ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
Monday, November 1st.—In response to a renewed demand for the Admiralty's account of the Battle of Jutland the Prime Minister made the remarkable statement that it was very difficult to get "an official and impartial account," but he added that the Government were willing to publish all the reports and despatches on the subject and leave the public to judge.
Who shall decide, when Admirals disagree?
Why, Julian Corbett, or the great B.P.
"ATHANASIUS CONTRA MUNDUM."
Sir Frederick Banbury.
Owing to the unexpectedly rapid passage through Committee of the Government of Ireland Bill last Friday, the way was cleared for a number of British measures. Although dealing with the most diverse subjects they were alike in one respect—without exception they incurred the hostility of Sir F. Banbury. Whether it was a proposal to reduce the dangers of employing women in lead processes or to give married women in Scotland the same privileges as their English sisters (including the duty of supporting an indigent husband), or to hold an Empire Exhibition, or to set up Juvenile Courts, the hon. baronet found reason for opposing them all.
Once or twice he secured the support of Sir John Rees, but for the most part he was Athanasius contra mundum, maintaining his equanimity even when Mr. Hogge advised him to "marry a Scotswoman;" or Lady Astor expressed her regret that he had not women, instead of bankers, for his constituents.
The Government had no reason to complain of his activity, which may indeed have prevented the intrusion of more dangerous critics; for despite his efforts every Bill went through.
"No supporter of Mr. Asquith."
Lord Loreburn.
Tuesday, November 2nd.—The most striking thing in Lord Loreburn's speech upon Irish affairs seemed to me to be his uncompromising declaration that he was "no supporter of Mr. Asquith." He endorsed, however, his former chief's demand for an independent inquiry into the reprisals, but his motion was defeated by 44 to 13.
Ever since Sir W. Joynson-Hicks defeated Mr. Churchill at Manchester he has felt it his duty to keep on his track. Convinced that our policy in Mesopotamia is due to the War Minister's megalomania he is most anxious to bring him to book. The prospect of a Supplementary Estimate for the Army seemed likely to furnish the desired occasion. But when he pressed Mr. Churchill on the subject the alleged spendthrift airily replied that there was no hurry; "I do not immediately require money."
"OLD GOLLIWOG."
Mr. C. B. Stanton (As viewed by Mr. Jack Jones).
The gloom of the daily Irish catechism was a little brightened by an interchange of pleasantries between Mr. Stanton and Mr. Jack Jones. On this occasion the latter had rather the best of it. "Golliwog!" he shouted in allusion to his opponent's luxuriant chevelure. Mr. Stanton could think of no better retort than the stereotyped "Bolshie!" and when Mr. Jones rejoined with "You ought to be put into Madame Tussaud's" Mr. Stanton was reduced to silence. But is it not a scandal that these entertaining comedians should only get four hundred a year?
On the Agriculture Bill Sir A. Griffith-Boscawen was faced with an urgent demand for a separate Wages Board for Wales. First he wouldn't; it would be "an exceedingly inconvenient and expensive arrangement." But the Welshmen were so insistent that he changed his mind, and when the vigilant Sir Frederick Banbury challenged the new clause on the ground that it would impose a fresh charge on the Exchequer Sir Arthur was able to convince the Speaker that, though there would be "additional expenditure," there would be no "fresh charge." Such are the nice distinctions of our Parliamentary system.
Wednesday, November 3rd.—When Mr. Churchill, some sixteen years ago, crossed the floor of the House, his manœuvre was regarded as a portent, and men talked of "a sinking ship." It cannot be said that Lord Henry Bentinck's sudden appearance among the Labour Members created anything like the same sensation, even though he was joined a little later by Mr. Oswald Mosley. Lord Henry has always derived his political opinions rather from his heart than his head, and has lately developed a habit of firing explosive Questions at Ministers from his eyrie behind their backs. They will probably find his frontal attacks less disconcerting.
While Lord Henry was in the House, off and on, for thirty-four years before discovering that he was on the wrong side, Mr. Mosley has made the same discovery after an experience of barely as many weeks. From his new perch he inquired this afternoon if Government cement was being sent abroad, to the detriment of British builders. Dr. Addison contented himself with professing ignorance of any such transaction. A less serious Minister might have replied that the Government needed all their cement to mend the cracks in the Coalition.
News that the coal-strike was over reached the House during the evening. Mr. Bridgeman, always cautious, "understood" that the men had been "recommended" to go back to work. Mr. Adamson, fresh from the Conference, was much more downright. "The strike," he said, "has been declared off, and the men return to work." So that's that.
Thursday, November 4th.—Lord Salisbury's complaint that the Government's policy in Egypt was shrouded in more than Egyptian darkness brought a spirited reply from Lord Curzon, who declared that every stage in the negotiations had been fully revealed in the Press. If no definite decision as to the future government of the country had been published that was simply because the Cabinet had not yet had time to make up its collective mind. Judging by Lord Milner's subsequent account of his Mission, it would appear that the process will be long and stormy. The Mission went to Cairo to sound the feeling of the Nationalists, but for all practical purposes they might as well have stopped in London, where they ultimately interviewed Zaghlul Pasha and his colleagues, and obtained information which materially altered and softened their previous views. The best Nationalists were not anti-British, but simply pro-Egyptian. Lord Milner's final appeal, that his piece should not be hissed off the stage before it had been heard, sounded a little ominous.
Mr. L'Estrange Malone is not very popular in the House of Commons just now. When he rose to address a "Supplementary" to the War Minister he was so persistently "boo-ed" that the Speaker had to intervene to secure him a hearing. Mr. Lowther probably repented his kindness when it appeared that Mr. Malone had nothing more urgent to say than that Mr. Churchill would be better employed in looking after the troops in Ireland than in reviewing books for The Daily Mail.
For the third day in succession Mr. T. P. O'Connor essayed to move the adjournment in order to call attention to what he called "the policy of frightfulness" in Ireland. This time the Speaker accepted the motion, but the ensuing debate was of the usual inconclusive kind. Mr. Devlin gave another exhibition of stage-fury. He objected to the word "reprisals" being used for the "infamies" going on in Ireland, declared that the Government were responsible for all the murders and prophesied that the present Chief Secretary, "with all his outward appearance of great masculinity," would fail, as Balfour and Cromwell—the House enjoyed this concatenation—had failed before him.
In points of detail Sir Hamar Greenwood conceded a little more to his critics than on some former occasions. He undertook to consider whether the Government should compensate the owners of creameries or other property wrongfully destroyed; and he admitted that some constables had exceeded their duty, nine of them being actually under arrest on various charges. But on the main point he was adamant. Quoting the remark of a police-sergeant at Tralee, "They have declared war upon us and I suppose war it must be," the Chief Secretary said in his most emphatic tones, "War it will be until assassination stops."
"Old Mother Goose was delighted when she saw what a fine bird her son had provided her with."
Wales and Sir A. Griffith-Boscawen.