ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
Monday, November 8th.—To allay the apprehensions of Sir John Rees the Prime Minister informed him that the League of Nations can do nothing except by a unanimous decision of the Council. As the League already includes thirty-seven nations, it is not expected that its decisions will be hastily reached. Now, perhaps, the United States may think better of its refusal to join a body which has secured the allegiance of Liberia and of all the American Republics save Mexico.
OBERLEUTNANT KENNWÜRDIG INSPECTS THE REICHSTAG
(in the imagination of General Croft).
The daily demand for an impartial inquiry into Irish "reprisals" met with its daily refusal. The Prime Minister referred to "unfortunate incidents that always happen in war"—the first time that he has used this word to describe the situation in Ireland—and was confident that the sufferers were, with few exceptions (Mr. Devlin, who complained that his office had been raided, being one of them), "men engaged in a murderous conspiracy." He declined to hamper the authorities who were putting it down. Taking his cue from his chief, Sir Hamar Greenwood excused his lack of information about recent occurrences with the remark that "an officer cannot draw up reports while he is chasing assassins." Tragedy gave way to comedy when Lieutenant-Commander Kenworthy observed that the proceedings were "just like the German Reichstag during the War." "Were you there?" smartly interjected General Croft.
The Government of Ireland Bill having been recommitted, Sir Worthington Evans explained the Government's expedient for providing the new Irish Parliaments with Second Chambers. Frankly admitting that the Cabinet had been unable to evolve a workable scheme—an elected Senate would fail to protect the minority and a nominated Senate would be "undemocratic"—he proposed that the Council of Ireland should be entrusted with the task.
"TWO BY TWO."
Sir E. Carson and Mr. Devlin.
Having regard to the probable composition of the Council—half Sinn Feiners and half Orangemen—Colonel Guinness feared there was no chance of its agreeing unless most of them were laid up with broken heads or some other malady. Sir Edward Carson, however, in an unusually optimistic vein, expressed the hope that once the North was assured of not being put under the South and the South was relieved of British dictation they would "shake hands for the good of Ireland." The clause was carried by 175 to 31.
THE OLD SHEEP-DOG.
Mr. Asquith. "Tut-tut! To think that I could only round up ten of 'em!"
On another new clause, providing for the administration of Southern Ireland in the event of a Parliament not being set up, Mr. Asquith declared that "this musty remainder biscuit" had reduced him to "rhetorical poverty." Perhaps that was why he could get no more than ten Members to follow him into the Lobby against it.
Tuesday, November 9th.—In supporting Lord Parmoor's protest against the arrest, at Holyhead, of an English lady by order of the Irish Executive, Lord Buckmaster regretted that there was no one in the House of Lords responsible for the Irish Office, and consequently "they were always compelled to accept official answers." A strictly official answer was all he got from Lord Crawford, who declared that the arrest had been made under the authority of D.O.R.A., and gave their Lordships the surely otiose reminder that "conditions were not quite simple or normal in Ireland just now."
Mr. Shortt has formed his style on the model of one of his predecessors in office, who used to be described as the Quite-at-Home Secretary, and he declined to share Colonel Burn's alarm at the prevalence of revolutionary speeches. Hyde Park, he reminded him, had always been regarded as a safety-valve for discontented people. Even Mr. L'Estrange Malone's recent reference to Ministers and lamp-posts did not at that moment disturb him.
The new Ministry of Health Bill had a rather rough passage, and, if the voting had been in accordance with the speeches, it would hardly have secured a second reading. Particular objection was raised to the proposal to put the hospitals on the rates. Mr. Myers, however, was sarcastic at the expense of people who thought that "rates and taxes must be saved though the people perished," and declared that there was plenty of war wealth to be drawn upon.
Lieut.-Colonel Hurst objected to the term "working-class" in the Bill. It would encourage the Socialistic fallacy that the people of England were divided into two classes—the leisured class and the working class; whereas everybody knew that most of the "leisured class" had no leisure and many of the "working-class" did no work.
Wednesday, November 10th.—The Peers welcomed Lord Buxton on his advancement to an earldom, and then proceeded to discuss the rights of the inhabitants of Heligoland. Having been handed over to Germany against their will in 1890, they hoped that the Treaty of Versailles would restore them to British nationality. On the contrary the Treaty has resulted in the island being swamped by German workmen employed in destroying the fortifications. Lord Crawford considered that the new electoral law requiring three years' residence would safeguard the islanders from being politically submerged, and wisely did not enter into the question of how long the island itself would remain after the fortifications had disappeared.
In the Commons the Indian Secretary underwent his usual Wednesday cross-examination. He did not display quite his customary urbanity. When an hon. Member, whose long and distinguished Indian service began in the year in which Mr. Montagu was born, ventured to suggest that he should check Mr. Gandhi's appeals to ignorance and fanaticism, he tartly replied that ignorance and fanaticism were very dangerous things, "whether in India or on the benches of this House."
Mr. Stewart expressed anxiety lest under the new arrangements with Egypt the Sudan water-supply should be subjected to Egyptian interference. Mr. Harmsworth was of opinion that for geographical reasons the Sudan would always be able to look after its own water-supply; vide the leading case of Wolf v. Lamb.
Thursday, November 11th.—The Prime Minister was in a more aggressive mood than usual. Mr. Devlin, who was noisily incredulous as to the existence of a Sinn Fein conspiracy with Germany in 1918, was advised to wait for the documents about to be published. To make things even, an ultra-Conservative Member, who urged the suspension of Mr. Fisher's new Act, was informed that the Prime Minister could conceive nothing more serious than that the nation should decide that it could not afford to give children a good education.
Any doubts as to the suitability of Armistice Day for the Third Reading of the Government of Ireland Bill were removed by the tone of the debate. The possibility that the "Unknown Warrior" might have been an Irishman softened the feeling on both sides, and though Mr. Adamson feared that the Bill would bring Ireland not peace but a sword, and Mr. Asquith appealed to the Government to substitute a measure more generous to Irish aspirations, there was no sting in either of their speeches. The Prime Minister, while defending his scheme as the best that could be granted in the present temper of Southern Ireland, did not bang the door against further negotiations; and Sir Edward Carson said that Ulstermen were beginning to realize that the Parliament thrust upon them might be a blessing in disguise, and expressed the hope that in working it they would set an example of tolerance and justice to all classes. Barely a third of the House took part in the division, and no Irish Member voted for the Third Reading, which was carried by 183 votes to 52; but, having regard to the influence of the unexpected in Irish affairs, this apparent apathy may be a good sign. After thirty-five years of acute strife, Home Rule for Ireland is, at any rate, no longer a party question.
"Now, seriously, Mr. Wiggins, can you recommend the lamb this week?"
"Well, Ma'am, it all depends what you want it for. If you were thinkin' of eatin' it, speakin' as man to man, I should say 'No.'"
Jones minor wants to know if the letter "T," used to designate the new super-bus, stands for "Tarquinius."