"THE INQUEST OF THE NATION."
Mr. Asquith (to Jury of Asquiths). "Gentlemen of the Jury, you have heard the prisoner Asquith plead 'Not Guilty.' This should be sufficient evidence to enable you to arrive at a unanimous verdict of acquittal."
[Prisoner leaves court without a stain on his character.
House of Commons, Monday, April 10.—Lively half-hour with Questions. Cluster on printed Paper indefinitely extended by supplementaries. Only once did Speaker interpose. Colonel Greig, sternly regarding badgered Premier, asked, "Has the attention of the right hon. gentleman been directed to No. 453 of the King's Regulations?"
This too much for Speaker. If it had been the odd 53 it might not have been unreasonable.
"The right hon. gentleman," he remarked, "cannot be expected to carry all the Regulations in his head. The hon. member had better give notice."
Cannonade of Questions which opened along full length of Opposition Benches was concerned with the Plot.
"The Plot!" Member for Sark savagely repeated. "That's the ineffective heading in the newspapers. In order to keep up their circulation in parsonages, board-rooms of directors, and suchlike fastidious quarters they are reticent with adjectives. It's only Mrs. Patrick Campbell who could select the appropriate one and give it due emphasis."
Short of that, Opposition did pretty well in denunciation of the Plot and condemnation of dastardly Government responsible for its planning. Chaloner opened fire with demand that judicial enquiry should be ordered into "allegations as to an unauthorised plot to over-awe Ulster by armed occupation." Butcher, Worthington Evans, Helmsley, Archer-Shee, Locker-Lampson, Kinloch-Cooke—what was it Grandolph, à propos of Sclater-Booth, said of men who "had double-barrelled names"?—blazed away. Sometimes in succession; occasionally in platoons. In each case imperturbable Premier gave the short reply that did not turn away wrath. On the contrary, angry passions rose.
Member for East Edinburgh, as usual going the whole Hogge, suggested arraignment of Bonar Law on charge of high treason. Kellaway, anxious to get to business, enquired "whether these Questions might not be addressed to the spies in the service of the Opposition." At end of half-hour even temper of Premier was ruffled. Asked a tenth Supplementary Question by Butcher, he sharply replied:—
"I decline to answer any such enquiry."
Ironical applause of Opposition drowned in burst of angry cheering from Ministerialists.
Sark, as mentioned, unusually roused. As a rule successfully affects attitude of one "who cares for none of these things." To-day moved to unsuspected depths.
"Here," he says, "is Ulster, for two years arming with avowed intention of forcibly resisting the law of the land. The Constitutional Party in this country, bulwark of Law and Order, who, when the Southern Counties of Ireland were in revolt, applauded Prince Arthur's Cromwellian command, 'Don't hesitate to shoot,' backs them up, in my opinion very properly. Carson has developed Napoleonic genius in reviewing troops on parade. F. E. Smith has, with startling effect, 'galloped' along their massed ranks. Londonderry has pledged his knightly word to be in the firing line when the trumpet sounds. All the while, to the bewilderment of onlookers from the Continent, who confess they are further off than ever from understanding John Bull, to the creation of ominous restlessness among their own supporters, the Ministry, Brer Rabbit of established Governments, have 'lain low and said nuffin',' much less have they done anything. Suddenly, without word of warning, they take steps for the protection of military stores in Armagh, Omagh, and Carrickfergus.
"That's their account of the transaction. We know better. It was a carefully devised Plot to take Carson's hundred thousand armed and drilled men at their word and compel them to fight. Not since war began has there been such unjustifiable—don't wish to use strong language, but must say—such really rude procedure on part of a so-called civilised Government."
Business done.—McKenna moves Second Heading of Welsh Church Disestablishment Bill.
Tuesday.—Wholesome spirit of enquiry animates House just now. Bonner Law leads off with demand for judicial inquiry into "the Plot." Fact that its appointment would establish novel precedent in constitutional procedure adds interest to situation. Premier, with emphatic thump of the table that reminds it of Gladstone in his prime, stands by constitutional practice.
"If," he said, "the right hon. gentleman is prepared to make and sustain his allegation of dishonourable conduct on part of the Ministers, I will give him the earliest possible day to bring it forward. But," and here came the thump on the long-suffering table, "he must make it in this House."
Inspired by this high principle of getting at bottom of shady things, Richardson has Chief Whip up and sternly questions him about appointment of certain public auditors under Industrial and Provident Acts.
Position of Chief Whip, though dignified and important, has inevitable result of withdrawing him from participation in debate. Illingworth now has his chance. Made the most of it. Head paper of prodigious length containing memoirs of the two gentlemen concerned, together with succinct history of the birth and progress of the Hetton Downs Co-operative Society, county Durham, of which one of them had been secretary.
House entranced. Rounds of cheering marked progress of narrative, concluding passages inconveniently rendered inaudible by tumultuous applause.
Apprehension in some quarters that this will be the ruin of a really capable, universally popular Whip. Edmund Talbot goes so far as to hint at apprehension that Illingworth will turn up every afternoon at Question time and give us another speech.
Fear exaggerated. Illingworth a shrewd Yorkshireman; knows very well brilliant success of to-day was due to concatenation of accidental circumstance. Not likely to risk suddenly acquired reputation by hasty repetition of exploit.
Business done.—Welsh Church Disestablishment Bill passes Second Reading by majority of 84.
Thursday.—Spirit of enquiry alluded to above manifests itself in fresh direction. The other day Charles Price wanted to know all about political pensions granted to ex-Ministers. Intrigued by disclosure of particulars of estate of our old friend Grand Cross. It appears he left property valued at £91,617. That a pleasant incident closing a worthy life. But, as Member for Central Edinburgh points out, he had for twenty-two years been in receipt of pension of £2,000 a year, a dole from public funds obtainable, as Prime Minister admits, only upon statutory declaration of a state of poverty incompatible with the maintenance of position proper to an ex-Minister.
Price wants to know in the interests of the overburdened taxpayer whether aggregate sum drawn by the noble pensioner may not be recovered from his estate? Premier thinks not.
Price, undaunted, returns to the attack to-day. Cites cases of two other ex-Ministers drawing political pensions in supplement of private estate and fees derived from manifold directorships in public companies. Wants to know if payment can be stopped?
Premier says it is a matter of personal honour. Must be left to consideration of noble lords concerned.
Business done.—Committee of Supply.
