ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
Monday, July 26th.—When the Peers were about to discuss the Law of Property Bill, which seeks to abolish the distinction between land and other property, Lord Cave dropped a bombshell into the Committee by moving to omit the whole of Part I. Lords Haldane and Buckmaster were much upset and loudly protested against the proposal to cut out "the very heart and substance of the measure." The Lord Chancellor was less perturbed by the explosion and was confident that after further discussion he could induce the Cave-dwellers to come into line with modern requirements. Thirty-four clauses thus disappeared with a bang; and of the hundred and odd remaining only one gave much trouble. Objection was taken to Clause 101, granting the public full rights of access to commons, on the grounds inter alia that it would give too much freedom to gipsies and too little to golfers. Lord Salisbury, who, like the counsel in a famous legal story, claimed to "know a little about manors," was sure that only the lord could deal faithfully with the Egyptians, but, fortified by Lord Haldane's assurance that the clause gave the public no more rights and the lords of the manor no less than they had before, the House passed it by 42 to 29.
Mr. Bridgeman, for the Board of Trade, bore the brunt of the early questioning in the House of Commons. He sustained with equal imperturbability the assaults of the Tariff Reformers, who asserted that British toy-making—an "infant industry" if ever there was one—was being stifled by foreign imports: and those of the Free Traders, who objected to the Government's efforts to resuscitate the dyeing trade.
The alarming rumours in the Sunday papers about the Prime Minister's state of health were effectively dispelled by his appearance on the Front Opposition, a little weary-looking, no doubt, but as alert as ever to seize the weak point in the adversary's case and to put his own in the most favourable light. From the enthusiasm of his announcement that the Soviet Government had accepted our invitation to attend a Conference in London, one would have thought that the Bolshevists had agreed to the British proposals unconditionally and that peace—"that is what the world wants"—was now assured.
David. "You know the rhyme, Grandmama, that says—
'This little pig went to market,
And this little pig stayed at home'?"
The Mother of Parliaments. "Yes, David, dear. Why do you mention it?"
David. "Oh, I was merely wondering what was to be done about it."
Abhorrence of the Government of Ireland Bill is the one subject on which all Irishmen appear to think alike. It is, no doubt, with the desire to preserve that unanimity that the Prime Minister announced his intention of pressing the measure forward after the Recess "with all possible despatch."
But before that date it looks as if Irishmen would have despatched one another. The little band of Nationalists had handed in a batch of private-notice Questions arising out of the disturbances in Belfast. Their description of them as the outcome of an organised attack upon Catholics was indignantly challenged by the Ulstermen, and the Speaker had hard work to maintain order. The contest was renewed on a motion for the adjournment. As a means of bringing peace to Ireland the debate was absolutely futile. But it enabled Mr. Devlin to fire off one of his tragical-comical orations, and Sir H. Greenwood to disclaim the accusation that he had treated the Irish problem with levity. "There is nothing light and airy about me," he declared; and no one who has heard his pronunciation of the word "Belfast" would doubt it.
Before and after this melancholy interlude good progress was made with the Finance Bill, and Mr. Chamberlain made several further concessions to the "family-man."
Tuesday, July 27th.—The Lords rejected the Health Resorts and Watering Places Bill under which local authorities could have raised a penny rate for advertising purposes. Lord Southwark's well-meant endeavour to support the Bill by reminding the House that Irish local authorities had enjoyed this power since 1909 was perhaps the proximate cause of its defeat, for it can hardly be said that the last few weeks have enhanced the reputation of Ireland as a health resort.
Mr. Harmsworth utterly confounded the critics of the Passport Office. Its staff may appear preposterously large and its methods unduly dilatory, but the fact remains that it is one of the few public departments that actually pays its way. Last year it spent thirty-seven thousand pounds and took ninety-one thousand pounds in fees. "See the world and help to pay for the War" should be the motto over its portals.
It is, of course, quite proper that soldiers who wreck the property of civilians—albeit under great provocation—should receive suitable punishment. But a sailor is hardly the man to press for it. Lieutenant-Commander Kenworthy received a much-needed lesson in etiquette when Major Jameson gravely urged, in his penetrating Scotch voice, that soldiers in Ireland should be ordered not to distract the prevailing peace and quiet of that country, but should keep to their proper function of acting as targets for Sinn Fein bullets.
Mr. Chamberlain dealt very gingerly with Sir Arthur Fell's inquiry as to whether "any ordinary individual can understand the forms now sent out by the Income Tax Department?" Fearing that if he replied in the affirmative he would be asked to solve some particularly abstruse conundrum, he contented himself with saying that the forms were complicated because the tax was complicated, and the tax was complicated because of the number and variety of the reliefs granted to the taxpayer. It does not seem to have occurred to him that it is the duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make the tax simple as well as equitable. Is it conceivable that he can have forgotten Adam Smith's famous maxims on the subject, and particularly this: "The time of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor, and to every other person"?
MR. BONAR LAW PACKS HIS TRUNKS.
The House did not rise till half-past one this morning, and was again faced with a long night's work. In vain Sir Donald Maclean protested against the practice of taking wee sma' Bills in the wee sma' oors. Mr. Bonar Law was obdurate. He supposed the House had not abandoned all hope of an Autumn recess. Well, then, had not the poet said that the best of all ways to lengthen our days was to steal a few hours from the night?
The Report stage of the Finance Bill was finished off, but not until the Government had experienced some shocks. The Corporation tax, intended partially to fill the yawning void which will be caused some day by the disappearance of E.P.D.—on the principle that one bad tax deserves another—was condemned with equal vigour, but for entirely different reasons, by Colonel Wedgwood and Sir F. Banbury. They "told" together against it and had the satisfaction of bringing the Government majority down to fifty-five.
The champions of the Co-operative Societies also put up a strong fight against the proposal to make their profits, for the first time, subject to taxation. Mr. Chamberlain declined, however, to put them in a privileged position as compared with other traders, but carried his point only by sixty-one votes.
Wednesday, July 28th.—In spite of the limitation of Questions the Member for Central Hull still manages to extract a good deal of information from the Treasury Bench. This afternoon he learned from Mr. Long that the Board of Admiralty was not created solely for the purpose of satisfying his curiosity; and from Mr. Kellaway that the equipment of even the most versatile Under-Secretary does not include the gift of prophecy.
At long last the House learned the Government decision regarding the increase in railway fares. It is to come into force on August 6th, by which time the most belated Bank-Holiday-maker should have returned from his revels. Mr. Bonar Law appended to the announcement a surely otiose explanation of the necessity of the increase. Everybody knows that railways are being run at a loss, due in the main to the increased wages of miners and railway-men. Mr. Thomas rather weakly submitted that an important factor was the larger number of men employed, and was promptly met with the retort that that was because of the shorter hours worked.
Cheered by the statement of its Leader that he still hoped to get the adjournment by August 14th the House plunged with renewed zest into the final stage of the Finance Bill. Mr. Bottomley, whose passion for accuracy is notorious, inveighed against the lack of this quality in the Treasury Estimates. As for the war-debt, since the Government had failed to "make Germany pay," he urged that the principal burden should be left for posterity to shoulder.
These sentiments rather shocked Mr. Asquith, who, while mildly critical of Government methods, was all in favour of "severe, stringent, drastic taxation." Mr. Chamberlain repeated his now familiar lecture to the House of Commons, which, while accusing the Government of extravagance, was always pressing for new forms of expenditure. In the study of economy he dislikes abstractions—except from the pockets of the taxpayer.
"Company's water is on to the house and cowshed."—Advert. in Daily Paper.
Now we know why our water is sometimes contaminated with milk.
"One of the most striking of the collection of exhibits of fascinating interest [at the Imperial War Museum] is the Air Force map for carrying out the British plan for bombing Berlin. Specimens of the bombs, weighing 3,000 pounds each, are also included in this museum of war souvenirs with the object of demonstrating the resources of the Empire and giving a stimulus to its trade."—South African Paper.
Motto for British traders: "If at first you don't succeed, try, try trinitrotoluene."