ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
FIRST STEPS TO VICTORY: A LEAD FROM OUR LEADERS.
Striking example of war-time economy: Mr. Asquith and Mr. Mckenna split a cigar.
Tuesday, February 15th.—To the regret of all loyal citizens, the curtain rang up at Westminster to-day without the now customary Royal Overture. In the absence of His Majesty, the Lord Chancellor delivered the brief Speech from the Throne, expressing the unalterable determination of the British people and their Allies to defeat the Power (name not given but possibly conjecturable) "which mistakes force for right and expediency for honour." To emphasise the unity of the nation the Address was moved by the Unionist Earl of Clarendon and seconded by the Liberal Lord Muir-Mackenzie. It was agreed to in good time for dinner.
The Commons are not so economical of time. Mr. Ian Macpherson, who moved the Address, made quite a long speech. Like Hamlet, it was chiefly composed of quotations, but they were all quite apt, and as they ranged from Thucydides to Burke, with Bolingbroke's Patriot King thrown in, they pleased the House, which likes these tributes to its erudition. The seconder, in khaki, was Col. F. S. Jackson, a new Member, who, like the still-lamented Alfred Lyttelton, had made a reputation at Lord's ere ever he essayed the Commons. "Jacker" found the new wicket not quite to his liking at first, but afterwards scored freely. In congratulating the outgoing batsman the Prime Minister discovered unexpected knowledge of cricket. "The Hon. Member," he said, "was making his maiden speech; but I doubt if he has ever encountered a maiden over—except, perhaps, when he was bowling."
In the regretted absence of the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. Stuart-Wortley as Acting-Chaplin referred to the disintegration of parties under the stress of war. Now they had only groups, some designed to help the Government, some to "ginger" them. Mr. Asquith dwelt upon the growing unity of control among the Allies, which would counteract the advantage in this respect hitherto enjoyed by our foes; and noted the amazing growth of the once "contemptible little" British Army. He further reminded us that we had already incurred liabilities which it would take us a generation to wipe out; and it was the first duty of every patriotic citizen to practise rigid economy.
All very well, said, in effect, Mr. Wardle, the new leader of the Labour Party; but, if the working classes are to save, the other classes must set them the example. All very well, said Sir Mark Sykes, but if we are going to win the war we must co-ordinate at home as well as abroad, and abandon the idea of "muddling through." With experience of G.H.Q. and four public departments, he asserted that the men were all right, but the system all wrong; and that the proper thing was to adopt Sultan Omar's plan, and give the supreme control of the War to a Cabinet of not more than four members, who with no administrative details to distract them might be able to "teach the doubtful battle where to rage."
The Prime Minister listened with interest but without enthusiasm to this suggestion. Probably he remembered that an essential part of Omar's scheme was that if the Four failed to agree they were to be promptly hanged, and had himself no ambition to take part in a String Quartett.
Wednesday, February 16th.—The Trustees of the British Museum are for the most part grave and reverend seniors. But they harbour at least one humourist among them, in Captain Harry Graham. I suspect him of having conceived the notion of choosing this moment, of all others, to frame a petition to the House of Commons praying for more money to enable them to fulfil their trust, and of getting Mr. Lulu Harcourt, himself a member of the Government which is closing their galleries, to present it.
Sir Henry Dalziel is the leader of one of the "ginger groups" above referred to. His first exploit in this capacity was to resist the proposal of the Government to take all the time of the House. In his demand that private Members should still be allowed the privilege of introducing Bills and having them printed at the public expense, he had the support of Mr. Hogge, Mr. King, Mr. Pringle, Mr. Booth, Sir William Byles, and other statesmen of similar eminence; but the Prime Minister was obdurate. He accused the malcontents of lacking a sense of perspective—and expressed the poorest opinion of their efforts at legislation.
Some of the private Members got their own back when the first amendment to the Address was moved by Mr. Joynson-Hicks. The Member for Brentford, who knows the alphabet of aviation from Aeroplane to Zeppelin, complained that the air-service, like his own constituency in legendary times, was under Dual Control, and urged that it should be placed under a single competent chief.
Neither the Under-Secretary for War nor the First Lord of the Admiralty was at all happy in reply. They resembled a couple of flying pilots who, having gone up to attack a hostile airship in the dark, search in vain for an adequate landing-place. Heckled as to the exact status of Sir Percy Scott, for example, Mr. Tennant could only say that he "is still in the position he was in." When Mr. Ellis Griffith ventured the remark that a personal knowledge of flying would be a useful qualification for officers advising the Government on this subject, Mr. Balfour was as painfully surprised as if he himself had been called upon to navigate a.t.b.d. in heavy weather.
In the absence of any definite sign of repentance the critics of the Government threatened a division, which would have been awkward and might have been disastrous. In similar circumstances Mr. Gladstone used to "send for the sledge-hammer"—meaning Mr. Asquith. The present Prime Minister, when hard pressed, sends for Bonar. Thus summoned to ride the whirlwind the Colonial Secretary executed a graceful volplane. In a few frank sentences he admitted that the Government were very far from being satisfied with the Air Service, though it had achieved great things. Further, they were willing to give another day for its discussion when they had got through their financial business. With this confession and promise the critics were for the time being appeased.
Thursday, February 17th.—This being the first day for which Questions could be put down, Members took full advantage of the opportunity, and propounded ninety-nine of them. Ministers displayed less enthusiasm, and some of them were so late in arriving that the Speaker had to dodge about all over the paper before the list was disposed of. Mr. Ginnell was, as usual, well to the fore with silly rumours. There is perhaps a subtle connection between cattle-driving and hunting for mare's nests.
The pleasantest feature of Question time was the tribute paid (with hint of more substantial rewards to come after the War) to the gallantry and self-sacrifice of the officers and men of our mercantile marine. This furnished an appropriate prelude to the subject of the ensuing debate. Mr. Peto and others sought to press upon the Government the more economical use of our merchant shipping. Here they were forcing an open door. Steps have already been taken to restrict the imports of luxuries. Ministers are unanimous, I believe, in regarding "ginger," for instance, as an article whose importation might profitably be curtailed.
Highlander and Zouave (simultaneously): "!!!"