“L’Allemagne lepnis, Leibniz. Essai sur le Développement
de la Conscience Nationale en Allemagne.” By Prof. Lévy Brühl, Paris.
1 vol. Hachette, 1890.
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“History of the Creation of United Germany.” 5 vols.
Heinrich v. Sybel, Berlin, 1890.
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Few events since the deceptions and catastrophes of the
war itself ever produced the sudden impression of Lévy Brühl’s boldly
outspoken, utterly impartial book. Published in the first days of last
September (1890), in one week it was famous throughout all France
where serious literature does not reap renown quickly. M. M. Lairesse
De Vogüé, Bourdeau, Sorel, all welcomed it as a revelation, in the
Débats, Revues des Deux Mondes, and elsewhere, and its real title
was awarded it in the Temps, by M. Albert Sorel, whose experience
and competence as an historical critic has never been denied, and who
unhesitatingly proclaimed it, Le Fuit et l’Idée, namely, the
announcement of the ruling national idea whence the fact of German
unity was immediately derived.
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Life of Monckton Milnes, first Lord Houghton, by Wemyss
Reid. 2 vols. London, 1891.
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The heroic founder of the Bavarian monarchy, Otho of
Writtelsbach, was betrayed shamefully by his friend, the Emperor
Philip, of Suabia, and slew him for his treachery. This is one of the
oldest dramas on the German stage.
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The celebrated victory of the Great Elector, that made
Prussia into a kingdom.
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I would recommend every student of history to read
attentively the extraordinary article of M. Paleologue in the Revue
des Deux Mondes entitled “La Reine Louise de Prusse Comment se Fait
une Legende.” It is a poetic but true suite to Professor Lévy Brühl’s
magnificent study.
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The first part of this admirable essay appeared in July
Arena.
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Mr. John P. Meany, editor of Poor’s Manual of Railroads,
in the New York Sun of January 12, 1891.
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Coal on the line named is worth about $1.50 per ton at
the mines, while inferior coal is worth $3.75 per ton at the mines in
Victoria.
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This article is a reply to “The Tyranny of All the
People,” by the Rev. Francis Bellamy, in July Arena.
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The Report of the California Bureau of Labor, 1887-8,
Commissioner John J. Tobin, should be included, but came after the
above had gone to press.
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Report State Superintendent of Education. Report 1888, p. 12.
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Report State Superintendent of Education. Report 1889, p. 13.
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The hundreds of earnest organizers in the great reform
movements of to-day; the sincere and profoundly religious women who
preach the Christian gospel every Sunday; the leaders in the great
temperance organizations who are also leaders in various Orthodox
churches, have, in spite of their prejudices and the old-time faith
which is often more a legacy from the past than the result of a
many-sided investigation, yielded to the demands of their age, the
crying needs of the hour, and in defiance of the dogmatic injunctions
of Paul, have entered the vineyard of practical reform, while still
maintaining the anomalous position of defending the verbal inspiration
of the New Testament. This singularly illogical position, however, is
always met with in a transition period, when a larger and more
purposeful life is struggling with time-hallowed traditions and the
memories and teachings made almost sacred by the childlike
acceptation, of loved parents, and teachers who have vanished down the
vale.
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It has been variously estimated by careful statisticians
that we have from 2,500,000 to 3,000,000 girls and women in the United
States who are making their own livings. The Commissioner of Labor, in
his report for 1885, estimated that in New York City alone, there are
over 200,000 employed in various wage-earning vocations. Mr. Carroll
D. Wright’s fourth annual report in the U. S. Bureau of Labor gives
the results of statistics gathered from twenty-two cities of women
engaged in manual labor, not including the great army engaged in
professional and semi-professional vocations, as something near
300,000, but the glaring discrepancy in the figures as they relate to
the Empire City, shown by Helen Campbell, discredits the report.
Certain it is that in the cities mentioned if one begins at the scrub
women and passes through the various occupations, such as
boarding-house keepers, millinery, dressmaking, cash girls, clerks,
sales-women, stenographers, type-writers, book-keepers, teachers,
factory girls, and slaves of the clothing trade, as well as the
artists, musicians, actresses, public speakers, physicians, lawyers,
and the many other professions or vocations filled by women, that the
number would be swelled to the millions. The last census returns for
New York City reveal the fact that there are twenty-seven thousand
married men in New York who are supported by their wives, who are
mainly dressmakers, milliners, boarding-house keepers, artists,
teachers, musicians, and actresses. Here we have an army of shiftless,
dependent men, more than a quarter of one hundred thousand strong,
having each a vote to cast or perchance to sell to the highest bidder,
while the real bread-winners, the actual wealth-producers, in this
case have no voice in the legislative halls.
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At times woman has shown a spirit of intolerance born of
the intensity of her conviction which has led many thoughtful men and
women to seriously question whether the right of suffrage might not
prove a curse rather than a blessing, ending in repressive legislation
and religious persecutions. I do not, however, fear these evils. The
intensity of convictions is a compliment to her heart; and her innate
love of justice and fair-play, would, I think, in a reasonably short
time, expand the intellectual vision which prejudice and ancient
thought has long obscured. Let the outcome, however, be it what it
may, we have no right to argue on lines of policy, when a question of
right or justice is involved. It is simple justice for every woman to
exercise the right of franchise who desires to so enjoy it, and this
should be sufficient to settle the question in the minds of those who
believe in according to others what is demanded for themselves.
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