to which are these words: 'The following Dissertation was composed chiefly by the late Rev. Mr. Gay.' The author of the Dissertation must therefore have died in or before 1758. But in the entry of Gay (4.) 1762 (who was without doubt nephew of 1.), I do not find 'defuncti' attached to his father's name, which it has always been usual to add, in the case of the father being deceased.
"I am convinced in my own mind that the Mr. Gay of Sidney College, mentioned by Paley in his life of Bishop Law, was Gay (1.). There would be no difficulty, I should think, in ascertaining the time of Mr. John Gay's decease. The present vicar of Wilshamstead could no doubt readily inform you. If it should be found that Mr. John Gay died before 1758, then there can be no question but that he is Bishop Law's late Mr. Gay.
"Fellow of Sidney College."
VERMIN, PAYMENTS FOR DESTRUCTION OF, AND ANCIENT NAMES.
(Vol. iv., p. 208.)
The 8 Eliz. c. 15. and 14 Eliz. c. 11. provide that in every parish the churchwardens with six other parishioners shall yearly on one of the holydays in Easter week, and at every other time when needful, tax and assess every land and tithe-owner within the parish to pay such sums of money as they shall think meet according to the quantity of such their lands or tithes, and on nonpayment thereof within fourteen days after demand to forfeit five shillings, which, together with the sum assessed shall be levied by distress on the goods and chattels of such land or tithe-owner; and as well the said sums as penalties shall be delivered to two honest and substantial persons of the parish eligible by the churchwardens, to be named "The distribution of the provisions for the destruction of noisome fowl and vermin." Such is the authority required by J. B. (Manchester), by which churchwardens in old times paid sums of money for the destruction of vermin in the several parishes of England. It will, however, be observed that their authority was not confined to "vermin," but extended to the "fowls of the air;" and the "old volumes of churchwardens' accounts," to which your correspondent has access, amply testify to the fact that those churchwardens were fully alive to their duty, powers, and authority, under the above-named statutes; inasmuch as two, at least, of the ancient names belong to the feathered tribe; glead being identical with kite, and ringteal or ringtail (subbuteo) with a species of hawk, in some districts more commonly called the hobby. Greas' head I must leave to some other head to determine, unless indeed is meant the great-shrike or butcher-bird belonging to the same order (accipitres) as the kite and ringtail or hobby. Notwithstanding J. B.'s diffidence, I am much inclined to adopt his surmise, that the worthy churchwarden really intended badger when he wrote baggar.
FRANCISCUS.
It is hardly so impossible to identify the animals mentioned by your correspondent J. B. as he supposes. Glead is the A.-S. glida or kite, though, in our version of Deut. xiv. 13., both glede and kite are mentioned. Ringteal or ringtail is the female of the Circus cyaneus or hen-harrier, another species of falcon. Greas' head and baggar refer to the same animal (the badger), for there is no wonder that a scribe who writes greas' head for gray's head should write also baggar for badger. This latter animal has a variety of names by which he is known in one and the same district, e.g. gray or graye, bawson or bowson, brock and badger, and in our churchwardens' accounts these names occur indiscriminately. I hope some one will be able to point out the origin of paying for the destruction of these animals out of the parochial funds; I have frequently searched without success such authorities as I have access to. The earliest entry of the kind in the books of this parish (which date from 1520) is in 1583.
I subjoin a few extracts, which afford a curious instance of the respective prices put upon the heads of these animals at a time when such entries occur; as,
| 1587 for ij dyverse p'achers | for iij sermones | iijsiiijd. | |
| ——— | ——— | ——— | |
| 1583 It[=m] for | iiij fox heads | xvjd | |
| 1586 — | ij fox heads | ijs | |
| 1589 — | catte heades | iiijd | |
| 1590 — | xij bulspyncke (bulfinch) heades. | vjd | |
| " — | vj crowe heades | jd | |
| " — | an urchen (hedghog) heade | ijd | |
| 1596 — | a grayes head | vjd | |
| 1620 — | a bawson head | xijd | |
| 1621 — | tow fox cub heads | xijd | |
| " — | vij hedghoge heads | xiiijd | |
| 1626 — | a wylde catt head | ijd | |
| 1736 — | an otter head | xijd | |
| 1741 — | a fulmart's head | iiijd | |
| " — | a ffoomard's head | iiijd | |
| 1744 — | 3 marts heads | is" |
These entries are very numerous in our books with every variety of spelling, though the prices remain very much the same. I have found no entries of the kind after 1744, but that may be owing to the accounts being not entered fully in every case after that period; but I cannot agree with J. B. in his assertion that these animals are now considered innocuous; witness the vulgar error with regard to the hedgehog's sucking the teats of cows, an error which no process of reasoning can induce the farmers about here to renounce; moreover, I know for a fact that not more than a dozen years ago the farmers near Wakefield used to give a halfpenny per head for every unlucky sparrow (fledged or unfledged) that was brought to them by any bird-nesting youngster.
J. EASTWOOD.
Ecclesfield, Sheffield.
THE CLAIMS OF LITERATURE.
(Vol. iv., p. 337.)
There is the more pressing need, in our day, of an Order of Victoria, or of Civil Merit—such as you justly and feelingly contend for and describe in the "NOTES AND QUERIES"—from the great and increasing numbers of our literary and scientific men, who are acutely sensible of the undeserved stigma and ban under which they lie, by being often excluded from the intellectual society so congenial to them, owing to their not possessing some recognised badge of honour and passport in life, equivalent to the degrees or distinctions so justly conferred upon those who have studied at our Universities, or are awarded to men who have won eminence in the Naval, Military, or Civil Service of the Crown. An honourable title, proceeding from the Sovereign herself, and bestowed alike on both sexes (for who would think—certainly not our beloved Queen—of wounding the delicate female mind by excluding a Somerville, a Hannah More, a Joanna Baillie, or a Felicia Hemans—the three latter not needing now our poor applause—from the cheering honours due to their genius, their talents, and their virtues?) would be a fitting tribute from a British, a Christian Monarch to that intellectual superiority and moral worth which are the immortal distinctions of our race. At present many individuals who have raised themselves by their native force of mind and acquirements to a position of honour and respectability as literary and scientific men, are yet looked upon and treated as pariahs by those who are the bestowers and guardians of national distinctions. The just pride and self-respect of such men will forbid their courting, by any unworthy advances, an introduction to society, from which, by their position, they stand excluded; and it would be a truly royal exercise of her sovereign rights, for Queen Victoria to extend, beyond the present line of demarcation, the barriers that now prevent those from meeting together, who, if they were better acquainted, would learn to value and esteem each other: while society at large would be an immense gainer in all its relations—scientific, literary, and artistic—by the honours and distinctions thus conferred upon a most worthy, but most contemned and neglected portion of the educated community.
A CONTRIBUTOR TO "NOTES AND QUERIES."