The Historic Background of the Negro Physician
In a homogeneous society where there is no racial cleavage, only the selected members of the most favored class occupy the professional stations. The element representing the social status of the Negro would, therefore, furnish few members of the coveted callings. The element of race, however, complicates every feature of the social equation. In India we are told that the population is divided horizontally by caste and vertically by religion; but in America the race spirit serves both as horizontal and vertical separations. The Negro is segregated and shut in to himself in all social and semi-social relations of life. This isolation necessitates separate ministrative agencies from the lowest to the highest rounds of the ladder of service. During the days of slavery the interests of the master demanded that he should direct the general social and moral life of the slave, and should provide especially for his physical well-being. The sudden severance of this tie left the Negro wholly without intimate guidance and direction. The ignorant must be enlightened, the sick must be healed, and the poor must have the gospel preached to them. The situation and circumstances under which the race found itself demanded that its professional class, for the most part, should be men of their own blood and sympathies. The needed service could not be effectively performed by those who assumed and asserted racial arrogance, and bestowed their professional service as cold crumbs that fell from the master's table. The professional class who are to uplift and direct the lowly must not say, "So far shalt thou come, but not any farther," but rather, "Where I am, there ye shall be also."
There is no more pathetic chapter in the history of human struggle than the emergence of the smothered ambition of this race to meet the social exigencies involved in the professional needs of the masses. In an instant, in the twinkling of an eye, the plowhand was transformed into a priest, the barber into a bishop, the housemaid into a schoolmistress, the day-laborer into a lawyer, and the porter into a physician. These high places of intellectual and professional authority, into which they found themselves thrust by stress of social necessity, had to be operated with at least some semblance of conformity to the standards which had been established by the European through the traditions of the ages. The higher place in society occupied by the choicest members of the white race, and that too after long years of arduous preparation, had to be assumed by black men without personal or formal fitness. The stronger and more aggressive natures pushed themselves into these higher callings by sheer force of untutored energy and uncontrolled ambition.
An accurate study of the healing art as practiced by Negroes in Africa as well as its continuance after transplantation in America would form an investigation of great historical interest. This, however, is not the purpose of this paper. It is sufficient to note the fact that witchcraft and the control of disease through roots, herbs, charms and conjuration are universally practiced on the continent of Africa. Indeed, the medicine man has a standing and influence that is sometimes superior to that of kings and queens. The natives of Africa have discovered their own materia medica by actual practice and experience with the medicinal value of minerals and plants. It must be borne in mind that any pharmacopeia must rest upon the basis of practical experiment and experience. The science of medicine was developed by man in his groping to relieve pain and to curb disease, and was not handed down ready made from the skies. In this groping, the African, like the rest of the children of men, has been feeling after the right remedies, if haply he might find them.
It was inevitable that the prevailing practice of conjuration in Africa should be found among Negroes after they had been transferred to the new continent. The conjure man was well known in every slave community. He generally turned his art, however, to malevolent rather than benevolent uses; but this was not always the case. Not infrequently these medicine men gained such wide celebrity among their own race as to attract the attention of the whites. As early as 1792 a Negro by the name of Cesar[1] had gained such distinction for his curative knowledge of roots and herbs that the Assembly of South Carolina purchased his freedom and gave him an annuity of one hundred pounds.
That slaves not infrequently held high rank among their own race as professional men may be seen from the advertisements of colonial days. A runaway Negro named Simon was in 1740 advertised in The Pennsylvania Gazette[2] as being able to "bleed and draw teeth" and "pretending to be a great doctor among his people." Referring in 1797 to a fugitive slave of Charleston, South Carolina, The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser[3] said: "He passes for a Doctor among people of his color and it is supposed practices in that capacity about town." The contact of such practitioners with the white race was due to the fact that the profession of the barber was at one time united with that of the physician. The practice of phlebotomy was considered an essential part of the doctor's work. As the Negro early became a barber and the profession was united with that of the physician, it is natural to suppose that he too would assume the latter function. That phlebotomy was considered an essential part of the practice of the medicine is seen from the fact that it was practiced upon George Washington in his last illness. An instance of this sort of professional development among the Negroes appears in the case of the barber, Joseph Ferguson. Prior to 1861 he lived in Richmond, Virginia, uniting the three occupations of leecher, cupper, and barber. This led to his taking up the study of medicine in Michigan, where he graduated and practiced for many years.
The first regularly recognized Negro physician, of whom there is a complete record, was James Derham, of New Orleans. He was born in Philadelphia in 1762, where he was taught to read and write, and instructed in the principles of Christianity. When a boy he was transferred by his master to Dr. John Kearsley, Jr., who employed him occasionally to compound medicines, and to perform some of the more humble acts of attention to his patients. Upon the death of Dr. Kearsley, he became (after passing through several hands) the property of Dr. George West, surgeon to the Sixteenth British Regiment, under whom, during the Revolutionary War, he performed many of the menial duties of the medical profession. At the close of the war, he was sold by Dr. West to Dr. Robert Dove at New Orleans, who employed him as an assistant in his business, in which capacity he gained so much of his confidence and friendship, that he consented to liberate him, after two or three years, upon easy terms. From Dr. Derham's numerous opportunities of improving in medicine, he became so well acquainted with the healing art, as to commence practicing in New Orleans, under the patronage of his last master. He once did business to the amount of three thousand dollars a year. Benjamin Rush, who had the opportunity to meet him, said: "I have conversed with him upon most of the acute and epidemic diseases of the country where he lives and was pleased to find him perfectly acquainted with the modern simple mode of practice on those diseases. I expected to have suggested some new medicines to him; but he suggested many more to me. He is very modest and engaging in his manners. He speaks French fluently and has some knowledge of the Spanish language."[4]
The most noted colored physician after the time of James Derham was Doctor James McCune Smith, a graduate of the University of Glasgow. He began the practice of medicine in New York about 1837, and soon distinguished himself as a physician and surgeon. He passed as a man of unusual merit not only among his own people but among the best elements of that metropolis. That he was appreciated by the leading white physicians of the city is evidenced by the fact that in 1852 he was nominated as one of the five men to draft a constitution for the "Statistic Institute" of which he became a leading member. For a number of years he held the position of physician to the colored orphan asylum, serving on the staff with a number of white doctors.
Living in a day when the Negro was the subject of much anthropological and physiological discussion, Doctor Smith could not resist participating in this controversy. There were at this time a number of persons who were resorting to science to prove the inferiority of the Negro. Given a hearing extending over several evenings, Doctor Smith ably discussed "The Comparative Anatomy of the Races" before an assembly of the most distinguished ladies and gentlemen of the city, triumphing over his antagonist. In 1846 he produced a valuable work entitled "The Influence of Climate on Longevity, with Special Reference to Insurance." This paper was written as a refutation of a disquisition of John C. Calhoun on the colored race. Among other things Doctor Smith said: "The reason why the proportion of mortality is not a measure of longevity, is the following: The proportion of mortality is a statement of how many persons die in a population; this, of course, does not state the age at which those persons die. If 1 in 45 die in Sweden, and 1 in 22 in Grenada, the age of the dead might be alike in both countries; here the greater mortality might actually accompany the greater longevity."[5]
The first real impetus to bring Negroes in considerable numbers into the professional world came from the American Colonization Society, which in the early years flourished in the South as well as in the North. This organization hoped to return the free Negroes to Africa and undertook to prepare professional leaders of their race for the Liberian colony. "To execute this scheme, leaders of the colonization movement endeavored to educate Negroes in mechanic arts, agriculture, science and Biblical literature. Exceptionally bright youths were to be given special training as catechists, teachers, preachers and physicians. Not much was said about what they were doing, but now and then appeared notices of Negroes who had been prepared privately in the South or publicly in the North for service in Liberia. Dr. William Taylor and Dr. Fleet were thus educated in the District of Columbia. In the same way John V. DeGrasse, of New York, and Thomas J. White, of Brooklyn, were allowed to complete the medical course at Bowdoin in 1849. In 1854 Dr. DeGrasse was admitted as a member of the Massachusetts Medical Society. In 1858 the Berkshire Medical School graduated two colored doctors who were gratuitously educated by the American Educational Society."[6] Dr. A. T. Augusta studied medicine at the University of Toronto. He qualified by competitive examination and obtained the position of surgeon in the United States Army, being the first Negro to hold such a position. After the war he became one of the leading colored physicians in the District of Columbia. Prior to 1861 Negroes had taken courses at the Medical School of the University of New York; Caselton Medical School in Vermont; Berkshire Medical School in Pittsfield, Massachusetts; the Rush Medical School in Chicago; the Eclectic Medical School in Philadelphia; the Homeopathic College of Cleveland; and the Medical School of Harvard University.
The next colored physician of prominence was Martin R. Delany. Delany grew to manhood in Pittsburgh, where early in his career he began the study of medicine, but abandoned it for pursuits in other parts. In 1849 he returned to that city and resumed his studies under Doctors Joseph P. Gazzan and Francis J. Lemoyne, who secured for him admission to the medical department of Harvard College after he had been refused by the University Pennsylvania, Jefferson College, and the medical colleges of Albany and Geneva, New York. After leaving Harvard, he, like Dr. Smith, became interested in the discussion of the superiority and inferiority of races, and traveled extensively through the West, lecturing with some success on the physiological aspect of these subjects. He then returned to Pittsburgh, where he became a practitioner and distinguished himself in treating the cholera during the epidemic of 1854. About this time his worth to the community was attested by his appointment as a member of the Subcommittee of Referees who furnished the Municipal Board of Charity with medical advice as to the needs of white and colored persons desiring aid. In 1856 he removed to Chatham, Canada, where he practiced medicine a number of years. Doctor Delany thereafter like William Wells Brown, an occasional physician, devoted most of his time to the uplift of his people, traveling in America, Africa and England. He became such a worker among his people that he was known as a leader rather than a physician. He served in the Civil War as a commissioned officer of the United States Army, ranking as major.
Up to this point the colored physician had appeared as an occasional or exceptional individual, but hardly as forming a professional class. Following the wake of the Civil War colleges and universities were planted in all parts of the South for the sake of preparing leaders for the newly emancipated race. Several medical schools were established in connection with these institutions. The rise of the Negro physician as a professional class may be dated from the establishment of these institutions. The School of Medicine of Howard University, Washington, D.C., and the Meharry Medical College at Nashville, Tennessee, proved to be the strongest of these institutions and today are supplying the Negro medical profession with a large number of its annual recruits.
Dr. Charles B. Purvis, who was graduated from the Medical College of Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1865, is perhaps the oldest colored physician in the United States; and by general consent ranks as dean of the fraternity. He shared with Dr. A. T. Augusta the honor of being one of the few colored men to become surgeons in the United States Army. Shortly after graduation he was made assistant surgeon in the Freedmen's Hospital at Washington, D.C., with which institution he was connected during the entire period of his active professional life. The development and present position of the medical school at Howard University is due to Dr. Purvis more than to any other single individual. For several years he has been retired upon the Carnegie Foundation. Dr. George W. Hubbard, a distinguished white physician, dean of the Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tennessee, has also been a great pioneer and promoter of the medical education of the Negro race.
At first, the Negro patient refused to put confidence in the physician of his own race, notwithstanding the closer intimacy of social contact. It was not until after he had demonstrated his competency to treat disease as well as his white competitor that he was able to win recognition among his own people. The colored physician is everywhere in open competition with the white practitioner, who never refuses to treat Negro patients, if allowed to assume the disdainful attitude of racial superiority. If the Negro doctor did not secure practically as good results in the treatment of disease as the white physician, he would soon find himself without patients.
According to the last census there were in the United States 3,077 Negro physicians and 478 Negro dentists. When we consider the professional needs of ten millions of Negroes, it will be seen that the quota is not over one fourth full. There is urgent need especially for an additional number of pharmacists and dentists. It must be said for the Negro physician that their membership more fully measures up to the full status of a professional class than that of any other profession among colored men. Every member of the profession must have a stated medical education based upon considerable academic preparation, sufficient to enable them to pass the rigid tests of State Boards in various parts of the country. The best regulated medical schools are now requiring at least two years of college training as a basis for entering upon the study of medicine. Under the stimulus of these higher standards the Negro medical profession will become more thoroughly equipped and proficient in the years to come.
These physicians maintain a national medical association which meets annually in different parts of the country and prepare and discuss papers bearing upon the various phases of their profession. There are under the control of Negro physicians a number of hospitals where are performed operations verging upon the limits of surgical skill. The profession has developed not a few physicians and surgeons whose ability has won recognition throughout their profession. A number of them have performed operations which have attracted wide attention and have contributed to leading journals discussions dealing with the various forms and phases of disease, as well as their medical and surgical treatment.
By reason of the stratum which the Negro occupies, the race is an easy prey to disease that affects the health of the whole nation. The germs of disease have no race prejudice. They do not even draw the line at social equality, but gnaw with equal avidity at the vitals of white and black alike, and pass with the greatest freedom of intercourse from the one to the other. One touch of disease makes the whole world kin, and also kind. The Negro physician comes into immediate contact with the masses of his race; he is the missionary of good health. His ministration is not only to his own race, but to the community and to the nation as a whole. The white plague seems to love the black victim. This disease must be stamped out by the nation through concerted action. The Negro physician is one of the most efficient agencies to render this national service. During the entire history of the race on this continent, there has been no more striking indication of its capacity for self-reclamation and of its ability to maintain a professional class on the basis of scientific efficiency than the rise and success of the Negro physician.
Kelly Miller
Footnotes
[[return]]1. THE NEGRO CESAR'S CURE FOR POISON
Take the roots of plantane and wild hoarhound, fresh or dried, three ounces, boil them together in two quarts of water to one quart, and strain it; of this decoction let the patient take one third part, three mornings fasting, successively, from which, if he finds any relief, it must be continued until he is perfectly recovered. On the contrary, if he finds no alteration after the third dose, it is a sign that the patient has not been poisoned at all, or that it has been with such poison that Cesar's antidote will not remedy, so may leave off the decoction.
During the cure the patient must live on spare diet, and abstain from eating mutton, pork, butter, or any other fat or oily food.
N. B. The plantane or hoarhound will either of them cure alone, but they are most efficacious together.
In summer you may take one handful of the roots and of the branches of each, in place of three ounces of the roots each.
For drink during the cure let them take the following: Take of the roots of goldenrod, six ounces or in summer, two large handfuls of the roots and branches together, and boil them in two quarts of water to one quart, to which also may be added, a little hoarhound and sassafras; to this decoction after it is strained, add a glass of rum or brandy, and sweeten with sugar for ordinary drink.
Sometimes an inward fever attends such as are poisoned, for which he ordered the following: Take one pint of wood ashes and three pints of water, stir and mix well together, let them stand all night and strain or decant the lye off in the morning, of which ten ounces may be taken six mornings following, warmed or cold according to the weather.
These medicines have no sensible operation, though sometimes they work on the bowels, and give a gentle stool.
The symptoms attending such as are poisoned, are as follows: A pain of the breast, difficulty of breathing, a load at the pit of the stomach, an irregular pulse, burning and violent pains of the viscera above and below the navel, very restless at night, sometimes wandering pains over the whole body, a reaching inclination to vomit, profuse sweats (which prove always serviceable), slimy stools, both when costive and loose, the face of pale and yellow color, sometimes a pain and inflamation of the throat, the appetite is generally weak, and some cannot eat anything; those who have been long poisoned are generally very feeble and weak in their limbs, sometimes spit a great deal, the whole skin peels, and lastly the hair falls off.
Cesar's cure for the bite of a rattlesnake: Take of the roots of plantane or hoarhound (in summer roots and branches together), a sufficient quantity; bruise them in a mortar, and squeeze out the juice, of which give as soon as possible, one large spoonful; this generally will cure; but if he finds no relief n an hour after you may give another spoonful which never hath failed.
If the roots are dried they must be moistened with a little water.
To the wound may be applied a leaf of good tobacco, moistened with rum.
The Massachusetts Magazine, IV, 103-104 (1792).
[[return]]2. The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 11, 1740.
[[return]]3. The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, June 22, 1797.
[[return]]4. The Columbian Gazette, II, 742-743.
[[return]]5. Delany, "Condition of the Colored People," 111.
[[return]]6. C. G. Woodson, "The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861."
The Negro Soldier in the American Revolution
The facts as to the participation of Negroes in the American Revolution have received the attention of several writers. Yet not one of them has made a scientific presentation of the facts which they have discovered. These historians have failed to consider the bearing of the status of the free Negro during the colonial period, the meaning of the Revolution to the Negro, and what the service of the Negro soldiers first enlisted effected in changing the attitude of the people toward the blacks throughout the original thirteen colonies.
To a person who has lived in the nineteenth or twentieth century it would seem incredible that Negroes, the majority of whom were then slaves, should have been allowed to fight in the Continental Army. The layman here may forget that during the eighteenth century slavery was a patriarchal institution rather than the economic plantation system as it developed after the multiplication of mechanical appliances, which brought about the world-wide industrial revolution. During the eighteenth century a number of slaves brought closely into contact with their masters were gradually enlightened and later emancipated. Such freedmen, in the absence of any laws to the contrary, exercised political rights,[1] among which was that of bearing arms. Negroes served not only in the American Revolution, but in every war of consequence during the colonial period. There were masters who sent slaves to the front to do menial labor and to fight in the places of their owners. Then there were slaves who, finding it easier to take occasional chances with bullets than to bear the lash, ran away from their masters and served as privateers or enlisted as freemen.[2] The newspapers of the colonial period often mentioned these facts in their advertisements of fugitive slaves. In 1760 a master had considerable difficulty with a slave who escaped from New England into New Jersey, where he said he would enlist in the provincial service.[3] Advertising for his mulatto servant, who was brought up in Rhode Island, James Richardson of Stonington said that the fugitive had served as a soldier the previous summer.[4] A few free Negroes found their way into the colonial militia along with white soldiers. This passed, of course, not without some opposition, as in the case of Massachusetts. In 1656 that colony excluded Negroes and Indians from the militia, and according to Governor Bradstreet's report to the Board of Trade in 1680 and subsequent action taken by that colony in 1775 and 1776, it adhered to this policy.[5]
Favorable as this condition of Negroes during the colonial period seemed, the situation became still more desirable during the Revolution itself. This upheaval was social as well as political. Aristocracy was suddenly humiliated and the man in the common walks of life found himself in power, grappling with problems which he had long desired to solve. Sprung from the indentured servant poor white class, the new rulers had more sympathy for the man farthest down. The slaves, therefore, received more consideration. In the heat of the excitement of war the system lost almost all of its rigor, the slave codes in some cases falling into desuetude. The contest for liberty was in the mouths of some orators of the Revolution the cause of the blacks as well as that of the whites, and the natural rights of the former were openly discussed in urging the independence of the United States. When men like Laurens, Henry, Hamilton and Otis spoke for the rights of the American colonies, they were not silent on the duty of the American people toward their slaves.[6] In 1774 a patriot in the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts spoke of the "propriety, that while we are attempting to free ourselves from slavery, our present embarrassments, and preserve ourselves from slavery, that we also take into consideration the state and circumstances of the Negro slaves in this province."[7]
When the Revolution came the Negro was actually in the army before the question of his enlistment could be raised by those who had not yet been won to the cause of universal freedom. Feeling the same patriotism which the white man experienced, the Negro bared his breast to the bullet and gave his life as a sacrifice for the liberty of his country. According to Bancroft, "the roll of the army of Cambridge had from its first formation borne the names of men of color." "Free Negroes," said he, "stood in the ranks by the side of white men. In the beginning of the war they had entered the provincial army; the first general order which was issued by Ward had required a return, among other things, of the complexion of the soldiers; and black men, like others, were retained in the service after the troops were adopted by the continent."[8]
Before the various officials had had time to decide whether or not the Negro should be enlisted, many had numbered themselves among the first to spill their blood in behalf of American liberty. Peter Salem had distinguished himself at Bunker Hill by killing Major Pitcairn,[9] a number of other Negroes under the command of Major Samuel Lawrence had heroically imperilled their lives and rescued him when he had advanced so far beyond his troops that he was about to be surrounded and taken prisoner,[10] and Salem Poor of Colonel Frye's regiment had acquitted himself with such honor in the battle of Charlestown that fourteen American officers commended him to the Continental Congress for his valor.[11] But great as were the services rendered by these patriots of color, the increase in the number of blacks in the Continental Army gave rise to vexatious questions. There were those who, influenced by the theories which had made the Revolution possible, hailed with joy the advent of the Negro in the role of the defender of his country, which they believed owed him freedom and opportunity. Some, having the idea that the Negro was a savage, too stupid to be employed in fighting the battles of freemen, seriously objected to his enlistment. Others were fearful of the result from setting the example of employing an uncivilized people to fight the British, who would then have an excuse not only for enlisting Negroes[12] but also the Indians. A still larger number felt that the question of arming the slaves would simply reduce itself to one of deciding whether or not the colonies should permit the British to beat them playing their own game.[13]
In the beginning, however, those who believed the Negroes should be excluded from the army triumphed. Massachusetts officially took a stand against the enlistment of slaves. The Committee of Safety, of which John Hancock and Joseph Ward were members, reported in May, 1775, to the Provincial Congress the opinion that as the contest then between Great Britain and her colonies respected the liberties and privileges of the latter, that the admission of any persons but freemen as soldiers would be inconsistent with the principles supported and would reflect dishonor on the colony.[14] They urged that no slaves be admitted into the army under any consideration whatever. No action was taken. This was not seemingly directed at the enlistment of free Negroes; but it must have had some effect, for in July of the same year, when Washington took command of the army at Cambridge, there were issued from his headquarters to recruiting officers instructions prohibiting the enlistment of any Negro, any person not native of this country, unless such person had a wife and a family and was a settled resident.[15]
This matter became one of such concern that the officials of the Continental Army had to give it more serious consideration. Communications relative thereto directed to the Continental Congress provoked a debate in that body in September, 1775. On the occasion of drafting a letter to Washington, reported by a committee consisting of Lynch, Lee and Adams, to whom several of his communications had been referred, Rutledge, of South Carolina, moved that the commander-in-chief be instructed to discharge from the army all Negroes, whether slave or free.[16] It seems that Rutledge had the support of the Southern delegates, but failed to secure a majority vote in favor of this radical proposition.
The matter was not yet settled, however. On the eighth of the following month there was held a council of war consisting of Washington, Ward, Lee, Putnam, Thomas, Spencer, Heath, Sullivan, Greene and Gates, to consider the question whether or not it would be advisable to enlist Negroes in the new army or "whether there be any distinction between such as are slaves and those who are free." It was unanimously agreed to reject all slaves and by a large majority to refuse Negroes altogether.[17] Upon considering ten days later the question of devising a method of renovating the army, however, the question of enlisting Negroes came up again before a Committee of Conference. The leaders in this council were Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Lynch, the Deputy Governors of Connecticut and Rhode Island, and the Committee of Council of Massachusetts Bay. They were asked the question whether Negroes should be excluded from the new enlistment, especially such as were slaves. This council also agreed that Negroes should be rejected altogether.[18] Accordingly, the general orders from Washington, dated November 12, 1775, declared that neither Negroes, boys unable to bear arms, nor old men unfit to endure fatigues of the campaign should be enlisted.
The men who had taken this position had acted blindly. They had failed to consider the various complications which might arise as a result of the refusal to admit Negroes to the army. What would the Negroes think when they saw their offering thrown away from the altar of their country? Were the Revolutionary fathers so stupid as to think that the British would adopt the same policy? They could not have believed that the situation could be so easily cleared. Before the Revolution was well on its way the delegates from Georgia to the Continental Congress had already experienced certain fears as to the safety of Georgia and South Carolina. They believed that if one thousand regular troops should land in Georgia under a commander with adequate supplies and he should proclaim freedom to all loyal Negroes, twenty thousand of them would join the British in a fortnight. It was to them a matter of much concern that the Negroes of these provinces had such a wonderful art of communicating intelligence among themselves as to convey information several hundred miles in a week or in a fortnight.[19] The colonists, too, could not ignore the bold attempt of Lord Dunmore, the dethroned governor of Virginia, who issued a proclamation of freedom to all slaves who would fight for the king, endeavored to raise a black regiment among them, and actually used a number of Negroes in the battle at Kemp's Landing, where they behaved like well-seasoned soldiers, pursuing and capturing one of the attacking companies.[20] Referring thereafter to Lord Dunmore as an arch-traitor who should be instantly crushed, George Washington said: "But that which renders the measure indispensably necessary is the Negroes, if he gets formidable numbers of them, will be tempted to join" him.
Subsequent developments showed that these misgivings were justified. In July, 1776, General Greene learned on Long Island that the British were about to organize in that vicinity a regiment of Negroes aggregating 200.[22] Taking as a pretext the enrollment of Negroes in the Continental Army, Sir Henry Clinton proclaimed from Philipsburgh in 1779 that all Negroes taken in arms or upon any military duty should be purchased from the captors for the public service, and that every Negro who would desert the "Rebel Standard" should have full security to follow within the British lines any occupation which he might think proper.[23] In 1781 General Greene reported to Washington from North Carolina that the British there had undertaken to embody immediately two regiments of Negroes.[24] They were operating just as aggressively farther South. "It has been computed by good judges," says Ramsey, "that between the years 1775 and 1783 the State of South Carolina lost 25,000 Negroes,[25] that is, one fifth of all the slaves, and a little more than half as many as its entire white population. At the evacuation of Charleston 241 Negroes and their families were taken off to St. Lucia in one transport, the Scimitar."[26] Yet in Georgia it is believed that the loss of Negroes was much greater, probably three fourths or seven eighths of all in the State. There the British were more successful in organizing and making use of Negroes. One third of the 600 men by whom Fort Cornwallis was garrisoned at the siege of Augusta were Negroes. So effective were some of these Negroes trained by the British in Georgia that a corps of fugitive slaves calling themselves the "King of England's Soldiers," so harassed the people on both sides of the Savannah River, even after the Revolution, that it was feared that a general insurrection of the slaves there would follow as a result of this most dangerous and best disciplined band of marauders that ever infested its borders.[27]
The leaders of the Revolution, therefore, quickly receded from their radical position of excluding Negroes from the army. Informed that the free Negroes who had served in the ranks in New England were sorely displeased at their exclusion from the service, and fearing that they might join the enemy, Washington departed, late in 1775, from the established policy of the staff and gave the recruiting officers leave to accept such Negroes, promising to lay the matter before the Continental Congress, which he did not doubt would approve it.[28] Upon the receipt of this communication the matter was referred to a committee composed of Wythe, Adams and Wilson, who recommended that free Negroes who had served faithfully in the army at Cambridge might be reenlisted but no others.[29] In taking action on such communications thereafter the Continental Congress followed the policy of leaving the matter to the various States, which were then jealously mindful of their rights.
Sane leaders generally approved the enlistment of black troops. General Thomas thought so well of the proposition that he wrote John Adams in 1775, expressing his surprise that any prejudice against it should exist.[30] Samuel Hopkins said in 1776 that something should be speedily done with respect to the slaves to prevent their turning against the Americans. He was of the opinion that the way to counteract the tendency of the Negroes to join the British was not to restrain them by force and severity but by public acts to set the slaves free and encourage them to labor and take arms in defense of the American cause.[31] Interested in favor of the Negroes both by "the dictates of humanity and true policy," Hamilton urged that slaves be given their freedom with the swords to secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and influence those remaining in bondage by opening a door to their emancipation.[32] General Greene emphatically urged that blacks be armed, believing that they would make good soldiers.[33] Thinking that the slaves might be put to a much better use than being given as a bounty to induce white men to enlist, James Madison suggested that the slaves be liberated and armed.[34] "It would certainly be consonant to the principles of liberty," said he, "which ought never to be lost sight of in a contest for liberty." John Laurens, of South Carolina, was among the first to see the wisdom of this plan, directed the attention of his coworkers to it, and when authorized by the Continental Congress, proceeded to his native State, wishing that he had the persuasive power of a Demosthenes to make his fellow citizens accept this proposition.[35] In 1779 Laurens said: "I would advance those who are unjustly deprived of the rights of mankind to a state which would be a proper gradation between abject slavery and perfect liberty, and besides I am persuaded that if I could obtain authority for the purpose, I would have a corps of such men trained, uniformly clad, equipped and ready in every respect to act at the opening of the next campaign."
All of the colonies thereafter tended to look more favorably upon the enlistment of colored troops. Free Negroes enlisted in Virginia and so many slaves deserted their masters for the army that the State enacted in 1777 a law providing that no Negro should be enlisted unless he had a certificate of freedom.[36] That commonwealth, however, soon took another step toward greater recognition of the rights of the Negroes who desired to be free to help maintain the honor of the State. With the promise of freedom for military service many slaves were sent to the army as substitutes for freemen. The effort of inhuman masters to force such Negroes back into slavery at the close of their service at the front actuated the liberal legislators of that commonwealth to pass the Act of Emancipation, proclaiming freedom to all Negroes who had thus enlisted and served their term faithfully, and empowered them to sue in forma pauperis, should they thereafter be unlawfully held in bondage.[37]
In the course of time there arose an urgent need for the Negro in the army. The army reached the point when almost all sorts of soldiers were acceptable. In 1778 General Varnum induced General Washington to send certain officers from Valley Forge to Rhode Island to enlist a battalion of Negroes to fill the depleted ranks of that State.[38] Setting forth in the preamble that "history affords us frequent precedents of the wisest, freest and bravest nations having liberated their slaves and enlisted them as soldiers to fight in defense of their country," the Rhode Island Assembly resolved to raise a regiment of slaves, who were to be freed upon their enlistment, their owners to be paid by the State according to the valuation of a committee. Further light was thrown upon this action in the statement of Governor Cooke, who in reporting the action of the Assembly to Washington boasted that liberty was given to every effective slave to don the uniform and that upon his passing muster he became absolutely free and entitled to all the wages, bounties and encouragements given to any other soldier.[39]
The State of New Hampshire enlisted Negroes and gave to those who served three years the same bounty offered others. This bounty was turned over to their masters as the price of the slaves in return for which their owners issued bills of sale and certificates of freedom.[40] In this way slavery practically passed out in New Hampshire. This affair did not proceed so smoothly as this in Massachusetts. In 1778 that legislature had a committee report in favor of raising a regiment of mulattoes and Negroes. This action was taken as a result upon receiving an urgent letter from Thomas Kench, a member of an artillery regiment serving on Castle Island. Kench referred to the fact that there were divers of Negroes in the battalions mixed with white men, but he thought that the blacks would have a better esprit de corps should they be organized in companies by themselves. But the feeling that slaves should not fight the battles of freemen and a confusion of the question of enlistment with that of emancipation for which Massachusetts was not then prepared,[41] led to a heated debate in the Massachusetts Council and finally to blows in the coffee houses in lower Boston. In such an excited state of affairs no further action was taken. Finding recruiting difficult it is said that Connecticut undertook to raise a colored regiment[42] and in 1781 New York, offering the usual land bounty which would go to the masters to purchase the slaves, promised freedom to all slaves who would enlist for the time of three years.[43] Maryland provided in 1780 that each unit of £16,000 of property should furnish one recruit who might be either a freeman or a slave, and in 1781 resolved to raise 750 Negroes to be incorporated with the other troops.[44]
Farther South the enlistment of Negroes had met with obstacles. The best provision the Southern legislatures had been able to make was to provide in addition to the allotment of money and land that a person offering to fight for the country should have "one sound Negro"[45] or a "healthy sound Negro"[46] as the laws provided in Virginia and South Carolina respectively. Threatened with invasion in 1779, however, the Southern States were finally compelled to consider this matter more seriously.[47] The Continental Army had been called upon to cope with the situation but had no force available for service in those parts. The three battalions of North Carolina troops, then on duty in the South, consisted of drafts from the militia for nine months, which would expire before the end of the campaign. What were they to do then when this militia, which could not be uniformly kept up, should grow impatient with the service? Writing from the headquarters of the army at this time, Alexander Hamilton in discussing the advisability of this plan doubtless voiced the sentiment of the staff. He thought that Colonel Laurens's plan for raising three or four battalions of emancipated Negroes was the most rational one that could be adopted in that state of Southern affairs. Hamilton foresaw the opposition from prejudice and self-interest, but insisted that if the Americans did not make such a use of the Negroes, the British would.
The movement received further impetus when special envoys from South Carolina headed by Huger appeared before the Continental Congress on March 29, 1779, to impress upon that body the necessity of doing something to relieve the Southern colonies. South Carolina, they reported, was suffering from an exposed condition in that the number of slaves being larger than that of the whites, she was unable to effect anything for its defense with the natives, because of the large number necessary to remain at home to prevent insurrections among the Negroes and their desertion to the enemy. These representatives, therefore, suggested that there might be raised among the Negroes in that State a force "which would not only be formidable to the enemy from their numbers and the discipline of which they would readily admit but would also lessen the danger from revolts and desertions by detaching the most vigorous and enterprising from among the Negroes." At the same time the Committee expressed the opinion that a matter of such vital interest to the two States concerned should be referred to their legislative bodies to judge as to the expediency of taking this step, and that if these commonwealths found it satisfactory that the United States should defray the expenses.
Congress passed a resolution complying with these recommendations.[48] Laurens, the father of the movement, was made a lieutenant-colonel and he went immediately home to urge upon South Carolina the expediency of adopting this plan. There Laurens met determined opposition from the majority of the aristocrats who set themselves against "a measure of so threatening aspect and so offensive to that republican pride, which disdains to commit the defence of the country to servile bands or share with a color to which the idea of inferiority is inseparably connected, the profession of arms, and that approximation of condition which must exist between the regular soldier and the militiaman." It was to no purpose too that Laurens renewed his efforts at a later period. He mustered all of his energy to impress upon the Legislature the need of taking this action but finally found himself outvoted, having only reason on his side and "being opposed by a triple-headed monster that shed the baneful influence of avarice, prejudice, and pusillanimity in all our assemblies." "It was some consolation to me, however," said he, "to find that philosophy and truth had made some little progress since my last effort, as I obtained twice as many suffrages as before."
Hearing of the outcome, Washington wrote him that he was not at all astonished at it, as that spirit of freedom, which at the commencement of the Revolution would have sacrificed everything to the attainment of this object, had long since subsided, and every selfish passion had taken its place. "It is not the public but the private interest," said he, "which influences the generality of mankind, nor can Americans any longer boast an exception. Under these circumstances it would have been rather surprising if you had succeeded."[49] It is difficult, however, to determine exactly what Washington's attitude was. Two days after Hamilton wrote Jay about raising colored troops in South Carolina, the elder Laurens wrote Washington: "Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida before the end of July." To this Washington answered: "The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point, unless the enemy set the example. For, should we begin to form Battalions of them, I have not the smallest doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their following us in it, and justifying the measure upon our own ground. The contest then must be who can arm fastest, and where are our arms? Besides I am not clear that a discrimination will not render slavery more irksome to those who remain in it. Most of the good and evil things in this life are judged by comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will be productive of much discontent in those, who are held in servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed much of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude Ideas that have struck me upon ye occasion."[50]
What then resulted from the agitation and discussion? The reader naturally wants to know how many Negroes were actually engaged in the Continental Army. Here we find ourselves at sea. We have any amount of evidence that the number of Negroes engaged became considerable, but exact figures are for several reasons lacking. In the first place, free Negroes rarely served in separate battalions. They marched side by side with the white soldier, and in most cases, according to the War Department, even after making an extended research as to the names, organizations, and numbers, the results would be that little can be obtained from the records to show exactly what soldiers were white and what were colored.[51] Moreover the first official efforts to keep the Negroes out of the army must not be regarded as having stopped such enlistments. As there was not any formal system of recruiting, black men continued to enlist "under various laws and sometimes under no law, and in defiance of law." The records of every one of the original thirteen States show that each had colored troops. A Hessian officer observed in 1777 that "the Negro can take the field instead of his master; and, therefore, no regiment is to be seen in which there are not negroes in abundance, and among them there are able-bodied, strong and brave fellows."[52] "Here too," said he, "there are many families of free negroes who live in good homes, have property and live just like the rest of the inhabitants." In 1777 Alexander Scammell, Adjutant-General, made the following report as to the number and placement of the Negroes in the Continental Army:
| Brigades | Present | Sick, Absent | On Command | Total |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| North Carolina | 42 | 10 | 6 | 58 |
| Woodford | 36 | 3 | 1 | 40 |
| Muhlenburg | 64 | 26 | 8 | 98 |
| Smallwood | 20 | 3 | 1 | 24 |
| 2d Maryland | 43 | 15 | 2 | 60 |
| Wayne | 2 | .. | .. | 2 |
| 2d Pennsylvania | 33 | 1 | 1 | 35 |
| Clinton | 33 | 2 | 4 | 62 |
| Parsons | 117 | 12 | 19 | 148 |
| Huntington | 56 | 2 | 4 | 62 |
| Nixon | 26 | .. | 1 | 27 |
| Paterson | 64 | 13 | 12 | 89 |
| Late Learned | 34 | 4 | 8 | 46 |
| Poor | 16 | 7 | 4 | 27 |
| Total | 586 | 98 | 71 | 755 |
Alexander Scammell, Adjutant-General.[52a]
But this report neither included the Negro soldiers enlisted in several other States nor those that joined the army later. Other records show that Negroes served in as many as 18 brigades.
Some idea of the number of Negroes engaged may be obtained from the context of documents mentioning the action taken by States. Rhode Island we have observed undertook to raise a regiment of slaves. Governor Cooke said that the slaves found there were not many but that it was generally thought that 300 or more would enlist. Four companies of emancipated slaves were finally formed in that State at a cost of £10,437 7s 7d.[53] Most of the 629 slaves then found in New Hampshire availed themselves of the opportunity to gain their freedom by enlistment as did many of the 15,000 slaves in New York. Connecticut had free Negroes in its regiments and formed also a regiment of colored soldiers assigned first to Meigs' and afterward to Butler's command. Maryland resolved in 1781 to raise 750 Negroes to be incorporated with the other troops. Massachusetts thought of forming a separate battalion of Negroes and Indians but had no separate Negro regiment, the Negroes having been admitted into the other battalions, after 1778, to the extent that there were colored troops from 72 towns in that State. In view of these numerous facts it is safe to conclude that there were at least 4,000 Negro soldiers scattered throughout the Continental Army.
As to the value of the services rendered by the colored troops we have only one witness to the contrary. This was Sidney S. Rider. He tried to ridicule the black troops engaged in the Battle of Rhode Island and contended that only a few of them took part in the contest.[54] On the other hand we have two distinguished witnesses in their favor. The Marquis de Chastellux said that "at the passage to the ferry I met a detachment of the Rhode Island regiment, the same corps we had with us the last summer, but they have since been recruited and clothed. The greatest part of them are Negroes or Mulattoes; but they are strong, robust men, and those I have seen had a very good appearance."[55] Speaking of the behavior of troops, among whom Negroes under General Greene fought on this occasion, Lafayette said the following day, that the enemy repeated the attempt three times (tried to carry his position), and were as often repulsed with great bravery.[56] One hundred and forty-four of the soldiers thus engaged to roll back the lines of the enemy were, according to the Revolutionary records, Negroes.[57] Doctor Harris, a Revolutionary soldier, who took part in the Battle of Rhode Island, said of these Negroes: "Had they been unfaithful or even given away before the enemy all would have been lost. Three times in succession they were attacked with more desperate valor and fury by well disciplined and veteran troops, and three times did they successfully repel the assault and thus preserved our army from capture."[58] A detachment of these troops sacrificed themselves to the last man in defending Colonel Greene in 1781 when he was attacked at Point Bridge, New York. A Negro slave of South Carolina rendered Governor Rutledge such valuable service that by a special act of the legislature in 1783 his wife and children were enfranchised.[59]
The valor of the Negro soldiers of the American Revolution has been highly praised by statesmen and historians. Writing to John Adams, a member of the Continental Congress, in 1775, to express his surprise at the prejudice against the colored troops in the South, General Thomas said: "We have some Negroes but I look on them in general equally serviceable with other men for fatigue, and in action many of them had proved themselves brave." Graydon in speaking of the Negro troops he saw in Glover's regiment at Marblehead, Massachusetts, said: "But even in this regiment (a fine one) there were a number of Negroes."[60] Referring to the battle of Monmouth, Bancroft said: "Nor may history omit to record that, of the 'revolutionary patriots' who on that day perilled life for their country, more than seven hundred black men fought side by side with the white."[61] According to Lecky, "the Negroes proved excellent soldiers: in a hard fought battle that secured the retreat of Sullivan they three times drove back a large body of Hessians."[62] We need no better evidence of the effective service of the Negro soldier than the manner in which the best people of Georgia honored Austin Dabney,[63] a mulatto boy who took a conspicuous part in many skirmishes with the British and Tories in Georgia. While fighting under Colonel Elijah Clarke he was severely wounded by a bullet which in passing through his thigh made him a cripple for life. He received a pension from the United States and was by an act of the legislature of Georgia given a tract of land. He improved his opportunities, acquired other property, lived on terms of equality with some of his white neighbors, had the respect and confidence of high officials, and died mourned by all.
W. B. Hartgrove
Footnotes
[[return]]1. Bancroft, "History of the United States," VIII, 110; MacMaster, "History of the United States."
[[return]]2. See "Documents" in this number.
[[return]]3. The New York Gazette, Aug. 11, 1760.
[[return]]4. Supplement to the Boston Evening Post, May 23, 1763.
[[return]]5. Moore's "Slavery in Mass.," 243; Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., VII, 336.
[[return]]6. Adams, "Works of John Adams," X, 315; Moore, "Notes on Slavery in Mass.," 71. Hamilton, Letter to Jay, March 14, 1779.
[[return]]7. Moore, "Historical Notes on the Employment of Negroes in the American Revolution," 4.
[[return]]8. Bancroft, "History of the United States," VIII, 110.
[[return]]9. Washburn, "History of Leicester," 267.
[[return]]10. Washington, "The Story of the Negro," I, 315.
[[return]]11. Manuscript, Massachusetts Archives, CLXXX, 241.
[[return]]12. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1775, pp. 221, 263; 1776, pp. 60, 874; 1779, pp. 386, 418.
[[return]]13. Ford, "Washington's Writings," VIII, 371.
[[return]]14. Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, 553.
[[return]]15. Moore, "Historical Notes," 5.
[[return]]16. Ibid., 6.
[[return]]17. Ibid., 6.
[[return]]18. Ibid., 7.
[[return]]19. Adam's Works, II, 428.
[[return]]20. Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, I, 135.
21. [Transcriber's note: There is no note 21 in the text.]
[[return]]22. Force, American Archives, I, 486. Fifth Series.
[[return]]23. "By his Excellency, Sir HENRY CLINTON, K.B., General and Commander-in-Chief of all His Majesty's Forces within the Colonies lying on the Atlantic Ocean, from Nova Scotia to West Florida, inclusive, etc.
"PROCLAMATION
"Whereas, The Enemy have adopted a practice of enrolling NEGROES among their troops: I do hereby give Notice, that all NEGROES taken in Arms, or upon any military Duty shall be purchased for the public service at a stated price; the Money to be paid to the Captors.
"But I do most strictly forbid any Person to sell or claim Right over any Negroe, the Property of a Rebel, who may take refuge with any part of this Army: And I do promise to every Negroe who shall desert the Rebel Standard full Security to follow within these Lines any occupation which he may think proper."
"Given under my Hand at Head-Quarters, Philipsburgh, the 30th day of June 1779.
H. CLINTON.
By his Excellency's Command, JOHN SMITH, Secretary."
[[return]]24. The Journal of the Continental Congress, II, 26.
[[return]]25. Ramsay, "The History of South Carolina" [Edition, 1809], I, 474-475.
[[return]]26. The Gazette of the State of South Carolina, Nov. 22, 1784.
[[return]]27. Moore, "Historical Notes," 14.
[[return]]28. Sparks, "Washington's Works," III, 218.
[[return]]29. Ibid.
[[return]]30. Letter of General Thomas to John Adams, Oct. 24, 1775.
[[return]]31. Moore, "Historical Notes," 4.
[[return]]32. Hamilton's "Works," I, 76-78.
[[return]]33. Moore, "Historical Notes," 13.
[[return]]34. Madison's Papers, 68.
[[return]]35. Letter of Hamilton to Jay, March 14, 1779; and Journals of the Continental Congress.
[[return]]36. Hening, Statutes at Large, IX, 280.
[[return]]37. Ibid., XI, 308, 309.
[[return]]38. Rhode Island Colonial Records, VIII, 640, 641.
[[return]]39. Ibid., 358-360.
[[return]]40. Moore, "Historical Notes," 19.
[[return]]41. Manuscripts in the Archives of Massachusetts, CXCIX, 80.
[[return]]42. Moore, "Historical Notes," 20.
[[return]]43. Laws of the State of New York, Chapter XXXII, Fourth Session.
[[return]]44. Sparks, "Correspondence of the American Revolution," III, 331.
[[return]]45. Moore, "Historical Notes," 20.
[[return]]46. Ibid., 21.
[[return]]47. Taking up the Southern situation, Hamilton in 1779 wrote Jay as follows:
"Dear Sir: Colonel Laurens, who will have the honor of delivering you this letter, is on his way to South Carolina, on a project which I think, in the present situation of affairs there, is a very good one, and deserves every kind of support and encouragement. This is, to raise two, three, or four battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the government of that State, by contributions from the owners, in proportion to the number they possess. If you should think proper to enter upon the subject with him, he will give you a detail of his plan. He wishes to have it recommended by Congress to the State; and, as an inducement, that they would engage to take their battalions into Continental pay.
"It appears to me, that an expedient of this kind, in the present state of Southern affairs, is the most rational that can be adopted, and promises very important advantages. Indeed, I hardly see how a sufficient force can be collected in that quarter without it: and the enemy's operations there are growing infinitely serious and formidable. I have not the least doubt, that the negroes will make very excellent soldiers with proper management: and I will venture to pronounce, that they cannot be put in better hands than those of Mr. Laurens. He has all the zeal, intelligence, enterprise, and every other qualification, requisite to succeed in such an undertaking. It is a maxim with some great military judges, that, with sensible officers, soldiers can hardly be too stupid; and, on this principle, it is thought that the Russians would make the best soldiers in the world, if they were under other officers than their own. The King of Prussia is among the number who maintain this doctrine, and has a very emphatic saying on the occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I mention this because I have frequently heard it objected to the scheme of embodying negroes, that they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is so far from appearing to me a valid objection, that I think their want of cultivation (for their natural faculties are as good as ours), joined to that habit of subordination which they acquire from a life of servitude will enable them sooner to become soldiers than our white inhabitants. Let officers be men of sense and sentiment, and the nearer the soldiers approach to machines, perhaps the better.
"I foresee that this project will have to combat much opposition from prejudice and self-interest. The contempt we have been taught to entertain for the blacks, makes us fancy many things that are founded neither in reason nor experience; and an unwillingness to part with property of so valuable a kind, will furnish a thousand arguments to show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency, of a scheme which requires such sacrifices. But it should be considered, that if we do not make use of them in this way, the enemy probably will; and that the best way to counteract the temptations they will hold out, will be to offer them ourselves. An essential part of the plan is, to give them their freedom with their swords. This will secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I believe, will have a good influence upon those who remain, by opening a door to their emancipation.
"This circumstance, I confess, has no small weight in inducing me to wish the success of the project; for the dictates of humanity and true policy equally interest me in favor of this unfortunate class of men.
"While I am on the subject of Southern affairs, you will excuse the liberty I take in saying, that I do not think measures sufficiently vigorous are pursuing for our defence in that quarter. Except the few regular troops of South Carolina, we seem to be relying wholly on the militia of that and two neighboring States. These will soon grow impatient of service and leave our affairs in a miserable situation. No considerable force can be uniformly kept up by militia, to say nothing of the many obvious and well-known inconveniences that attend this kind of troops. I would beg leave to suggest, sir, that no time ought to be lost in making a draught of militia to serve a twelve-month, from the States of North and South Carolina and Virginia. But South Carolina, being very weak in her population of whites, may be excused from the draught, on condition of furnishing the black battalions. The two others may furnish about three thousand five hundred men, and be exempted, on that account, from sending any succor to this army. The States to the northward of Virginia, will be fully able to give competent supplies to the army here; and it will require all the force and exertions of the three States I have mentioned, to withstand the storm which has arisen, and is increasing in the South.
"The troops draughted, must be thrown into battalions, and officered in the best possible manner. The best supernumerary officers may be made use of as far as they will go. If arms are wanted for their troops, and no better way of supplying them is to be found, we should endeavor to levy a contribution of arms upon the militia at large. Extraordinary exigencies demand extraordinary means. I fear this Southern business will become a very grave one.
"With the truest respect and esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,
Alexander Hamilton."
[[return]]48. The resolutions of Congress were as follows:
"Resolved, That it be recommended to the States of South Carolina and Georgia, if they shall think the same expedient, to take measures immediately for raising three thousand able-bodied negroes.
"That the said negroes be formed into separate corps, as battalions, according to the arrangements adopted for the main army, to be commanded by white commissioned and non-commissioned officers.
"That the commissioned officers be appointed by the said States.
"That the non-commissioned officers may, if the said States respectively shall think proper, be taken from among the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the continental battalions of the said States respectively.
"That the Governors of the said States, together with the commanding officer of the Southern army, be empowered to incorporate the several continental battalions of their States with each other respectively, agreeably to the arrangement of the army, as established by the resolutions of May 27, 1778; and to appoint such of the supernumerary officers to command the said negroes, as shall choose to go into that service.
"Resolved, That Congress will make provision for paying the proprietors of such Negroes as shall be enlisted for the service of the United States during the war, a full compensation for the property, at a rate not exceeding one thousand dollars for each active, able-bodied negro man of standard size, not exceeding thirty-five years of age, who shall be so enlisted and pass muster.
"That no pay or bounty be allowed to the said negroes; but that they be clothed and subsisted at the expense of the United States.
"That every negro, who shall well and faithfully serve as a soldier to the end of the present war, and shall return his arms, be emancipated, and receive the sum of fifty dollars."
In connection with this Congress passed also the following resolution:
"WHEREAS John Laurens, Esq., who has heretofore acted as aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, is desirous of repairing to South Carolina, with a design to assist in defence of the Southern States:
"Resolved, That a commission of lieutenant-colonel be granted to the said John Laurens, Esq."
Journals of the Continental Congress, 1779, pp. 386, 418.
[[return]]49. Sparks, "Writings of Washington," VIII, 322, 323.
[[return]]50. Ford, "Washington's Writings," VII, 371.
[[return]]51. Letter from the Adjutant General of the U.S. War Department.
[[return]]52. Schloezer's "Briefwechsel," IV, 365.
[[return]]52a. The Washington Manuscripts in the Library of Congress.
[[return]]53. "The Spirit of '76 in Rhode Island," 186-188.
[[return]]54. Sidney S. Rider, "An Historical Tract in the Rhode Island Series," No. 10.
[[return]]55. Marquis de Chastellux, "Travels," I, 454.
[[return]]56. Moore, "Historical Notes," 19.
[[return]]57. "The Spirit of Rhode Island in '76," 186-188.
[[return]]58. Washington, "The Story of the Negro," I, 311, Note.
[[return]]59. Moore, "Historical Notes," 22.
[[return]]60. Ibid., 16.
[[return]]61. Bancroft, "History of the United States," X, 133.
[[return]]62. Lecky, "American Revolution," 364.
[[return]]63. Austin Dabney, a remarkable free man of color, died at Zebulon. His remains repose, we understand, near those of his friend Harris. The following account of Dabney, as given by Governor Gilmer, may be interesting:
In the beginning of the Revolutionary conflict, a man by the name of Aycock removed to Wilkes County, having in his possession a mulatto boy, who passed for and was treated as his slave. The boy had been called Austin, to which the captain to whose company he was attached added Dabney.
Dabney proved himself a good soldier. In many a skirmish with the British and Tories, he acted a conspicuous part. He was with Colonel Elijah Clarke in the battle of Kettle Creek, and was severely wounded by a rifleball passing through his thigh, by which he was made a cripple for life. He was unable to do further military duty, and was without means to procure due attention to his wound, which threatened his life. In this suffering condition he was taken into the house of a Mr. Harris, where he was kindly cared for until he recovered. He afterwards labored for Harris and his family more faithfully than any slave could have been made to do.
After the close of the war, when prosperous times came, Austin Dabney acquired property. In the year 18--, he removed to Madison County, carrying with him his benefactor and family. Here he became noted for his great fondness for horses and the turf. He attended all the races in the neighboring counties, and betted to the extent of his means. His courteous behavior and good temper always secured him gentlemen backers. His means were aided by a pension which he received from the United States.
In the distribution of the public lands by lottery among the people of Georgia, the Legislature gave to Dabney a lot of land in the county of Walton. The Hon. Mr. Upson, then a representative from Oglethorpe, was the member who moved the passage of the law, giving him the lot of land.
At the election for members of the Legislature the year after, the County of Madison was distracted by the animosity and strife of an Austin Dabney and an Anti-Austin Dabney party. Many of the people were highly incensed that a mulatto negro should receive a gift of the land which belonged to the freemen of Georgia. Dabney soon after removed to the land given him by the State, and carried with him the family of Harris, and continued to labor for them, and appropriated whatever he made for their support, except what was necessary for his coarse clothing and food. Upon his death, he left them all his property. The eldest son of his benefactor he sent to Franklin College, and afterwards supported him whilst he studied law with Mr. Upson, in Lexington. When Harris was undergoing his examination, Austin was standing outside of the bar, exhibiting great anxiety in his countenance; and when his young protégé was sworn in, he burst into a flood of tears. He understood his situation very well, and never was guilty of impertinence. He was one of the best chroniclers of the events of the Revolutionary War, in Georgia. Judge Dooly thought much of him, for he had served under his father, Colonel Dooly. It was Dabney's custom to be at the public house in Madison, where the judge stopped during court, and he took much pains in seeing his horse well attended to. He frequently came into the room where the judges and lawyers were assembled on the evening before the court, and seated himself upon a stool or some low place, where he would commence a parley with any one who chose to talk with him.
He drew his pension in Savannah where he went once a year for this purpose. On one occasion he went to Savannah in company with his neighbor, Colonel Wyley Pope. They traveled together on the most familiar terms until they arrived in the streets of the town. Then the Colonel observed to Austin that he was a man of sense, and knew that it was not suitable to be seen riding side by side with a colored man through the streets of Savannah; to which Austin replied that he understood that matter very well. Accordingly when they came to the principal street, Austin checked his horse and fell behind. They had not gone very far before Colonel Pope passed the house of General James Jackson who was then governor of the state. Upon looking back he saw the governor run out of the house, seize Austin's hand, shake it as if he had been his long absent brother, draw him from his horse, and carry him into his house, where he stayed whilst in town. Colonel Pope used to tell this anecdote with much glee, adding that he felt chagrined when he ascertained that whilst he passed his time at a tavern, unknown and uncared for, Austin was the honored guest of the governor.
White's "Historical Collections," 584.
Freedom and Slavery in Appalachian America
To understand the problem of harmonizing freedom and slavery in Appalachian America we must keep in mind two different stocks coming in some cases from the same mother country and subject here to the same government. Why they differed so widely was due to their peculiar ideals formed prior to their emigration from Europe and to their environment in the New World. To the Tidewater came a class whose character and purposes, although not altogether alike, easily enabled them to develop into an aristocratic class. All of them were trying to lighten the burdens of life. In this section favored with fertile soil, mild climate, navigable streams and good harbors facilitating direct trade with Europe, the conservative, easy-going, wealth-seeking, exploiting adventurers finally fell back on the institution of slavery which furnished the basis for a large plantation system of seeming principalities. In the course of time too there arose in the few towns of the coast a number of prosperous business men whose bearing was equally as aristocratic as that of the masters of plantations.[1] These elements constituted the rustic nobility which lorded it over the unfortunate settlers whom the plantation system forced to go into the interior to take up land. Eliminating thus an enterprising middle class, the colonists tended to become more aristocratic near the shore.
In this congenial atmosphere the eastern people were content to dwell. the East had the West in mind and said much about its inexhaustible resources, but with the exception of obtaining there grants of land nothing definite toward the conquest of this section was done because of the handicap of slavery which precluded the possibility of a rapid expansion of the plantation group in the slave States. Separated thus by high ranges of mountains which prevented the unification of the interests of the sections, the West was left for conquest by a hardy race of European dissenters who were capable of a more rapid growth.[2] these were the Germans and Scotch-Irish with a sprinkling of Huguenots, Quakers and poor whites who had served their time as indentured servants in the east.[3] The unsettled condition of Europe during its devastating wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries caused many of foreign stocks to seek homes in America where they hoped to realize political liberty and religious freedom. Many of these Germans first settled in the mountainous district of Pennsylvania and Maryland and then migrated later to the lower part of the Shenandoah Valley, while the Scotch-Irish took possession of the upper part of that section. Thereafter the Shenandoah Valley became a thoroughfare for a continuous movement of these immigrants toward the south into the uplands and mountains of the Carolinas, Georgia, Kentucky, and Tennessee.[4]
Among the Germans were Mennonites, Lutherans, and Moravians, all of whom believed in individual freedom, the divine right of secular power, and personal responsibility.[5] The strongest stock among these immigrants, however, were the Scotch-Irish, "a God-fearing, Sabbath-keeping, covenant-adhering, liberty-loving, and tyrant-hating race," which had formed its ideals under the influence of philosophy of John Calvin, John Knox, Andrew Melville, and George Buchanan. By these thinkers they had been taught to emphasize equality, freedom of conscience, and political liberty. These stocks differed somewhat from each other, but they were equally attached to practical religion, homely virtues, and democratic institutions.[7] Being a kind and beneficent class with a tenacity for the habits and customs of their fathers, they proved to be a valuable contribution to the American stock. As they had no riches every man was to be just what he could make himself. Equality and brotherly love became their dominant traits. Common feeling and similarity of ideals made them one people whose chief characteristic was individualism.[8] Differing thus so widely from the easterners they were regarded by the aristocrats as "Men of new blood" and "Wild Irish," who formed a barrier over which "none ventured to leap and would venture to settle among."[9] No aristocrat figuring conspicuously in the society of the East, where slavery made men socially unequal, could feel comfortable on the frontier, where freedom from competition with such labor prevented the development of caste.
The natural endowment of the West was so different from that of the East that the former did not attract the people who settled in the Tidewater. The mountaineers were in the midst of natural meadows, steep hills, narrow valleys of hilly soil, and inexhaustible forests. In the East tobacco and corn were the staple commodities. Cattle and hog raising became profitable west of the mountains, while various other employments which did not require so much vacant land were more popular near the sea. Besides, when the dwellers near the coast sought the cheap labor which the slave furnished the mountaineers encouraged the influx of freemen. It is not strange then that we have no record of an early flourishing slave plantation beyond the mountains. Kercheval gives an account of a settlement by slaves and overseers on the large Carter grant situated on the west side of the Shenandoah, but it seems that the settlement did not prosper as such, for it soon passed into the hands of the Burwells and the Pages.[10]
The rise of slavery in the Tidewater section, however, established the going of those settlers in the direction of government for the people. The East began with indentured servants but soon found the system of slavery more profitable. It was not long before the blacks constituted the masses of the laboring population,[11] while on the expiration of their term of service the indentured servants went west and helped to democratize the frontier. Caste too was secured by the peculiar land tenure of the East. The king and the proprietors granted land for small sums on feudal terms. The grantees in their turn settled these holdings in fee tail on the oldest son in accordance with the law of primogeniture. This produced a class described by Jefferson who said: "There were then aristocrats, half-breeds, pretenders, a solid independent yeomanry, looking askance at those above, yet not venturing to jostle them, and last and lowest, a seculum of beings called overseers, the most abject, degraded and unprincipled race, always cap in hand to the Dons who employed them for furnishing material for the exercise of their price."[12]
In the course of colonial development the people of the mountains were usually referred to as frontiersmen dwelling in the West. This "West" was for a number of years known as the region beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains and later beyond the Alleghenies. A more satisfactory dividing line, however, is the historical line of demarcation between the East and West which moved toward the mountains in the proportion that the western section became connected with the East and indoctrinated by its proslavery propagandists. In none of these parts, however, not even far south, were the eastern people able to bring the frontiersmen altogether around to their way of thinking. Their ideals and environment caused them to have differing opinions as to the extent, character, and foundations of local self-government, differing conceptions of the meaning of representative institutions, differing ideas of the magnitude of governmental power over the individual, and differing theories of the relations of church and State. The East having accepted caste as the basis of its society naturally adopted the policy of government by a favorite minority, the West inclined more and more toward democracy. The latter considered representatives only those who had been elected as such by a majority of the people of the district in which they lived; the former believed in a more restricted electorate, and the representation of districts and interests, rather than that of numbers.[13] Furthermore, almost from the founding of the colonies there was court party consisting of the rich planters and favorites composing the coterie of royal officials generally opposed by a country party of men who, either denied certain privileges or unaccustomed to participation in the affairs of privileged classes, felt that the interests of the lowly were different. As the frontier moved westward the line of cleavage tended to become identical with that between the privileged classes and the small farmers, between the lowlanders and the uplanders, between capital and labor, and finally between the East and West.
The frontiersmen did not long delay in translating some of their political theories into action. The aristocratic East could not do things to suit the mountaineers who were struggling to get the government nearer to them. At times, therefore, their endeavors to abolish government for the people resulted in violent frontier uprisings like that of Bacon's Rebellion in Virginia and the War of Regulation in North Carolina. In all of these cases the cause was practically the same. These pioneers had observed with jealous eye the policy which bestowed all political honors on the descendants of a few wealthy families living upon the tide or along the banks of the larger streams. They were, therefore, inclined to advance with quick pace toward revolution.[14] On finding such leaders as James Otis, Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson, the frontiersmen instituted such a movement in behalf of freedom that it resulted in the Revolutionary War.[15] These patriots' advocacy of freedom, too, was not half-hearted. When they demanded liberty for the colonists they spoke also for the slaves, so emphasizing the necessity for abolition that observers from afar thought that the institution would of itself soon pass away.[16]
In the reorganization of the governments necessitated by the overthrow of the British, however, the frontiersmen were unfortunate in that they lacked constructive leadership adequate to having their ideas incorporated into the new constitutions. Availing themselves of their opportunity, the aristocrats of the coast fortified themselves in their advantageous position by establishing State governments based on the representation of interests, the restriction of suffrage, and the ineligibility of the poor to office.[17] Moreover, efforts were made even to continue in a different form the Established Church against which the dissenting frontiersmen had fought for more than a century. In the other Atlantic States where such distinctions were not made in framing their constitutions, the conservatives resorted to other schemes to keep the power in the hands of the rich planters near the sea. When the Appalachian Americans awoke to the situation then they were against a stone wall. The so-called rights of man were subjected to restrictions which in our day could not exist. The right to hold office and to vote were not dependent upon manhood qualifications but on a white skin, religious opinions, the payment of taxes, and wealth. In South Carolina a person desiring to vote must believe in the existence of a God, in a future state of reward and punishment, and have a freehold of fifty acres of land. In Virginia the right of suffrage was restricted to freeholders possessing one hundred acres of land. Senators in North Carolina had to own three hundred acres of land; representatives in South Carolina were required to have a 500 acre freehold and 10 Negroes; and in Georgia 250 acres and support the Protestant religion.[18] In all of these slave States, suffering from such unpopular government, the mountaineers developed into a reform party persistently demanding that the sense of the people be taken on the question of calling together their representatives to remove certain defects from the constitutions. It was the contest between the aristocrats and the progressive westerner. The aristocrats' idea of government was developed from the "English Scion--the liberty of kings, lords, and commons, with different grades of society acting independently of all foreign powers." The ideals of the westerners were principally those of the Scotch-Irish, working for "civil liberty in fee simple, and an open road to civil honors, secured to the poorest and feeblest members of society."[19]
The eastern planters, of course, regarded this as an attack on their system and fearlessly denounced these rebellious wild men of the hills. In taking this position, these conservatives brought down upon their heads all of the ire that the frontiersmen had felt for the British prior to the American Revolution. The easterners were regarded in the mountains as a party bent upon establishing in this country a régime equally as oppressive as the British government. The frontiersmen saw in slavery the cause of the whole trouble. They, therefore, hated the institution and endeavored more than ever to keep their section open to free labor. They hated the slave as such, not as a man. On the early southern frontier there was more prejudice against the slaveholder than against the Negro.[20] There was the feeling that this was not a country for a laboring class so undeveloped as the African slaves, then being brought to these shores to serve as a basis for a government differing radically from that in quest of which the frontiersmen had left their homes in Europe.
This struggle reached its climax in different States at various periods. In Maryland the contest differed somewhat from that of other Southern States because of the contiguity of that commonwealth with Pennsylvania, which early set such examples of abolition and democratic government that a slave State near by could not go so far in fortifying an aristocratic governing class. In Virginia the situation was much more critical than elsewhere. Unlike the other Atlantic States, which wisely provided roads and canals to unify the diverse interests of the sections, that commonwealth left the trans-Alleghany district to continue in its own way as a center of insurgency from which war was waged against the established order of things.[21] In most States, however, the contest was decided by the invention of the cotton gin and other mechanical appliances which, in effecting an industrial revolution throughout the world, gave rise to the plantation system found profitable to supply the increasing demand for cotton. In the course of the subsequent expansion of slavery, many of the uplanders and mountaineers were gradually won to the support of that institution. Realizing gradually a community of interests with the eastern planters, their ill-feeling against them tended to diminish. Abolition societies which had once flourished among the whites of the uplands tended to decline and by 1840 there were practically no abolitionists in the South living east of the Appalachian Mountains.[22]
Virginia, which showed signs of discord longer than the other Atlantic States, furnishes us a good example of how it worked out. The reform party of the West finally forced the call of a convention in 1829, hoping in vain to crush the aristocracy. Defeated in this first battle with the conservatives, they secured the call of the Reform Convention in 1850 only to find that two thirds of the State had become permanently attached to the cause of maintaining slavery.[23] Samuel McDowell Moore, of Rockbridge County in the Valley, said in the Convention of 1829-30 that slaves should be free to enjoy their natural rights,[24] but a generation later the people of that section would not have justified such an utterance in behalf of freedom. The uplanders of South Carolina were early satisfied with such changes as were made in the apportionment of representation in 1808, and in the qualifications of voters in 1810.[25] Thereafter Calhoun's party, proceeding on the theory of government by a concurrent majority, vanquished what few liberal-minded men remained, and then proceeded to force their policy on the whole country.
In the Appalachian Mountains, however, the settlers were loath to follow the fortunes of the ardent pro-slavery element. Actual abolition was never popular in western Virginia, but the love of the people of that section for freedom kept them estranged from the slaveholding districts of the State, which by 1850 had completely committed themselves to the pro-slavery propaganda. In the Convention of 1829-30 Upshur said there existed in a great portion of the West (of Virginia) a rooted antipathy to the slave.[26] John Randolph was alarmed at the fanatical spirit on the subject of slavery, which was growing up in Virginia. Some of this sentiment continued in the mountains. The highlanders, therefore, found themselves involved in a continuous embroglio because they were not moved by reactionary influences which were unifying the South for its bold effort to make slavery a national institution.[27]
The indoctrination of the backwoodsmen of North Carolina in the tenets of slavery was effected without much difficulty because of less impediment in the natural barriers, but a small proportion of the inhabitants of the State residing in the mountainous districts continued anti-slavery. There was an unusually strong anti-slavery element in Davie, Davidson, Granville and Guilford counties. The efforts of this liberal group, too, were not long in taking organized form. While there were several local organizations operating in various parts, the efforts of the anti-slavery people centered around the North Carolina Manumission Society. It had over forty branches at one time, besides several associations of women, all extending into seven or eight of the most populous counties of the State. This society denounced the importation and exportation of slaves, and favored providing for manumissions, legalizing slave contracts for the purchase of freedom, and enacting a law that at a certain age all persons should be born free.[28] That these reformers had considerable influence is evidenced by the fact that in 1826 a member of the manumission society was elected to the State Senate. In 1824 and 1826 two thousand slaves were freed in North Carolina.[29] Among the distinguished men who at times supported this movement in various ways were Hinton Rowan Helper, Benjamin S. Hedrick, Daniel R. Goodloe, Eli W. Caruthers, and Lunsford Lane, a colored orator and lecturer of considerable ability.[30] They constituted a hopeless minority, however, for the liberal element saw their hopes completely blasted in the triumph of the slave party in the Convention of 1835, which made everything subservient to the institution of slavery.
In the mountains of Kentucky and Tennessee conditions were a little more encouraging, especially between 1817 and 1830. The anti-slavery work in Kentucky seemed to owe its beginning to certain "Emancipating Baptists." Early in the history of that State six Baptist preachers, Carter Tarrant, David Darrow, John Sutton, Donald Holmes, Jacob Gregg, and George Smith, began an anti-slavery campaign, maintaining that there should be no fellowship with slaveholders.[31] They were unable to effect much, however, because of the fact that they had no extensive organization through which to extend their efforts. Every church remained free to decide for itself and even in Northern States the Baptists later winked at slavery. More effective than these efforts of the Baptists was the work of the Scotch-Irish. Led by David Rice, a minister of the Presbyterian Church, the anti-slavery element tried to exclude slavery from the State when framing its first constitution in the Convention of 1792.[32] Another effort thus to amend the fundamental law was made at the session of the legislature of 1797-98, and had it not been for the excitement aroused by the Alien and Sedition Laws, the bill probably would have passed.[33]
Many successful efforts were made through the anti-slavery bodies. The society known as "Friends of Humanity" was organized in Kentucky in 1807. It had a constitution signed by eleven preachers and thirteen laymen. The organization was in existence as late as 1813. The records of the abolitionists show that there was another such society near Frankfort between 1809 and 1823.[34] Birney then appeared in the State and gave his influence to the cause with a view to promoting the exportation of Negroes to Liberia.[35] A number of citizens also memorialized Congress to colonize the Negroes on the public lands in the West.[36] In the later twenties an effort was made to unite the endeavors of many wealthy and influential persons who were then interested in promoting abolition. Lacking a vigorous and forceful leader, they appealed to Henry Clay, who refused.[37] They fought on, however, for years to come. A contributor to the Western Luminary said, in 1830, that the people of Kentucky were finding slavery a burden.[38] Evidently a good many of them had come to this conclusion, for a bill providing for emancipation introduced in the Legislature was postponed indefinitely by a vote of 18 to 11.[39] So favorable were conditions in Kentucky at this time that it was said that Tennessee was watching Kentucky with the expectation of following her lead should the latter become a free State as was then expected.
The main factor in promoting the work in Tennessee was, as in Kentucky, the Scotch-Irish Presbyterian stock. They opposed slavery in word and in deed, purchasing and setting free a number of colored men. Among these liberal westerners was organized the "Manumission Society of Tennessee," represented for years in the American Convention of Abolition Societies by Benjamin Lundy.[40] The Tennessee organization once had twenty branches and a membership of six hundred.[41] Among its promoters were Charles Osborn, Elihu Swain, John Underhill, Jesse Willis, John Cannady, John Swain, David Maulsby, John Rankin, Jesse Lockhart, and John Morgan.[42] They advocated at first immediate and unconditional emancipation, but soon seeing that the realization of this policy was impossible, they receded from this advanced position and memorialized their representatives to provide for gradual emancipation, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, the prevention of the separation of families, the prohibition of the interstate slave trade, the restriction of slavery, the general improvement of colored people through church and school, and especially the establishment among them of the right of marriage.[43] To procure the abolition of slavery by argument, other persons of this section organized another body, known as the "Moral Religious Manumission Society of West Tennessee."[44] It once had a large membership and tended to increase and spread the agitation in behalf of abolition.
In view of these favorable tendencies, it was thought up to 1830 that Tennessee, following the lead of Kentucky, would become a free State.[45] But just as the expansion of slavery into the interior of the Atlantic States attached those districts to the fortunes of the slaveholding class, it happened in some cases in the mountains which to some extent became indoctrinated by the teaching of the defenders of slavery. Then the ardent slavery debate in Congress and the bold agitation, like that of the immediatists led by William Lloyd Garrison, alienated the support which some mountaineers had willingly given the cause. Abolition in these States, therefore, began to weaken and rapidly declined during the thirties.[46] Because of a heterogeneous membership, these organizations tended to develop into other societies representing differing ideas of anti-slavery factions which had at times made it impossible for them to cooperate effectively in carrying out any plan. The slaveholders who had been members formed branches of the American Colonization Society, while the radical element fell back upon organizing branches of the Underground Railroad to cooperate with those of their number who, seeing that it was impossible to attain their end in the Southern mountains, had moved into the Northwest Territory to colonize the freedmen and aid the escape of slaves.[47] Among these workers who had thus changed their base of operation were not only such noted men as Joshua Coffin, Benjamin Lundy, and James G. Birney, but less distinguished workers like John Rankin, of Ripley; James Gilliland, of Red Oak; Jesse Lockhart, of Russellville; Robert Dobbins, of Sardinia; Samuel Crothers, of Greenfield; Hugh L. Fullerton, of Chillicothe, and William Dickey, of Ross or Fayette County, Ohio. There were other southern abolitionists who settled and established stations of the Underground Railroad In Bond, Putnam, and Bureau Counties, Illinois.[48] The Underground Railroad was thus enabled to extend into the heart of the South by way of the Cumberland Mountains. Over this Ohio and Kentucky route, culminating chiefly in Cleveland, Sandusky, and Detroit, more fugitives found their way to freedom than through any other avenue.[49] The limestone caves were of much assistance to them. The operation of the system extended through Tennessee into northern Georgia and Alabama, following the Appalachian highland as it juts like a peninsula into the South. Dillingham, John Brown, and Harriet Tubman used these routes.
Let us consider, then, the attitude of these mountaineers toward slaves. All of them were not abolitionists. Some slavery existed among them. The attack on the institution, then, in these parts was not altogether opposition to an institution foreign to the mountaineers. The frontiersmen hated slavery, hated the slave as such, but, as we have observed above, hated the eastern planter worse than they hated the slave. As there was a scarcity of slaves in that country they generally dwelt at home with their masters. Slavery among these liberal people, therefore, continued patriarchal and so desirous were they that the institution should remain such that they favored the admission of the State of Missouri as a slave State,[50] not to promote slavery but to expand it that each master, having a smaller number of Negroes, might keep them in close and helpful contact. Consistently with this policy many of the frontier Baptists, Scotch-Irish and Methodists continued to emphasize the education of the blacks as the correlative of emancipation. They urged the masters to give their servants all proper advantages for acquiring knowledge of their duty both to man and to God. In large towns slaves were permitted to acquire the rudiments of education and in some of them free persons of color had well-regulated schools.[51]
Two noteworthy efforts to educate Negroes were put forth in these parts. A number of persons united in 1825 to found an institution for the education of eight or ten Negro slaves with their families, to be operated under the direction of the "Emancipating Labor Society of the State of Kentucky." About the same time Frances Wright was endeavoring to establish an institution on the same order to improve the free blacks and mulattoes in West Tennessee. It seems that this movement had the support of a goodly number of persons, including George Fowler, and, it was said, Lafayette, who had always been regarded as a friend of emancipation. According to a letter from a clergyman of South Carolina, the first slave for this institution went from the York district of that State. Exactly what these enterprises were, however, it is difficult to determine. They were not well supported and soon passed from public notice. Some have said that the Tennessee project was a money-making scheme for the proprietors, and that the Negroes taught there were in reality slaves. Others have defended the work as a philanthropic effort so characteristic of the friends of freedom in Appalachian America.[52]
The people of Eastern Tennessee were largely in favor of Negro education. Around Maryville and Knoxville were found a considerable number of white persons who were thus interested in the uplift of the belated race. Well might such efforts be expected in Maryville, for the school of theology at this place had gradually become so radical that according to the Maryville Intelligencer half of the students by 1841 declared their adherence to the cause of abolition.[53] Consequently, they hoped not only to see such doctrines triumph within the walls of that institution, but were endeavoring to enlighten the Negroes of that community to prepare them for the enjoyment of life as citizens in their own or some other country.[54]
Just as the people of Maryville had expressed themselves through The Intelligencer, so did those of Knoxville find a spokesman in The Presbyterian Witness. Excoriating those who had for centuries been finding excuses for keeping the slaves in heathenism, the editor of this publication said that there was not a solitary argument that might be urged in favor of teaching a white man that might not be as properly urged in favor of enlightening a man of color. "If one has a soul that will never die," said he, "so has the other. Has one susceptibilities of improvement, mentally, socially, and morally? So has the other. Is one bound by the laws of God to improve the talents he has received from the Creator's hands? So is the other. Is one embraced in the commands search the scriptures? So is the other."[55] He maintained that unless masters could lawfully degrade their slaves to the condition of beasts, they were just as much bound to teach them to read the Bible as to teach any other class of their population.
From a group in Kentucky came another helpful movement. Desiring to train up white men who would eventually be able to do a work which public sentiment then prevented the anti-slavery minority from carrying on, the liberal element of Kentucky, under the leadership of John G. Fee and his coworkers, established Berea College. Believing in the brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God, this institution incorporated into its charter the bold declaration that "God hath made of one blood all nations that dwell upon the face of the earth." This profession was not really put to a test until after the Civil War, when the institution courageously met the issue by accepting as students some colored soldiers who were returning home wearing their uniforms.[56] The State has since prohibited the co-education of the races.
With so many sympathizers with the oppressed in the back country, the South had much difficulty in holding the mountaineers in line to force upon the whole nation their policies, mainly determined by their desire for the continuation of slavery. Many of the mountaineers accordingly deserted the South in its opposition to the tariff and internal improvements, and when that section saw that it had failed in economic competition with the North, and realized that it had to leave the Union soon or never, the mountaineers who had become commercially attached to the North and West boldly adhered to these sections to maintain the Union. The highlanders of North Carolina were finally reduced to secession with great difficulty; Eastern Tennessee had to yield, but kept the State almost divided between the two causes; timely dominated by Unionists with the support of troops, Kentucky stood firm; and to continue attached to the Federal Government forty-eight western counties of Virginia severed their connection with the essentially slaveholding district and formed the loyal State of West Virginia.
In the mountainous region the public mind has been largely that of people who have developed on free soil. They have always differed from the dwellers in the district near the sea not only in their attitude toward slavery but in the policy they have followed in dealing with the blacks since the Civil War. One can observe even to-day such a difference in the atmosphere of the two sections, that in passing from the tidewater to the mountains it seems like going from one country into another. There is still in the back country, of course, much of that lawlessness which shames the South, but crime in that section is not peculiarly the persecution of the Negro. Almost any one considered undesirable is dealt with unceremoniously. In Appalachian America the races still maintain a sort of social contact. White and black men work side by side, visit each other in their homes, and often attend the same church to listen with delight to the Word spoken by either a colored or white preacher.
C. G. Woodson
Footnotes
[[return]]1. Wertenbaker, "Patrician and Plebeian in Virginia," 31.
[[return]]2. Exactly how many of each race settled in the Appalachian region we cannot tell, but we know that they came in large numbers, after the year 1735. A few important facts and names may give some idea as to the extent of this immigration. The Shenandoah Valley attracted many. Most prominent among those who were instrumental in settling the Valley was the Scotchman, John Lewis, the ancestor of so many families of the mountains. The Dutchmen, John and Isaac Van Meter, were among the first to buy land from Joist Hite, probably the first settler in the Valley. Among other adventurers of this frontier were Benjamin Allen, Riley Moore, and William White, of Maryland, who settled in the Shenandoah in 1734; Robert Harper and others who, in the same year, settled Richard Morgan's grant near Harper's Ferry; and Howard, Walker, and Rutledge, who took up land on what became the Fairfax Manor on the South Branch. In 1738 some Quakers came from Pennsylvania to occupy the Ross Survey of 40,000 acres near Winchester Farm in what is now Frederick County, Virginia. In the following year John and James Lindsay reached Long Marsh, and Isaac Larne of New Jersey the same district about the same time; while Joseph Carter of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, built his cabin on the Opequon near Winchester in 1743, and Joseph Hampton with his two sons came from Maryland to Buck Marsh near Berryville. But it is a more important fact that Burden, a Scotch-Irishman, obtained a large grant of land and settled it with hundreds of his race during the period from 1736 to 1743, and employed an agent to continue the work. With Burden came the McDowells, Alexanders, Campbells, McClungs, McCampbells, McCowans, and McKees, Prestons, Browns, Wallaces, Wilsons, McCues, and Caruthers. They settled the upper waters of the Shenandoah and the James, while the Germans had by this time well covered the territory between what is known as Harrisonburg and the present site of Harper's Ferry. See Maury, "Physical Survey," 42; Virginia Magazine, IX, 337-352; Washington's Journal, 47-48; Wayland, "German Element of the Shenandoah," 110.
[[return]]3. Wayland, "German Element of the Shenandoah," 28-30; Virginia Historical Register, III, 10.
[[return]]4. See Meade, "Old Families of Virginia," The Transalleghany Historical Magazine, I and II; De Hass, "The Settlement of Western Virginia," 71, 75; Kercheval, "History of the Valley," 61-71; Faust, "The German Element in the United States."
[[return]]5. Dunning, "The History of Political Theory from Luther to Montesquieu," 9,10.
6. [Transcriber's Note: Footnote 6 was not in the original text.]
[[return]]7. Buchanan, the most literary of these reformers, insisted that society originates in the effort of men to escape from the primordial state of nature, that in a society thus formed the essential to well-being is justice, that justice is maintained by laws rather than by kings, that the maker of the laws is the people, and that the interpreter of the laws is not the king, but the body of judges chosen by the people. He reduced the power of the ruler to the minimum, the only power assigned to him being to maintain the morals of the state by making his life a model of virtuous living. The reformer claimed, too, that when the ruler exceeds his power he becomes a tyrant, and that people are justified in rejecting the doctrine of passive obedience and slaying him. See Buchanan, "De Jure Apud Scotos" (Aberdeen, 1762); Dunning, "History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu"; and P. Hume Brown, "Biography of John Knox."
[[return]]8. Just how much the racial characteristics had to do with making this wilderness a center of democracy, it is difficult to estimate. Some would contend that although the Western people were of races different from this aristocratic element of the East, their own history shows that this had little to do with the estrangement of the West from the East, and that the fact that many persons of these same stocks who settled in the East became identified with the interests of that section is sufficient evidence to prove what an insignificant factor racial characteristics are. But although environment proves itself here to be the important factor in the development of these people and we are compelled to concede that the frontier made the Western man an advocate of republican principles, heredity must not be ignored altogether.
Exactly how much influence the Scotch-Irish had in shaping the destiny of Appalachian America is another much mooted question with which we are concerned here because historians give almost all the credit to this race. Even an authority like Justin Winsor leaves the impression that Virginia cared little for the frontier, and that all honor is due to the Scotch-Irish. Their influence in shaping the destiny of other States has been equally emphasized. The facts collected by Hanna doubtless give much support to the claims of that people to the honor for the development of Appalachian America. His conclusions, however, are rather far-sweeping and often shade into imagination. On the other hand, a good argument may be made to prove that other people, such as the Germans and Dutch, deserve equal honor. Furthermore, few of the eulogists of the Scotch-Irish take into account the number of indentured servants and poor whites who moved westward with the frontier. Besides, it must not be thought that the East neglected the frontier intentionally simply because the Tidewater people could not early subdue the wilderness. They did much to develop it. The records of the time of the Indian troubles beginning in 1793 show that the State governments answered the call for troops and ammunition as promptly as they could, and their statute books show numerous laws which were enacted in the interest of the West during these troubles. The truth of the matter is that, whatever might have been the desire of the East to conquer the wilderness, the sectionalizing institution of slavery which the colony had accepted as the basis of its society rendered the accomplishment of such an object impossible. There was too great diversity of interest in that region.
[[return]]9. Jefferson's Works, VI, 484.
[[return]]10. Kercheval, "History of the Valley," 47 and 48.
[[return]]11. It soon became evident that it was better to invest in slaves who had much more difficulty than the indentured servants in escaping and passing as freemen.
[[return]]12. Jefferson's Works, VI, 484.
[[return]]13. This statement is based on the provisions of the first State constitutions. See Thorpe's "Charters and Constitutions."
[[return]]14. Grigsby, "Convention of 1788," 15, 49.
[[return]]15. The people living near the coast desired reform under British rule. The frontiersmen had to win them to the movement. A certain Scotch-Irish element in the Carolinas was an exception to this rule in that they at first supported the British.
[[return]]16. The letters and speeches of most of the Revolutionary leaders show that they favored some kind of abolition. Among the most outspoken were James Otis, John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and John Laurens. See also Schoepf, "Travels in the Confederation," 149; and Brissot de Warville, "New Travels," I, 220.
[[return]]17. See the various State constitutions in Thorpe's "Charters and Constitutions."
[[return]]18. Ibid.
[[return]]19. Foote, "Sketches of Virginia," 85.
[[return]]20. Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," 73; Olmsted, "The Back Country," 230-232. Berea Quarterly, IX, No. 3.
[[return]]21. See the Speeches of the Western members of the Virginia Convention of 1829-30, Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30.
[[return]]22. This is proved by the reports and records of the anti-slavery societies and especially by those of the American Convention of Abolition Societies. During the thirties and forties the southern societies ceased to make reports. See Adams, "A Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 117.
[[return]]23. The vote on the aristocratic constitution framed in 1829-30 shows this. See Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, p. 903.
[[return]]24. Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, p. 226.
[[return]]25. Thorpe, "Charters and Constitutions, South Carolina."
[[return]]26. Proceedings and Debates of the Convention of 1829-30, pp. 53, 76, 442, 858.
[[return]]27. See Calhoun's Works: "A Disquisition on Government," p. 1 et seq.
[[return]]28. Adams, "Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 138.
[[return]]29. Ibid., 34.
[[return]]30. Bassett, "Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina," 72.
[[return]]31. Adams, "Anti-Slavery, etc.," 100-101.
[[return]]32. Speech of David Rice in the Constitutional Convention of Kentucky, 1792.
[[return]]33. Birney, "James G. Birney," 96-100.
[[return]]34. Reports of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1809 and 1823.
[[return]]35. Birney, "James G. Birney," 70.
[[return]]36. Adams, "The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America," 129-130. Annals of Congress, 17th Congress, 1st ses., 2d ses., 18th Cong., 1st ses.
[[return]]37. Ibid., 20.
[[return]]38. "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 11. 35.
[[return]]39. Ibid., 10. 145.
[[return]]40. See Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies.
[[return]]41. Adams, "The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 132.
[[return]]42. Ibid., 131.
[[return]]43. "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 1. 142; 5. 409.
[[return]]44. "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 4. 76, 142; Birney, "James G. Birney," 77; Minutes of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1826, p. 48.
[[return]]45. "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 11. 65, 66.
[[return]]46. See The Minutes and Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, covering this period.
[[return]]47. This statement is based on the accounts of a number of abolitionists.
[[return]]48. Adams, "A Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery," 60, 61.
[[return]]49. Siebert, "The Underground Railroad," 10. 346.
[[return]]50. Ambler, "Sectionalism in Virginia," 107-108.
[[return]]51. Woodson, "The Education of the Negro," 120-121.
[[return]]52. "The Genius of Universal Emancipation," 5. 117, 126, 164, 188, 275, 301, 324, 365; 6. 21, 140, 177.
[[return]]53. The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 1837, p. 48; The New England Anti-Slavery Almanac for 1841, p. 31.
[[return]]54. Ibid.
[[return]]55. The African Repository, XXXII, 16.
[[return]]56. The Catalogue of Berea College, 1897.
Antar, the Arabian Negro Warrior, Poet and Hero
That men of Negro blood should rise to distinction in Arabia is not at all singular. By language and ethnological conformation the people of the Arabian Peninsula belong to the great Semitic group of the human family. But the proximity of Africa to Arabia carried the slave trade at a very early period to that soil. Naturally, as a result of intermarriage, thousands of Negroes with Arabian blood soon appeared in that part of Asia. This was especially true of the midland and southern districts of the peninsula. To-day, after several centuries of such unions, there is found in southwestern Arabia, in northern and central Africa an ever-increasing colored population of vast numbers, known as Arabised Negroes. Many of these have become celebrities whose achievements form an integral part of Arabian civilization and Mohammedan culture.[1] Emerging from this group came Antar, the most conspicuous figure in Arabia, a man noble in thought, heroic in deed, an exemplar of ideals higher than those of his age and a model for posterity.
Antarah ben Shedad el Absi (Antar the Lion, the son of the Tribe of Abs), the historic Antar, was born about the middle of the sixth century of our era, and died about the year 615. Some accounts give the year 525 as the date of his birth. By Clement Huart, a distinguished Orientalist, he is described as a mulatto.[2] "Goddess born, however," says Reynold A. Nicholson, "he could not be called by any stretch of the imagination. His mother was a black slave."[3] All authorities agree that Shedad, his father, was a man of noble blood and that his mother was an Abyssinian slave.
The manner in which they became attached to each other is interesting. As a result of tyrannical action upon the part of King Zoheir, chief of the Absians, several chieftains seceded to attack and rob other tribes and establish their own kingdom. Among these chieftains was one Shedad. In their wanderings they attacked and conquered a certain tribe, among the prisoners of which was a black woman of great beauty named Zebiba. Shedad fell in love with this woman and to obtain possession of her yielded all rights to the spoils. She then had two sons. Shedad lived in the fields with her for a time, during which she gave birth to a son. As a boy his strength was prodigious and courage unparalleled.
In his early life Antar was assigned to the lowly task of a keeper of camels. Here he followed the usual routine incident to such a task while the clan of his father roved from place to place, clashing with rivals in quest of the prizes of the chase or the spoils of war, or rested in some vale of Arabia and devoted itself to the simpler pastoral life. Following this sort of occupation, he so distinguished himself as to impress the woman whom he later married. This was Ibla, the beautiful daughter of Malek, another son of King Zoheir. She was, therefore, Antar's cousin. Antar's growth in courage, in bodily strength, sense of justice, and sympathy for the weak excited her admiration and high esteem. His love for Ibla found expression in deeds of valor and poems dedicated to her virtues, but the jealousy of chieftains and his lowly birth prevented their union. The magnanimity of Antar in the face of bitter opposition, however, and his undying love finally won him Ibla as his bride.
Favored by great strength and a leonine courage, Antar soon passed from the duties of a keeper of camels to those of a first-class fighting man. By these virtues, so highly prized by the warlike Arabs, he ingratiated himself both with his father and his tribe. Much of the life of Antar is lost to authentic history, but that part which remains shows that he followed the career of a great chieftain endowed with military qualities, poetic gifts, and a talent for leadership of extraordinary order. According to Huart, he took part in the terrible wars of the horses arising out of the rivalry between the stallion Dahis and the mare Ghabra.[4] Treachery alone prevented the famous courser from winning the race, and in his vengeance Qais, chief of the tribe of Abs, waged bitter war against his enemies. Antar was the rhapsodist as well as a participant in these contests. Success in war rapidly followed. His kinsmen forgot his lowly birth and former menial occupation and regarded him as the first warrior of his day. His deeds of heroism increased his prestige and after his father's death he became the protector of his tribe and the pattern of Arabic chivalry.
Meanwhile he had shown such rare poetic gifts that his fame spread beyond the circle of his clan and in due course of time he was selected as a contestant in those poetic trials that were peculiar to the Arabs in the pre-Islamic days. So successful was Antar's effort that he was acknowledged the greatest poet of his time and one of his odes was selected as one of the Mu 'Allakât, the seven suspended poems, while judged by the assemblage of all the Arabs worthy to be written in letters of gold and hung on high in the sacred Kaabah at Mecca, as accepted models of Arabian style.[5]
The death of Antar is enshrouded in obscurity. Antar perished about the year 615 while fighting against the tribe of the Tai. According to one authority he had grown old and his youthful activity had forsaken him. He is said to have fallen from his horse and to have been unable to regain his feet in time. His death was a signal for peace and the end of the long-drawn hostility. In spite of the tribe's desire to avenge its hero and its bard, a compensation of 100 camels was accepted for the murder of one of its scions and the poets celebrated the close of the long struggle. Another author says the hero, stricken to death by a poison shaft sped by the hand of a treacherous and implacable foe, remounted his horse to insure the safe retreat of his tribe and died leaning on his lance. His enemies, smitten with terror by the memory of his prowess, dared not advance, till one cunning warrior devised a strategem which startled the horse out of its marble stillness. The creature gave a bound and Antar's corpse, left unsupported, fell upon the ground.[6]
His fame as a literary character transcends that of the modern authors of black blood, such as Pushkin in Russia, and the elder Dumas in France. After his death the fame of Antar's deeds spread across the Arabian Peninsula and throughout the Mohammedan world. In time these deeds, like the Homeric legends, were recorded in a literary form and therein is found that Antar, the son of an Abyssinian slave, once a despised camel driver, has become the Achilles of the Arabian Iliad, a work known to this day after being a source of wonder and admiration for hundreds of years to millions of Mohammedans as the "Romance of Antar." The book, therefore, ranks among the great national classics like the "Shah-nameh" of Persia, and the "Nibelungen-Lied" of Germany. Antar was the father of knighthood. He was the champion of the weak and oppressed, the protector of the women, the impassioned lover-poet, the irresistible and magnanimous knight. "Antar" in its present form probably preceded the romances of chivalry so common in the twelfth century in Italy and France.[7]
This national classic of the Arabian world is of great length in the original, being often found in thirty or forty manuscript volumes in quarto, in seventy or eighty in octavo. Portions of it have been translated into English, German and French. English readers can consult it best in a translation from the Arabic by Terrick Hamilton in four volumes published in London in 1820. This translation, now rare, covers only a portion of the original; a new translation, suitably abridged, is much needed. The fact that its hero is of Negro blood may have chilled the ardor of English translators to meet this need.
The original book purports to have been written more than a thousand years ago--in the golden prime of the Caliph Harún-al-Rashid (786-809)--by the famous As-Asmai (741-830). It is in fact a later compilation probably of the twelfth century. The first Arabic edition was brought to Europe by an Austro-German diplomat and scholar--Baron von Hammer Purgstall--near the end of the eighteenth century. The manuscript was engrossed in the year 1466. The verses with which the volumes abound are in many cases undoubtedly those of Antar.
One enthusiastic critic of this romance has said: The book in its present form has been the delight of all Arabians for many centuries. Every wild Bedouin of the desert knew much of the tale by heart and listened to its periods and to its poems with quivering interest. His more cultivated brothers of the cities possessed one or many of its volumes. Every coffee-house in Aleppo, Bagdad, or Constantinople had a narrator who, night after night, recited it to rapt audiences. The unanimous opinion of the East has always placed the romance of Antar at the summit of such literature. As one of their authors well says: "'The Thousand and One Nights' is for the amusement of women and children; 'Antar' is a book for men. From it they learn lessons of eloquence, of magnanimity, of generosity and of statecraft." Even the prophet Mohammed, well-known foe to poetry and poets, instructed his disciples to relate to their children the traditions concerning Antar, "for these will steel their hearts harder than stone."[9]
Another critic has said: "The Romance of Antar is the free expression of real Arab hero-worship. And even in the cities of the Orient today, the loungers over their cups can never weary of following the exploits of this black son of the desert who in his person unites the great virtues of his people, magnanimity and bravery, with the gift of poetic speech. Its tone is elevated; it is never trivial, even in its long and wearisome descriptions, in its ever-recurring outbursts of love. Its language suits its thought: choice and educated, and not descending--as in the 'Nights'--to the common expressions or ordinary speech. It is the Arabic romance of chivalry and may not have been without influence in the spread of the romance of mediæval Europe."[10]
An idea of this romance may be obtained from the following:
Years and years ago King Zoheir ruled Arabia. Now Shedad, a son, nettled under the stern sway of his sire and longed for the chase and the combat. The green plains becked, the murmuring streams sang until the heart of Shedad grew sad. When the sun rose one morn he gathered his camels and warriors and departed.
Far from the home of King Zoheir dwelt the tribe Djezila in peace but Shedad fell upon them and slew them. As beautiful as a goddess was a black woman named Zebiba who was captured. Now it came to pass that Shedad loved Zebiba and dwelt with her and her two sons in the fields. In time she bore him a son, as dark as an elephant, with eyes as black as night and a head of shaggy hair. They called him Antar.
Antar grew in strength, in courage and in mind until the chieftains disputed his possession, for his mother was a slave and Antar must tend the herds. Zoheir summoned the chieftains and Antar and when he was brought before him he marveled and threw him a piece of meat. But a dog that chanced to be in the tent was quicker than he and seized it and ran off. Rage gave Antar the fleetness of the wind. With mighty leaps he bounded after the dog. Swifter darted no eagle upon its prey than Antar pursued the rogue. With a mighty spring he caught it and seizing its jaws tore them asunder down to the beast's shoulders, and in triumph he held the meat aloft. But the King grew afraid and let Shedad depart with Antar. At ten years of age he slew a wolf that harassed his flock and later killed a slave who had beaten an old woman. Thus did the women find in him a protector and they hung upon his words and recounted his deeds and his acts of justice.
Now Shedad's brother, Malek, had a daughter named Ibla, who was as fair as the moon. The ladies were wont to drink camel's milk morning and evening when Antar had cooled it in the winds. It chanced one morning that Antar entered Ibla's tent just as her mother was combing her hair, and the beauty of her form transfixed him. A thing of loveliness fairer he had never seen, nor ringlets of darker hue grace a human head. His heart beat wildly at the birth of a great passion and the hot blood burned his dark cheeks. But Ibla fled and Antar left with a light heart. For days he sang in measures sweet of Ibla's beauty and his arm burned to do deeds. The weeds of the field became the fairest of flowers; the limpid pools mirrored Ibla's face in images beautiful and pure and the zephyrs whispered of love. But Antar had dared love a princess and his father became wroth and came to the fields one day with some chiefs to punish him.
When they arrived they found Antar in combat with a lion. With a roar like thunder the beast lashed its tail and advanced. But Antar knew not fear. He stepped forward to the fray. The snarling creeping beast scratched furrows in the ground and bided the time for the spring. Then it leaped. Like a flash Antar hurled his lance and leaped aside. A gleam of light and iron met flesh as the mighty body hurtled by. Quickly he seized the shaft and held it firmly while the beast lashed furiously and growled in its death struggles, and then it lay still. But the heart of Shedad was softened and he invited Antar and the chieftains to sup with him. Long into the night recounted Shedad Antar's deeds but the dark eyes of Antar saw only Ibla and his heart yearned for the morrow and the end of the feasting.
Not far from the land of King Zoheir dwelt the tribe of Temin and Zoheir and his warriors departed to war against them. To Antar was entrusted the care and protection of the women during Zoheir's absence. Antar swore to protect them with his life and the women were not afraid. But the days are long when lords are away and the women burned for entertainment. Then it was that Semiah, the lawful wife of Shedad, called the women together and spoke of a feast on the shores of a near by lake. When the day came Ibla and her mother attended and as Antar saw her his heart leaped with joy. Just then shouts were heard and from afar appeared a cloud of dust which grew larger and filled the sky as it drew near. Out from the cloud of dust sprang the tribesmen called Cathan and with yells they seized and carried off the women.
But Antar sped up like the wind when he heard the shrieks of his beloved Ibla and saw her anguished face and frenzied struggles. Horse he had none but love and despair gave him the swiftness of a steed, the courage of a lion and the strength of the elephant. Across the plains he coursed as swiftly as the wind but the steeds were as swift as he. Clouds of dust choked him and hid him from view but double burdens on tired coursers could not continue the mad pace. Antar overtook one horseman, threw him off and slew him. Then a cry arose among the tribesmen of Cathan to kill Antar, but Antar lusted for battle and donning the armor of the slain man, he slew warrior after warrior until the tribesmen of Cathan loosed the women and fled. Then Antar comforted the women and drove many horses home before him, among them a black charger.
When Shedad returned with Zoheir he went to visit his flocks and saw Antar upon a black horse guarding the herds. Shedad inquired whence came the horse, but Antar did not wish to betray the imprudent action of his father's wife and remained silent. Thereupon Shedad called him a robber and struck him with such violence that the blood ran. But Semiah saw the cruel act and her heart went out to Antar. She clasped him in her arms and throwing herself at her lord's feet, she raised her veil and told the story of the attack and rescue and Antar's courage. Antar's silence and magnanimity so touched Shedad that he wept. The news of Antar's feat soon reached the king, who gave him a robe of honor and rich presents.
But jealousies among the chieftains toward Antar grew and plots were made to kill him. Again and again he circumvented his foes and in triumphs showed infinite pity and mercy. Deeds of darkness but increased the mutual love between Ibla and Antar and the name of Antar was heard far into distant lands.
Now it happened that a youth of wealth and lineage sought Ibla's hand in marriage. But pride choked him and he basked in the glory of his fathers' deeds. When Antar heard of the boastful youth's suit he swore a great oath to kill him and he fell upon him. But the youth escaped. Now the chieftains saw a chance to destroy Antar's power and encompass his destruction. They appeared before Zoheir and demanded Antar's life. Then Zoheir stripped him of his high estate and favors and sent him back to the fields to attend the herds and Antar bowed his great head in shame and left. But the love he bore for Ibla was as meat to his body and refreshment to his mind and his great spirit died not.
Soon the tribe of Tex fell upon Zoheir and his warriors and sorely pressed them. The pride of Zoheir, however, was great and Antar stayed far from the battle, for his heart was heavy and he was again a tender of herds. Then the day went against Zoheir and his warriors and many fell and sadness came upon the land. And the men of Tex pressed the men of Zoheir harder and carried off the women and with them Ibla. Still Antar tended the herds and came not. But the mighty chieftains of Zoheir came to him and begged him to cloak his wrath and do battle with them against the men of Tex. And Antar heard the men of Tex in silence and his heart gave a bound when they spoke of Ibla, but still he stayed in his tent and came not. Then the chieftains sought to move him by his great love for Ibla. Thereupon Antar's face beamed and he spoke and laid down the condition that Ibla must be given him as a wife. Shedad and Malek agreed and Antar girt himself and with the remnant of Zoheir's army went against the men of Tex. Now the strength of Antar was that of a hundred men and his courage that of a thousand and animated by his great burning passion and with the ardor of battle in his nostrils he fell upon the tribe of Tex. Redder sank never a sun than the plains blushed with the blood of men after that battle. Tears filled Ibla's eyes when she beheld Antar and in triumph he led her back to the land of King Zoheir. But the heart of Malek was false, and bitter plots were rife, and even Shedad viewed in despair the rise of a black slave. Malek demanded that Antar should give his bride a present of a thousand camels of a certain breed that could be found only in distant lands. Now Antar read his heart and saw his wicked artifice but he set out. Far from the land of King Zoheir wandered Antar, far from the wiles of Malek and jealous suitors, far from the tent of his beloved Ibla. But the heart of Antar was not cast down nor did hope die.
Now it happened that Antar entered the country of Persia where he was taken prisoner. His captors bound him upon a horse and departed for the village of their king. Tidings came of the ravages of a fierce lion and no warriors dared to give it battle. Fiercer had roamed no lion in the land of King Zoheir nor in Persia. Whole villages fled before it and herds were but as chaff. But Antar begged that he be loosed and they untied his bonds and gave him a lance and he departed to attack the lion.
Courage is half victory and the arm of Antar was skilled in the art of the lance and his heart was stout. But the strength of the lion was of the body whilst that of Antar was of the body and the mind. With a mighty throw Antar hurled the lance and it found its mark, but the lion bounded forward and Antar stood unarmed. Then with a mighty wrench he jerked a young tree from the ground and with powerful blows beat down the attack of the lion. He gave a mighty swing and cleft the beast's skull and it fell down and died, and Antar departed for the tent of the king. Then the men marvelled, for none dared follow to see the terrible combat nor did people believe until they saw the beast.
Then the king loaded Antar with rich gifts and honors and gave him the thousand camels which he sought, and Antar departed for the land of King Zoheir. Great was the rejoicing of Ibla when messengers brought tidings of Antar's return. Great was the surprise of Malek and the rage of the chieftains. But Shedad's heart softened and he yearned for his son and the fair Ibla gave him her hand and Antar and Ibla married and dwelt in the land of King Zoheir.
To this day the fame of Antar still persists. Rimsky-Korsakoff, a modern Russian composer, has given us in his symphony "Antar" a tone picture of this Arabian Negro's life that opens and closes with an atmospheric eastern pastorale of great beauty. It has been played during the past winter with marked success in Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Washington, at the concerts of the Boston Symphony Orchestra, that representative body of great musicians. The remarkable career of Antar and the perpetuation of his memory in history, literature and music, though removed by many centuries from the life of the American Negro of today, offers to him many thoughts for reflection.
While Arabia of the pre-Islamic days is not America of this generation nor the Semitic people of the East like the Germanic races of the West, still those human qualities that make for valor, for greatness of spirit, that reflect genius devoted to literature and social service are compelling forces in all climes and in all races. An opportunity for a free expression of them and a recognition of their potent effect in the sum total of human culture should be the mission of scholarship in all lands. Those elements of character which the Arabs of Antar's day regarded as their beau ideal were found not unworthy of admiration when manifested in one of Negro blood. When his poetic fancy reflected the spirit of Arab life his works were not rejected because his mother was an African slave but one of the best was placed among the immortal poems of his father's country. When his genius for warfare was shown it was given an opportunity to develop and serve the cause of all who preferred valiant deeds to arguments of race. When his life was spent it was not looked upon as one of an unusual Negro rising above a sphere previously limited to his fellows of the same blood but as an epic of success crowning human effort and worthy to be embodied in the literature of Arabia as the exploits of a hero who exemplified the spirit of the people, acceptable for all time as their model for valor, poetic genius, hospitality, and magnanimity.
A. O. Stafford
Footnotes
[[return]]1. Palgrave, "Essays on Eastern Questions," 37 et seq.
[[return]]2. Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 13.
[[return]]3. Nicholson, "Literary History of the Arabs," 114.
[[return]]4. Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 14.
[[return]]5. These are two selections from Antar's Mu 'Allakât:
A Fair Lady
'Twas then her beauties first enslaved my heart--
Those glittering pearls and ruby lips, whose kiss
Was sweeter far than honey to the taste.
As when the merchant opes a precious box
Of perfume, such an odor from her breath
Comes toward me, harbinger of her approach;
Or like an untouched meadow, where the rain
Hath fallen freshly on the fragrant herbs
That carpet all its pure untrodden soil:
A meadow where the fragrant rain-drops fall
Like coins of silver in the quiet pools,
And irrigate it with perpetual streams;
A meadow where the sportive insects hum,
Like listless topers singing o'er their cups,
And ply their forelegs like a man who tries
With maimed hands to use the flint and steel.
The Battle
There where the horsemen rode strongest
I rode out in front of them,
Hurled forth my battle-shout and charged them;
No man thought blame of me.
Antar! they cried; and their lances
Well-cords in slenderness, pressed to the breast
Of my war-horse still as I pressed on them.
Doggedly strove we and rode we.
Ha! the brave stallion! Now is his breast dyed
With blood drops, his star-front with fear of them!
Swerved he, as pierced by the spear points.
Then in his beautiful eyes stood the tears
Of appealing, words inarticulate.
If he had our man's language,
Then had he called to me.
If he had known our tongue's secret,
Then had he cried to me.
Deep through the sand drifts the horsemen
Charged with teeth grimly set,
Urging their war-steeds;
I urged them spurred by my eagerness forward
To deeds of daring, deeds of audacity.
[[return]]6. Huart, "A History of Arabian Literature," 13.
[[return]]7. Holden, "Library of the World's Best Literature," 586.
8. [Transcriber's note: There is no footnote 8 in the text.]
[[return]]9. Edward S. Holden, "Library of the World's Best Literature," I, p. 587.
[[return]]10. Richard Gottheil, "Library of the World's Best Literature," II, 674.
Documents
Eighteenth Century Slaves as Advertised by Their Masters
In some respects the eighteenth century slave was better off than the Negro of today. As a rule no Negro can now get his name into the leading newspapers unless he commits a heinous crime. At that time, however, masters in offering slaves for sale and advertising fugitives unconsciously spoke of their virtues as well as their shortcomings, that the public might be fully informed as to the character of the blacks. Through these advertisements, therefore, we can get at the very life of the Negro when slavery was still of the patriarchal sort and can thus contrast his then favorable condition with the wretchedness of the institution after it assumed its economic aspect in the nineteenth century. We observe that the eighteenth century slave was rapidly taking over modern civilization in the West Indies and in the thirteen colonies on the American continent. The blacks were becoming useful and skilled laborers, acquiring modern languages, learning to read and write, entering a few of the professions, exercising the rights of citizens, and climbing the social ladder to the extent of moving on a plane of equality with the poor whites.
To emphasize various facts these advertisements have been grouped under different headings, but each throws light on more than one phase of the life of the eighteenth century slave. The compiler will be criticised here for publishing in full many advertisements which contain repetitions of the same phraseology. The plan is deemed wise in this case, however, because of the additional value the complete document must have. The words to which special attention is directed appear in his own capitals.
Learning a Modern Language
RAN away from Austin Paris of Philadelphia, Founder, on the 22do this Instant, A Negro Boy called Bedford or Ducko, aged about Sixteen or Seventeen Years; SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH wears a dark brown colored Coat and Jacket, a Pair of white Fustian Breeches, a grey mill'd Cap with a red Border, a Pair of new Yarn Stockings, with a Pair of brown worsted under them, or in his Pockets. Whoever brings him to his said Master, or informs him of him so that he may be secured, shall be satisfied for their Pains, by me. Austin Paris.
The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), Jan. 31, 1721.
TO be Sold, Three Very likely Negro Girls being about 16 years of age, and a Negro Boy about 14, SPEAKING GOOD ENGLISH, enquire of the Printer hereof.
The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), June 20, 1723.
RAN away from Joseph Coleman in the Great Valley in Chester County, a Negro Man, named Tom, aged about 30 Years, of a middle Stature, HE SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH, haveing on a white Shirt, Stockings and Shoes, a great riding Coat tyed round him with blew Girdles. He was seen by several Persons in New York, about the latter end of June last, who was well acquainted with him and suspected his being a Run away but he told them his former Master Capt. Palmer had sold him to a Person in the Great Valley, who had given him his Freedom, then he pulled out a forged pass, which to the best of his remembrance was signed by one William Hughes. Whosoever takes up the said Negro and puts him into any Gaol, and gives notice thereof to his said Master or to William Bradford in New York, or to Messrs. Steel or Bethuke Merchants in Boston, shall have Three Pounds Reward and all Reasonable Charges.
Those that take him are desired to secure the pass.
The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), July 11, 1723.
RAN AWAY from his Master, Capt. John Steel, at the North End of Boston, the 17th Instant, a Young Negro Fellow, named Pompey SPEAKS PRETTY GOOD ENGLISH is about 19 or 20 Years of Age, is short in Stature and pretty long visaged, has been used to change his name; he had on a great Ratteen Coat, Waistcoat and Breeches, the coat pretty old, with white Metal Buttons, a Cotton and linnen Shirt, and ordinary Worsted Cap, and grey Yarn Stockings, he took with him an old Hat, and a Leather Jockey Cap, a pair of old black Stockings, and a new Ozenbrigs Frock: He has made several Attempts to get off in some Vessel, therefore all Masters of Vessels are cautioned not to entertain him.
Whoever shall apprehend the said Negro and carry him to said Master shall have Five Pounds old Tenor, and necessary Charges paid by
John Steel.
The Boston Weekly News-Letter, Jan. 23, 1746.
RAN away on the 19th of this Instant September, from his Master JOHN JOHNSON, of Boston, Jack-maker, a Negro Man Servant, named Joe, about 23 Years of Age, a likely Fellow, who had on when he went away a dark colored Fly Coat, with flat white Metal Buttons, a Swan Skin double breasted Jacket, Leather Deer Skin Breeches, a pair of high heel'd thick soled Shoes. He can play on the Flute, has a Scar on his upper Lip and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH. Whoever shall take him up and deliver him to his said Master, shall have Ten Pounds Reward, Old Tenor, and all reasonable Charges paid. All Masters of Vessels and others, are hereby cautioned against harbouring, concealing or carrying off said Negro, as they will avoid the Penalty of the Law.
The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 3, 1748.
RAN-AWAY from Luykas Job. Wyngaard, of the City of Albany, Merchant, a certain Negro Man named SIMON, of a middle size, a slender spry Fellow, has a handsome smooth Face, and thick Legs; SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH: Had on when he went away a blue Cloth Great Coat. Whoever takes up the said Negro and brings him to his Master, or to Mr. JOHN LIVINGSTON, at NEW YORK, shall receive Three Pounds, New York Money, Reward, and all reasonable Cost and Charges paid by
John Livingston.
The New York Gazette Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, Nov. 28, 1748.
A Likely Negro Boy about 14 Years of Age, country born, CAN SPEAK DUTCH OR ENGLISH, to be sold: Enquire of Printer hereof.
The New York Gazette Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, Feb. 28, 1750.
RAN away from the Subscriber living near the Head of South River, in Anne Arundel County, on the 16th of June, a Negro Man, named Joseph Marriott, lately convicted from London; he is a tall slim Fellow and TALKS VERY PLAIN ENGLISH. Had on a black Cloth Coat, a short white Flannel Waistcoat, a Check Shirt, a Pair of red Everlasting Breeches, a Pair of Yarn Stockings, a Pair of Old Cannell'd Pumps, a Worsted Capt, and an old Castor Hat; and took sundry other Cloaths with him.
Whoever apprehends the said Fellow, and brings him to the Subscriber shall have Two Pistoles Reward.
Benjamin Welsh.
The Maryland Gazette, July 4, 1754.
RAN away from his Master, James Dalton of Boston, on the first Instant, a Negro Man named Ulysses, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, about 5 feet 8 Inches high, turns his Toes a little in, somewhat bow-legged.
The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 10, 1757.
Cranstown, May 2, 1760.
RAN-away from his Master Capt Edward Arnold of Cranstown, the 20th of April, A Negro Man named Portsmouth, about 27 Years of Age, about 5 Feet 6 Inches high, strait limb'd SPEAKS PRETTY GOOD ENGLISH: * * * * * * * * *
Edward Arnold.
The Boston Gazette and Country Journal, May 19, 1760.
RAN-away on the 28th Day of June 1761, from his Master, Ephraim Swift of Falmouth in the County of Barnstable, A Negro Man Servant named Peter, about 27 or 28 Years old, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH: had on when he went away a Beaveret Hat, a green worsted Capt, a close bodied Coat coloured with a green narrow Frieze Cape, a Great Coat, a black and white homespun Jacket, a flannel checked Shirt, grey yarn Stockings; also a flannel Jacket, and a Bundle of other Cloaths, and a Violin. He is very tall Fellow.
Whosoever shall apprehend the said Negro Fellow and commit him to any of his Majesty's Gaols, or secure him so as that his Master may have him again, shall have Five Dollars Reward, and all necessary Charges paid.
Ephraim Swift.
All Masters of Vessels and others are cautioned not to carry off or conceal the said Negro, as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law.
The Boston Gazette and Country Journal, July 6, 1761.
Eight Dollars Reward
RAN away from the Subscriber, the 17th instant, a likely Negro Fellow, (named CATO) about five feet seven inches high, about twenty years old, had on when he went away, a grey bear-skin double-breasted Jacket with large white metal buttons, and striped under ditto, long striped trowsers, with leather breeches under them, a sailor's Dutch Cap; he has pimples in his face, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, very nice about the hair, tells a very plausible story, upon any extraordinary occasion, and pretends to have a pass signed by John Nelson.
Whosoever may take up said servant, and return him, to his Master, shall have Eight Dollars reward, and all necessary Charges paid by
George Watson.
Plymouth March 25, 1769.
Post Script to the Boston Weekly News-Letter, Apr. 20, 1769.
Ten Dollars Reward
RUN away on the 14th instant, a Negro Woman named Lydia, aged about forty, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, is remarkably tall and stout made, has a large mark on her right cheek where she has been burnt; she had on her a blue negro cloth jacket and coat, a blue shalloon gown, a red and white cotton handkerchief round her head, a blue and white ditto about her neck, and a pair of men's shoes, and a ditto men's clowded stockings. She has belonged to Mrs. Derise, sen. and to Mr. Dalziel Hunter. The Reward will be paid on delivery of the said Wench, by Mr. McDowell, No 27 Broadstreet; and any person harbouring her after this notice will be prosecuted according to law.
Feb. 18th, 1783.
The South-Carolina Weekly Advertiser, Feb. 19, 1783.
Ran Away
From the Subscribers, the 28th of June, A short old Negroe-man named Tom, marked with the small pox, SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH, late the property of Capt. Richard Estes; and having reason to believe that he is gone to the former plantation, or embarked himself for Bermuda, where he has children belonging to a Mr. Robinson; therefore all captains of vessels, or others are forbid harbouring or carrying off said Negroe, on forfeit according to law. Whosoever will send or deliver said Negro to us or the Warden of the Work-house, shall be generously rewarded.
Charleston, June 29.
Roch & Custer.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 1, 1784.
Two Guineas Reward
RAN AWAY a Negro Man named Prince about twenty-three years old, and about five feet six inches high, small featured, of a dark complection, his Guinea country marks on his face, SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH, has a down look; had on when he went away a light coloured surtout coat, a pair of yellow stocking breeches, and a round black hat; he has been seen skulking about this city since Saturday last. Two Guineas reward will be given and all reasonable charges paid to any one delivering the said Negro to the Warden of the Work-house, or to the Subscriber, and the utmost rigour of the law will be inflicted on conviction of any person harbouring the said Negroe.
Charleston, July 6, 1784.
Samuel Boas, No. 5 Church Street.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 6, 1784.
Brought To The Workhouse
A Negro fellow named March, of the Guinea country, five feet one inch high, SPEAKS VERY MUCH BROKEN ENGLISH, forty or forty-five years of age, says his master's name is Mr. Gerry, of Santee.
Also a negroe fellow named Sambo, of the Guinea country, five feet four inches high, twenty or twenty-five years of age, pitted a little with the small pox; has on a check shirt, a white cloth sailor jacket, with black binding, and a pair of Osnaburg trowsers.
Also a negro fellow named Abraham, born on John's Island in this State, thirty or thirty-five years of age, five feet three inches high, SPEAKS PROPER ENGLISH, and says his masters name is Thomas Cleay, and lives at Cullpepper, in Virginia.
John Gerley, Warden.
July 9, 1784.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 10, 1784.
To Be Sold
On Tuesday Next,
By Messrs. Colcock & Gibbons.
A YOUNG NEGRO.
Between fourteen and fifteen years of age, who is an exceedingly good hair dresser, and understands very well to keep horses, CAN SPEAK FRENCH AND ENGLISH.
Roger Smith.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 20, 1784.
Run-away
From the Subscriber
The following Negroes viz.
Moll, a tall black Wench, about 20 years old, is frequently seen in and about Charleston, and Stono, she has changed her name to Judah, and says she is free.
JAMES, a short well made fellow, with a large scar on one cheek, has also a scar on one foot, with the loss of a part of his toes, is frequently seen in Charleston and at Mr. Manigault's plantation.
JEFFERY, a middle size well made straight limb'd fellow, about 22 or 23 years old, a little pitted with the small pox, used to the coasting business.
Also JAMIE, a short well made fellow, a little bough legged, about 20 years old. THE ABOVE NEGROES ARE VERY ARTFUL, SPEAK GOOD ENGLISH, and most probably have changed their names. A Reward of THREE GUINEAS will be paid for each of the said negroes on delivery to the Warden of the Workhouse, in Charleston, or to the subscriber in Georgetown.
This is therefore to forewarn all persons from harbouring, or Masters of vessels from carrying off said Negroes, as they may depend on conviction, to be treated with the utmost rigour of the law, by
Lewis Dutarque.
The State Gazette of South Carolina, Jan. 26, 1786.
Brought To The Workhouse
A Negro Girl named Hannah, this country born, 4 feet 8 inches high, 13 or 14 years of age, dark complexion, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, has on a blue Negro Cloth Wrapper and petticoat, much faded, says her master's name is Mr. Rose, and lives at Asbepoo. Taken up by James Ackett in this City, February 2, 1786.
John Gerley, Warden.
State Gazette of South Carolina, Feb. 20, 1786.
Three Guineas Reward Runaway
From the Subscriber's Plantation called Mrs. Wright's Place near Dorchester, A MULATTO FELLOW named JOE, about 20 years of age, five feet five inches high, SPEAKS EXCEEDINGLY GOOD ENGLISH, had on when he went away a brown jacket and overalls. Whoever will deliver the said fellow to the subscriber, shall have the above reward.
A. Pleym.
The State Gazette of South Carolina, April 20, 1786.
Run-away
From the Subscriber on September last, Scipio, a likely black fellow, about 25 years old, has a few of his country marks on each side of his face, which can be perceived on examining closely, HE SPEAKS REMARKABLY GOOD ENGLISH FOR A NEGRO, AND IS EXCEEDINGLY ARTFUL, he formerly belonged to Captain Ogier, at which time was his waiting man, he is in all probability on Santee river, or Stono, as he is well acquainted there, and indeed everywhere else in the State, he generally keeps with a negro fellow belonging to the Reverend Mr. Lewis, deceased, by the name of Brutus, who is likewise runaway. Whoever will deliver said fellow or secure him, so that the subscriber can get him, either dead or alive, shall receive Ten Pounds.
Andrew a likely fellow, of a yellowish complexion, about 30 years old, his particular marks are not recollected, he formerly belonged to the estate of Thomas Sullivan, deceased, and was sold about 12 months ago to Mr. Hubert Hodson, of the Round O, he has a wife in Charleston, who belongs to a free negro carpenter, who lives now in King Street, named James Miles, and it is suspected that he is harboured there. Whoever will deliver said fellow or secure him in the Work-House of Charleston, so that the subscriber gets him shall receive Five Pounds.
Nancy, a very likely black Guinea wench, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, very artful, and no doubt will change her name, and master's too; she is branded on the breast something like L blotched, about 5½ feet high, went away in 1784, at which time she belonged to John Logan Esq, deceased, she has been in Charleston the greatest part of her time since her absence, passes for a free wench, and it is said washes and irons for a livelihood. Whoever will deliver said wench, or secure her, so that the subscriber gets her safe shall receive Five Pounds.
All persons are hereby cautioned from harbouring either of these negroes, as they may depend on being prosecuted with the utmost rigour of the law. A handsome reward will be paid any person who will give information of their being harboured by any white person, so that the evidence will admit of a prosecution.
Henry Bell.
Round O in St. Bartholomew's Parish, Aug. 4, 1786.
The State Gazette of South Carolina, Aug. 21, 1786.
Negro In Custody
Charles Thomas, very black, has white teeth, is about 5 feet 10 inches high, and about 26 or 27 years of age, has had his left leg broke, which bends in a little about the ancle, SPEAKS BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH, and is a very great rogue.
Thomas Acken, Gaoler.
New Castle Delaware, Aug. 28, 1793.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Sept. 20, 1793.
100 Dollars Reward
Absented himself on Thursday 16th instant, from the subscriber, a Mustee Fellow named James, well known about town, being formerly the Property of Mr. Sarazin; of a Yellow Complexion, bushy hair, pitted with small pox, a remarkable scar over his right eye, SPEAKS VERY PROPER, AND CAN AT ANY TIME MAKE OUT A PLAUSIBLE TALE; had on an old green plush coat, with yellow cuffs and cape, but will no doubt change his dress, as he took a variety with him. Any person apprehending the said fellow, and deliver him to the Master of the Work-House, or to the Subscriber, shall be entitled to the above reward.
John Geyer.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, June 22, 1797.
20 Dollars Reward
Ran-away from the Subscriber, on the evening of the 5th instant, a Negro Fellow named Lando; he is about 5 feet 7 inches high, 18 or 19 years of age, remarkably likely Fellow, rather slim made; HE SPEAKS FRENCH TOLERABLE WELL, and is too fond of the French Negroes, it is supposed he is harboured by some of them. He had on when he went away a pair of brown trowsers, and a jacket of the same colour, with green cape and cuffs and white metal buttons, but it is very probable he may have changed his dress, as he carried other clothes with him.
A reward of Fifty Dollars will be paid to any person that will give information of his being harbored by a White and Twenty-five Dollars if by a Black Person, on conviction of the offender.
David Haig.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.), June 27, 1797.
Ten Dollars Reward
Ran-away from his Master on the 6th ultimo, a MULATTO fellow named DICK, about 20 years old, five feet nine or ten inches high; a stout well-built Fellow, SPEAKS ENGLISH VERY WELL. It will be difficult to describe his dress, as he carried a quantity of clothing with him, when he absented himself.
The above reward will be paid to whoever shall have secured him, so that he may be returned to his Master.
Masters of vessels and all other persons are cautioned against harbouring said fellow, as they will incur the penalties of the law in that case.
James Morison.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.), Nov. 12, 1798.
Thirty Dollars Reward
Absented themselves sometime since, the following slaves, viz.
Bob, a carpenter Fellow, of a yellowish complexion, mustee, has bushy hair, is about five feet six inches high, and 35 years of age; is well made, AND SPEAKS RATHER MORE PROPER THAN NEGROES IN GENERAL.
Dorcas, his Wife, also has a Yellowish complexion and bushy hair, is about 26 years of age, is a good cook, VERY SMART, AND SPEAKS VERY PROPERLY.
They have with them their two Children; one a Girl called Willoughby, about 8 or 10 years old; and another infant only a few months old.
One half the above sum will be paid for Bob, and the other half for Dorcas and the children, on their being lodged in any gaol in the State, or being delivered to Captain PAUL HAMILTON on Salimas Island or Mr. William P. Smith at Ponpon; and One Hundred Dollars will be paid on conviction of their being harboured by a White person.
Mary Eddings.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.), July 31, 1799.
500 Dollars Reward
Absented themselves from the subscriber the following Negroes, viz.
Tom on the 23 January ult. from the City of Charleston; he is about 42 years of age, of a black complexion, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, a little knock-kneed, had on when he went away an iron on one leg, and another on his neck.
Cyrus, from Chehaw, in the month of August last past. He is about five feet six or eight inches high, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, about 38 years of age, well made, and is remarkably bow-legged.
Also Hercules from Chehaw in the month of February 1797. He is about five feet eight or nine inches high, stout and well made, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, is about 36 years old, has remarkable thick lips, and has a small impediment in his speech when frightened, and of a yellowish complexion.
The above Negroes are harboured on the Ashley river, where Tom and Hercules had been for three years past, and are now between Wappoo-cut and Ashley ferry.
One Hundred dollars will be paid on conviction of a white person taking or having taken Tom's irons off, and twenty if by a Negro. Also fifty dollars will be paid on delivery of him to the master of the work house; fifty dollars will also be paid on delivery of Cyrus, and one hundred for Hercules; and a further reward of two hundred dollars will be paid on conviction of their being harboured by a white person.
February 15,
Arthur Hughes.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, March 5, 1800.
RAN-away from the subscribed on the 6th of July, a Negro man named PETER, formerly the property of Dr. Guion. He is very black and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH. He is about forty-five years of age, and has a free wife in this town, at whose house I have reason to suppose he is harboured. As he is well known in Newbern I need not describe him more particularly.
I will give a reward of Ten Dollars to any person who will deliver him to Mr. Dudley, the gaoler, or to the subscriber. All person are forwarned from harbouring or employing said fellow at their peril.
August 8.
Thomas Curtis.
The Newbern Gazette, Aug. 15, 1800.
Twenty Dollars Reward
Absented himself from the Subscriber on Friday, his Waiting Man, named York, well known in Charleston, as he has been accustomed to drive a carriage and worked out the last year. He is a likely fellow, of a dark complexion, about five feet ten inches high, of a thin visage, about twenty-seven years of age, SPEAKS VERY PROPER, and may pass for a freeman. He had on when he went away, oznaburg overalls and a white shirt, with a brown negro cloth coat, and corduroy waistcoat, faced with green on the pockets, also a blue surtoutt, lined with green boise.
All masters of vessels are requested not to carry him off the State; and a reward of Twenty Dollars will be given to any person who will deliver him to the Master of the Work-house, or to
August 3.
Thomas Waring.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.), Aug. 18, 1800.
Five Dollars Reward
Absented himself from the Subscriber's plantation, in St. Thomas Parish, the 15th ult. BUTLER. He is a thin black fellow, about five feet seven inches high, and about 26 years of age, is remarkably civil when spoken to, AND SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH; is something of a shoemaker; he has of late threatened to go and see his mother, who belongs to the state of gen. Greene, and lives on one of his plantations in the State of Georgia, where it is probable he is gone; he also has a wife in Charleston, who works at the Distillery, (formerly Mr. Fitzsimmon's) where he may be concealed by her. The above reward will be paid to any person who will deliver him to the Master of the Work-House, or to the Subscriber in Boundary Street.
N.B. If the above Negro Fellow is taken up in the country, Ten Dollars will be paid, and all reasonable traveling expenses.
October 1.
Thomas Wigfall.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, S.C.) Oct. 3, 1800.
Advertisement
Confined in Barnwell Gaol, on the 21st day of July 1802; two NEGRO FELLOWS, Jacob and Enox. Jacob is about five feet ten inches high and very trim built, about twenty-one years of age, SPEAKS PLAIN ENGLISH, is a good deal scared on the back, has some very good clothes, such as a blue coat, new lining shirt, white ribbed stockings, several waistcoats, pair of striped overalls, two blankets, and several other things not worth mentioning; and upon examination says he was born in Virginia and was brought from thence by John Fellows, and sold by John Eaves, in the State of Georgia, on the South of Ogeehie, from whom he has absconded.
Enox is spare built and low in stature, appears to be about twenty-five years of age, SPEAKS ENGLISH, THOUGH SOMEWHAT NEGROISH had a white plain coat and home spun jacket and overalls; and upon examination says he belongs to James Hogg, about fourteen miles below Coosawhatchie Court House.
William Goode, Gaoler, Barnwell District.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, Aug. 12, 1802.
RUN away from Sassafras River on the 9th of November, a lusty Negro Man, named Prince, about 25 Years old, full faced and pitted with the Small Pox, AND SPEAKS ENGLISH. He had on when he went away, a home spun Kersey Jacket blue Waistcoat under it, Oznabrigs shirt, new shoes, and old Yarn Stockings: He pretends to have a certificate for his Freedom, which is supposed he had from one of the Sailors on board of the Vessel he ran from.
Whoever takes up the said Negro and brings him to the Printers at Annapolis or to the Subscriber at Sassafras, shall have four Pistoles Reward and necessary charges, paid by
Samuel Allyne.
N.B. It is probable he is in Baltimore or some other part of the Western Shore as he went away in a Canoe.
Learning to Read and Write
RUN away on the 4th Inst., at Night from James Leonard in Middlesex County East-New-Jersey, a Negro Man named Simon, aged 40 years, is a well-set Fellow, about 5 feet 10 inches high, has large Eyes, and a Foot 12 inches long; he was bred and born in this Country, TALKS GOOD ENGLISH, CAN READ AND WRITE, is very slow in his speech, can bleed and draw Teeth * * *
Whoever takes up and secures the said Negro, so that his Master may have him again shall have Three Pounds Reward and reasonable charges, paid by
James Loenard.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 11, 1740.
RAN-away from Capt. Joseph Hale of Newbury, a Negro Man, named Cato, the 6th Instant, about 22 Years of Age, short and small, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH AND CAN READ AND WRITE, understands farming Work carry'd with him a striped homespun Jacket and Breeches, and Trousers, and an outer Coat and Jacket of home-made Cloth, two Pair of Shoes, sometimes wears a black Wigg, has a smooth Face, a sly Look, TOOK WITH A VIOLIN, AND CAN PLAY WELL THEREON. Had with him three Linnen Shirts, home-made pretty fine yarn Stockings. Whoever shall bring said Negro to his Master or secure him so that he may have him again shall have five Pounds Reward and all necessary Charges paid by me.
Joseph Hale.
Newbury, July 8th, 1745.
The Boston Gazette or Weekly Journal, July 9, 1745.
RAN-away from his Master Eleazer Tyng, Esq at Dunstable, on the 26th May past, a Negro Man Servant call'd Robbin, almost of the Complexion of an Indian, short thick square shoulder'd Fellow, a very short Neck, and thick Legs, about 28 Years old, TALKS GOOD ENGLISH, CAN READ AND WRITE, and plays on the Fiddle; he was born at Dunstable *** Whoever will apprehend said Negro and secure him, so that his Master may have him again, or bring him to the Ware-House of Messiers Alford and Tyng in Boston, shall have a reward of Ten Pounds, old Tenor, and all reasonable Charges.
N.B. And all Masters of Vessels or others are hereby cautioned against harbouring, concealing or carrying off said Servant, on Penalty of the law.
The New York Gazette Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, July 18, 1748.
RAN away from the Subscriber, the 20th of November last, living on Patuxent River, near Upper Marlborough, in Prince George's County, a dark Mulatto Man, named Sam, about 5 feet 9 or 10 Inches high, about 30 Years of Age, a Carpenter by Trade, has a down Look, and low Voice. Had on when he went away a new Cotton Jacket and Breeches, and osnabrigs Shirt; he is supposed to have taken with him, one Cotton Coat lined with blue, one red Waistcoat and Breeches, one blue Silk Coat, one light Cloth Coat, some fine Shirts, and one or two good Hats. He is supposed to be lurking in Charles County near Bryan-Town, where a Mulatto Woman lives, whom he has for some Time called his Wife; BUT AS HE IS AN ARTFUL FELLOW, AND CAN READ AND WRITE, it is probable he may endeavour to make his Escape out of the Province.
Whoever takes up the said Runaway, and secures him so as his Masters may get him again, shall have, if taken out of this Province, Three Pounds; and if within this Province, Forty Shillings, besides what the Law allows paid by
William Digges, Junior.
The Maryland Gazette, Feb. 27, 1755.
RAN away from Jonathan Sergeant, at Newark, in New-Jersey, A young negro man, named Esop, of middle size, with round forehead, strait nose, and a down guilty look; HE CAN WRITE, AND IT IS LIKELY HE MAY HAVE A COUNTERFEIT PASS: Had with him a beaver hat, light grey linsey-wolsey jacket, two trowsers, new pumps, and an old purple coloured waist coat. It is supposed he went away in company with a white man, named John Smith, who is an old lean, tall man, with a long face and nose, and strait brown hair; who had on an old faded snuff-coloured coat. Whoever takes up and secures said man and Negro, so that their master may have them again, shall have Forty Shillings reward for each and all reasonable Charges, paid by
Jonathan Sergeant.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 28, 1755.
Forty Dollars Reward
And all reasonable charges shall be paid to any Person that secures and brings to William Kelly, of the City of New York, merchant a Negro man named Norton Minors, who ran away from his masters Messrs. Bodkin and Ferrall of the Island of St. Croix, on the 1st day of July last; is by trade a Caulker and ship-carpenter; has lived at Newbury, in New-England; was the property of Mr. Mark Quane, who sold him to Mr. Craddock of Nevis, from whom the above gentlemen bought him about three years ago; is about 5 feet 8 inches high; age about 37 years; SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH, CAN READ AND WRITE; AND IS A VERY SENSIBLE FELLOW: And his masters suspect he came off in the sloop Boscawen, Andrew Ford, Master, who sailed from the above Island the very day this fellow eloped, bound for Louisbourg.
The New York Gazette, Nov. 10, 1760.
RAN AWAY on the 9th Instant, October, in the Morning from the Subscriber, a Negro Man named JACK, a well set Fellow, about 5 feet 8 Inches high, full fac'd, much pitted with the Small-pox, snuffles when he speaks, READS ENGLISH, PRETENDS MUCH TO UNDERSTAND THE SCRIPTURES. Had on when he went away a Pair of Course Trowsers, stripped Jacket, and a Frock over it. Whoever takes up said Fellow and brings him to the subscriber shall have forty shillings and all reasonable Charges paid.--All Masters of Vessels &c. are desired not to harbour him, or carry him off, as he or they may depend on being prosecuted as the Law directs.
Manuel Myers,
Linging in Stone Street.
The New York Gazette, Nov. 10, 1760.
Ran away in August last from the Subscriber, living in Northampton County, Virginia, a Molatto Man Slave, about Five Feet Nine Inches high, and hath a large Scar on one Side of his Face. IT IS PROBABLE HE WILL ENDEAVOUR TO PASS FOR A FREE MAN, AS HE CAN WRITE. Whoever takes up, and secures the said slave, so that the Subscriber can have him again, shall have TWENTY DOLLARS; and if delivered to me, at Northampton, FORTY DOLLARS Reward paid by
Michael Christian.
The Maryland Gazette, Oct. 27, 1769.
St. Mary's County, January 16, 1776. Twenty Dollars Reward
Ran away from the subscriber near Chaptico, the 4th instant, a small Negro Man named Dickison, otherwise Joe, he has been frequently used to both names, he is about 5 feet 2 or 3 inches high: Had on when he went away three country cloth jackets, the under one lappelled and checked, another striped in length, the other warped with white and filled with black, his breeches the same, country shoes and stockings, felt hat half worn; he took with him a mill-bag half worn: It is likely he may have changed his name and cloths, HE IS A VERY ARTFUL FELLOW AND CAN READ, and likely may endeavour to pass for a freeman. Any person bringing him home, or securing him so as his master may get him again, shall receive if out of the Province the above reward; if sixty miles from home Five Pounds, if taken in the county or at a small distance Three Pounds and all reasonable charges, paid by
Thomas Nichols.
Dunlap's Maryland Gazette or The Baltimore General Advertiser, July 23, 1776.
Perry-Hall, Baltimore County, Sept. 13, 1785.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD, for apprehending and delivering to the suscriber, Negro Will. He left my service the 3rd inst., is short and well made, has remarkably small hands and feet, about 26 years of age, has a large beard for a Negro. HE ATTEMPTS TO READ AND WRITE, BUT HE PERFORMS VERY IMPERFECTLY. HE IS BY TRADE A BLACKSMITH; HAS DROVE A CARRIAGE, CAN SHAVE AND DRESS HAIR, AND IS A COBBLING SHOEMAKER. He is fond of strong liquor and when intoxicated is very quarrelsome. The above-described ungrateful rogue I manumitted some years past, with a number of other slaves, who were free at different periods, and I am apprehensive he has got one of their discharges. He is not free by manumission till next Christmas, and from that time he was to serve me 6 months, by agreement, for the expenses of a former elopement, about two years past, which cost me upwards of Twenty Pounds.
H. D. Gough.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Sept. 20, 1785.
RANAWAY on the Monday the 7th of June, a likely mulatto man named Francis, of a middle stature; he is about 25 years old, has a small scar on one of his cheeks, and some time ago received a fall from a horse, which has caused the skin about one of his eyes to be somewhat darker than the rest of his face. HE CAN WRITE A PRETTY GOOD HAND; PLAYS ON THE FIFE EXTREMELY WELL, and is an incomparable good house servant He had when he left home, 6 good linen shirts, a fine new brown broad cloth coat, a green shaggy jacket, breeches of several kinds, with shoe-boots and shoes. I do suppose that he intends to ship himself for Europe or elsewhere. I therefore forewarn all masters and captains of vessels as well as all other persons, from having any thing to say to the servant above described, and will give a reward of Five Guineas to any Person or Persons who will either deliver him to me in Halifax town, North Carolina, or secure him in any jail so that I get him again.
Halcot B. Pride.
June 24, 1790.
The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle, July 10, 1790.
100 Dollars Reward
Run away from the subscriber the 9th inst., a negro man slave named Will about 40 years of age 5 feet 8 or 10 inches high; has two remarkable scars on his breast and is much scarified about the neck and throat, caused by a disorder he was cured of some years ago; CAN READ A LITTLE, and a very dissembling fellow. He took with him sundry cloaths, among which are a blue cotton coat, with metal buttons, a striped jacket, a pair of blue cotton, and a pair of corduroy breeches. It is probable he will endeavor to pass for a freeman, and try to get on board some vessel; all masters of vessels are hereby forewarned from carrying him off. Whoever will deliver the said slave to me in Southampton county, near South Quay, or secure him in any gaol, so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward.
Samuel Browne.
Feb. 25, 1791.
The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle, March 19, 1791.
Ten Dollars Reward
ABSCONDED from my service on Tuesday evening, the 10th instant, a black Negro Man, named Manuel, by trade a blacksmith, about 21 Years of age, 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, of a strong lusty make, full faced, and somewhat round shouldered; he is sober and intelligent and CAN BOTH READ AND WRITE. He had on and took with him, a grey cloth coat, an old short grey napped do., one pair nankeen breeches and vest, and one pair of corduroy breeches, and black vest. Whoever apprehends and brings home the above described Manuel, shall have the above reward.
Adam Fonerden.
Sept. 12, 1793.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Oct. 1, 1793.
Ran Away
On the 25th ultimo, from the subscriber, living near Culpepper Court-house, A Negro Man named JACK, about 30 years old, 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, very muscular, full faced, wide nostrils, large eyes, a down look, speaks slowly and wore his hair cued; had on when he eloped, a white shirt, grey broad cloth coat, mixed cassimere waistcoat and breeches, a brown hat, faced underneath with green, and a pair of boots. He formerly belonged to Mr. Augustin Baughan, of Fredericksburg, now of Baltimore, and I am told was seen making for Alexandria, with the intention of taking the stage thither: HE IS ARTFUL CAN BOTH READ AND WRITE AND IS A GOOD FIDDLER; it is therefore probable that he may attempt a forgery and pass as a free man. He is most commonly known by the name of Jack Taylor, was originally from Essex County, has a father living there, and it is said he has a wife, the property of Mrs. Dalrymple of Dumfries. Whoever secures him in any jail so that I get him again shall have Ten Dollars Reward, and if taken above sixty and not more than one hundred miles distant, and brought home, shall receive Twelve Dollars, and for any greater distance, Fifteen Dollars, with all reasonable expenses borne. Masters of Vessels and stage drivers are forewarned carrying him out of the State, under penalty of the law.
Carter Beverley.
The Virginia Herald (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.
Twenty Dollars Reward
Ran-away from the Subscriber's plantation at Ponpon, about the beginning of last September, a young Mulatto Fellow named Cyrus, about five feet six or seven inches high, 25 years old, very short and strong built. The said fellow is very well known about town, as he served four years apprenticeship to Mr. Donaldson, house carpenter. IT IS PROBABLE THAT HE HAS FORGED A PASS FOR HIMSELF, AS HE WRITES; he sometimes calls himself James and says he belongs to Mr. Savage. Any person apprehending and delivering him to the Master of the Work House, or at the Subscriber's on South Bay, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable expenses paid
Thomas Osborn.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston), March 7, 1801.
Eight Hundred Dollars Reward
Montgomery County, near Sugar Loaf
Mountain, Oct. 10, 1780.
Ran away, from the Subscriber, the 23rd of September last, a Negro Man named Frederick, about 26 years of age, about 6 feet high, and is a black country born likely well-set fellow. Had on, when he went away, a coarse shirt and short trousers; and carried with him, one old lightish-coloured lagathee or duroy patched coat, with a slit on the shoulders, one pair of black everlasting breeches, one pair of white cotton ditto, patched and darned before, one pair of white corded linen ditto, one striped linsey jacket, with sleeves, one linen ditto, without sleeves, one pair white yarn stockings, one pair of shoes and buckles, AND A TESTAMENT AND HYMN BOOK. HE CAN READ PRINT, IS VERY SENSIBLE AND ARTFUL, delights much in traffic, and it is probable he will change his name and cloaths, and endeavour to pass for a freeman. Whoever takes up said Negro and secures him, so that I get him again, shall receive One Hundred and Fifty Pounds Reward; if 30 miles from home, One hundred Twenty Five Pounds, and so on in proportion as far as the above Reward, paid by
John Wilson.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Oct. 17, 1780.
Ran away from the subscribers living near the Queen Tree, St. Mary's County, on the fifth day of the present month, being Easter Sunday, the following three negro men, viz.
George, the property of John Edeley, aged twenty-three years, of a dark complexion, about six feet high, fleshy and well looking; had on when he went away, a blue great coat, a good ruffled shirt, a pair of country linen trousers, his other cloaths are uncertain.
David, the property of Nathaniel Ewing, aged about twenty-one years, five feet seven inches high, of a dark complexion, well made, has a burn on one of his arms near the shoulder, a sharp nose; had on when he went away a dark coloured cloth coat, whitish breeches, Irish linen shirt, old boots, a new hat with a black ribbon around the crown, other cloaths uncertain.
Charles, the property of Cornelius Wildman, aged about twenty-six years, five feet seven inches high, dark complexion, down looking fellow, thick lips; had on when he went away a cotton and woolen country coat, a striped silk jacket, a pair of white breeches and stockings, a new wool hat with a ribbon around it. IT IS PROBABLE THAT THESE FELLOWS WILL ATTEMPT TO GET TO PENNSYLVANIA, AS DAVID HAS ONCE BEEN THERE WITH HIS MASTER; IT IS ALSO APPREHENDED THAT THEY MAY HAVE SUPPLIED THEMSELVES WITH PASSES EITHER FROM SOME ILL-DESIGNING WHITE PERSON, OR THAT GEORGE HAS CONTRIVED TO EXECUTE SOME KIND OF PASSES HIMSELF, AS HE CAN READ WRITING, ALSO WRITE SOME LITTLE. We are likewise of the opinion they may endeavour to pass by the name of BUTLER, as George had some time in his possession before he went off a pass granted to CLEM BUTLER, who was a free negro, from which it is likely he might take copies. Whoever takes up and secures said Negro slaves in any gaol, so that their masters may get them again, shall receive TWENTY FOUR DOLLARS, including what the law allows for the three Negroes or the sum of EIGHT DOLLARS, also including what the law allows, for either of them.
April 11, 1795.
John Edeley
Nathaniel Ewing
Cornelius Wildman.
The Maryland Gazette, May 21, 1795.
Forty Dollars Reward
Ran away from the subscriber living near Stafford court-house in the commonwealth of Virginia, about the middle of May last, a Negro fellow named JACK, about five feet eight or nine inches high, nineteen years old, thick made and well set, stoops in the shoulders, and his complexion black, has a remarkable scar on the top of one of his feet, but I forget whether right or left; he carried with him the following cloaths, a greenish coloured great coat of elastic cloth, with buff cuffs and cape, a white casimer vest and breeches, a brown cloth vest, and a calico vest, but these he may change for other cloaths; this negro lately belonged to the estate of Mr. Thomas Stone, in Charles County, Maryland, and may pass himself for one of the Thomas family of negroes belonging to the said estate, who made pretention to their freedom, but the fallacy of the attempt may be easily detected, as he is quite black, whereas the Thomas family are all of mulatto colour; HE CAN ALSO READ A LITTLE. I suspect he is lurking about Baltimore or Annapolis; his mother is in the former city, who is also a runaway, and named Rachel. I will give the above reward of fifty dollars to any person who will deliver him to me at my place of residence, or forty dollars for securing him in any gaol so that I may get him again.
Travers Daniel, Jun.
Stafford County, Virginia, Oct. 28, 1797.
The Maryland Gazette, January 4, 1798.
Eighty Dollars Reward
RAN AWAY from the subscriber's farm about seven miles from Annapolis, on Wednesday the 5th instant, two slaves, Will and Tom; they are brothers. Will, a straight tall well made fellow, upwards of six feet high, he is generally called black, but has rather a yellowish complexion, by trade a carpenter and cooper, and in general capable of the use of tools in almost any work; saws well at the whip saw, about thirty years of age, when he speaks quick he stammers a little in his speech. Tom a stout well made fellow, a bright mulatto, twenty-four years of age, and about five feet nine or ten inches high; he is a complete hand at plantation work, and can handle tools pretty well. Their dress at home, upper jackets lined with flannel, and overalls of a drab colour, but they have a variety of other clothing, and it is supposed they will not appear abroad in what they wear at home. WILL WRITES PRETTY WELL, AND IF HE AND HIS BROTHER ARE NOT FURNISHED WITH PASSES FROM OTHERS, THEY WILL NOT BE AT A LOST FOR THEM, BUT UPON PROPER EXAMINATION MAY BE DISCOVERED TO BE FORGED. These people it is imagined, are gone for Baltimore town as Tom has a wife living there with Mr. Thomas Edwards. For taking up and securing the two fellows in the gaol of Baltimore town, or any other gaol, so that I get them again, shall receive a reward of eighty dollars, and for either forty dollars.
Annapolis, April 10, 1797.
Thomas Howard.
The Maryland Gazette, Feb. 1, 1798.
200 Dollars Reward
Run away in the spring of the last year, from this place, a Young fellow belonging to me, named John, sometimes called Johnson, at times calling himself John Hill, at other times John Howe. This fellow is about 5 feet 5 inches high, 23 years old, and is of a dull copper-colour, being the son of a mulatto man and negro woman; his features are generally ugly; his eyes remarkably large and prominent; he is sensible and shrewd, civil in his manners, and plausible in conversation; he served his time with a cabinet maker, and has worked as journeyman with a Windsor Chair-maker; he is very ingenious, and well acquainted with the use of the joiners tools. JOHN READS AND I BELIEVE CAN WRITE A LITTLE. He probably made some one of the Northern ports the place of his destination, or perhaps Charleston. I will pay the above reward to any person who will deliver John to me or to the Jailor in this place.
W. H. Hill.
The Charleston Courier, June 29, 1803.
Educated Negroes
RAN away on Saturday Night last, from Moorhall in Chester County, a Mulatto Man Slave, aged about 22, has a likely whitish countenance, of a middle Stature; having on a chocolate coloured Cloth coat, Linnen Waistcoat, Leather Breeches, grey Stockings, a Pess-burnt Wig, and a good Hat; has with him several white Shirts, and some Money: HE SPEAKS SWEDE AND ENGLISH WELL. Whoever secures the said Slave, so that his Master may have him again, shall be very handsomely Rewarded, and all reasonable Charges paid by
William Moore.
Wilmington, N.C., June 10, 1803.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 31, 1740.
RUN away the 23rd of August, from his Master Philip French of New Brunswick, in East-New-Jersey, a Negro Man Claus, of middle Stature yellowish complexion, about 44 Years of Age, SPEAKS DUTCH AND GOOD ENGLISH.
Philip French.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 24, 1741.
RUN away the 15th of May from John Williams, of Trenton Ferry, a Negro Man, named James Bell, about 30 Years of Age, middle stature, SPEAKS VERY GOOD ENGLISH, AND VERY FLUENT IN HIS TALK; he formerly belonged to Slator Clay.
John Williams.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, June 21, 1744.
Philadelphia May 29, 1746.
RUN away the 2nd Instant, from John Pawling, at Perkiomen, a likely lusty, Negroe Man, named Toney, 6 Foot high, about 24 Years of Age, and SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH AND HIGH DUTCH. Had on when he went away, a striped Linsey Woolsey Jacket, Tow Shirt and Trowsers, an old Felt Hat. Whoever takes up and secures said Negroe, so that his Master may have him again shall have Twenty-five Shillings Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
John Pawling.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, June 5, 1746.
RAN AWAY about the Middle of July last from the subscriber, living in King's County, Long Island, a Negro Man named Jack, he is about 35 Years of Age, slim made, about 5 Feet 8 Inches in height, SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH AND DUTCH, and has been used to attending a Grist-Mill.--Whoever secures him in any gaol or brings him to me shall be rewarded, and all reasonable Charges paid by
New York, August 15, 1766.
Abraham Schenk.
The New York Gazette or the Weekly Post-Boy, Aug. 21, 1766.
Three Guineas Reward
Ran-away from the subscriber on Wednesday evening last, a Mulato Fellow named Harry (sometimes calls himself Waters), speaks good English and tolerable German, he is about five feet 8 inches high, well made, and about 25 years of age, has taken away with him, a blue broadcloth coat, with a red cape, a pair of blue Negro Cloth trowsers and a short jacket, with oznaburg jacket and trowsers, much stained with tar. AS HE IS A SMART SENSIBLE FELLOW, HE MAY PROBABLY PASS FOR A FREEMAN. A Reward of Three Guineas will be given to any person who will deliver the said fellow to the Warden of the Work-house, or to the subscriber in Charleston.
George Dener.
N.B. Captains of Vessels and others are cautioned from carrying off, or concealing the said Mulatto, as they may depend upon being treated with the utmost rigour of the law.--If he returns of his own accord he will be forgiven.
Feb. 11, 1786.
The State Gazette of South Carolina, Feb. 20, 1786.
One Hundred Dollars Reward
Ran away from Elk Forge Caecil County, Maryland, on the 2nd inst., Aug. 1784, Negro George about 35 or 40 years of age 5 feet 7 or 8 inches high, slender bodied, thin visage, not very black, PLAUSIBLE, AND COMPLACENT; CAN SPEAK PRETTY GOOD ENGLISH, A LITTLE FRENCH, AND A FEW WORDS OF HIGH DUTCH, HAS BEEN IN THE WEST INDIES AND IN CANADA, AND HE WAS FORMERLY A WAITING MAN TO A GENTLEMEN, HAS THEREBY HAD AN OPPORTUNITY OF GETTING ACQUAINTED WITH THE DIFFERENT PARTS OF AMERICA. His chief employ, lately, has been in the kitchen and at cooking, at which he is very complete: is also a barber. He has a variety of cloaths with him, and probably may procure a pass. 'Tis thought he will endeavour to get off by water; therefore, all concerned in that way are desired to take notice. Whoever will secure said fellow in any gaol and give notice to the subscriber, so that he may have him again, shall receive the above reward, and reasonable charges if brought home.
Thomas May.
The Maryland Gazette, August 19, 1784.
Twenty Dollars Reward
Ran-away on Saturday the 23rd March, LEWIS, well known in this city where he has been a Hair Dresser these several years, is of a good size, a stout well-made fellow, well-featured, and between 24 and 25 years of age, SPEAKS BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH FLUENTLY, IS VERY ARTFUL, AND WILL PROBABLY ATTEMPT TO PASS AS A FREEMAN.
Whoever will apprehend him and deliver him to the Master of the Work-house, in Charleston, or to any of the gaolers in this State, shall be entitled to a Reward of Twenty Dollars, and all reasonable expenses.
All Masters of Vessels and others are forbid employing, harbouring or carrying him off, as on conviction they will be prosecuted to the extent of the law.
Apply to the Printers of the City Gazette. April 1, 1799.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, April 1, 1799.
City Sheriff's Sale
Will be sold before the Store of Messrs. Aerstein & Co., on Thursday next the 10th inst., at twelve o'clock, a valuable negro named Will about 22 years of age; he is well adopted for a Waiting Man for a single gentleman who travels or as a Steward of a Ship of Packet. HE SPEAKS FRENCH AND SPANISH, READS AND WRITES and never known to be guilty of any mean or bad tricks which blacks in common are addicted to, such as pilfering or drinking. His deportment is agreeable and polite. Seized by virtue of an execution for Drain Assessment and Arrearages of Taxes, and to be sold as the Property of Col. Alexander Moultrie.
Condition, cash payable in dollars, at 4s 8d, the property not to be altered until the terms are complied with.[1]
Also Will Be Sold.--
A few articles of Household Furniture as the property of the estate of James Paterson, deceased, for arrearages of State and City Taxes. Condition, cash, purchasers to pay for Sheriff's bills of sale.
City Sheriff's Office, Jan. 4. J. H. Stevens, City Sheriff.
City Gazette & Daily Advertiser, Jan. 5, 1799.
[[return]]1. This advertisement appears also under another heading.
Twenty Dollars Reward
For Jack who has again run-away.
The subscriber's servant Jack, who calls himself John Leech, again absconded last night. He is a short well made young Mulatto, probably about five feet five inches high, about twenty-five years of age, and plausible; he has a thick bushy head of hair, like a negro's; thick lips, a film on his left eye, over which he sometimes wears a peace of green silk. He belonged when he was a child, to the late Ephraim Mitchell, esq. deceased, and afterwards to Francis Bremar, esq. from whom the subscriber bought him.
He is well acquainted all over the state, having waited upon his former masters when traveling, and also upon the subscriber when he went on the Circuits. HE CAN WRITE HIMSELF AND MAY FORGE A PASS OR CERTIFICATE OF FREEDOM. He had on, when he went off, a pair of overalls, and waistcoat of servant's cloth of a light grey mixed colour almost new, and carried several changes with him nearly of the same colour, and several coatees like them, with capes, cuffs and welts to the pockets of green cloth; but he may change his clothes; he also carried away a great coat of a drab colour spotted. He may go to Goose-creek or to the vicinity of Belville, Statesburg or Columbia, or attempt to go to the northward, but if its most suspected, that he will endeavour to get on board of some vessel. Whoever will deliver him to the subscriber, or to the Master of the Work-house or lodge him in any gaol of the State, shall receive the above reward, and if he should be harboured by any one that the reward will be doubled upon the harbourers being prosecuted to conviction by the informer. All Masters of Vessels and others are warned against employing him or carrying him out of the city.
Lewis Trezvant.
The Carolina Gazette, Feb. 4, 1802.
Slaves in Good Circumstances
Twenty Dollars Reward
Ran away from Mr. Davis Stone in Loudoun County, Virginia, on Saturday the 19th ult., a Virginia-born NEGRO MAN, named WILL between 5½ and six feet high, stout made twenty seven years old, of a black, complexion, round shouldered and down look, when spoken to is apt to grin, is an artful sensible fellow, much accustomed to driving a wagon, is good at any kind of plantation business, tolerably ingenious, and I am informed, has a pass; had on, and took with him one white hat, one white cassimere coat, a little worn, one blue broadcloth ditto, almost new, a drab coloured coat and breeches, quite new, one red waistcoat, one cassimere ditto, one striped ditto, one pair cassimere breeches, a pair of fustian ditto, several shirts, both coarse and fine, one pair of mixed yarn stockings, blue and white, shoes with buckles, and the soles are nailed; it is probable that he may change his clothes, AS HE HAS PLENTY OF MONEY. Whoever takes up the said fellow and secures him in any gaol, so that I may get him again or deliver him to me near the Falls Church shall receive the above Reward and all reasonable charges, paid by
John Dulin.
N.B. He crossed the ferry at Elk Ridge-Landing on his way to Baltimore, on Sunday the third instant.
☞ All masters of vessels and others are forewarned from harbouring him, at their peril.
Nov. 5, 1793.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Nov. 5, 1793.
Sixteen Dollars Reward
Ran away, from the subscriber, on Monday evening last, a NEGRO LAD, named TOWER, about 18 or 19 years of age, 5 feet 3 or 4 inches high, rather square or heavy in his built, somewhat bow legged, and walks with a considerable swing, has a full round face and thick lips, talks slow and not very plain. Had on and took with him, a green broadcloth coat, almost new, a new striped jacket, with sleeves in the fashion of a sailor's, a striped crossbarred printed-cotton vest of an olive colour, buckskin breeches, and striped silk and cotton hose; BUT AS HE IS KNOWN TO HAVE TAKEN A CONSIDERABLE SUM OF MONEY WITH HIM, it is probable that he may change his clothes. Whoever brings home said negro, or secures him in gaol, shall receive the above Reward and all reasonable charges.
It is supposed that he will try to go to Philadelphia; and as he speaks a little French and is known to have put a striped ribbon round his hat, it is probable that he will attempt to pass as one who lately came in the street from Cape François.
N.B. All Masters of vessels and others, are cautioned against taking him at their peril.
Baltimore, Sept. 19, 1793.
David Harris.
The Maryland Journal and the Baltimore Advertiser, Sept. 20, 1793.
Fifteen Dollars Reward
Ran away on the 20th instant, from the subscriber, living in Patapsco Neck, a NEGRO MAN named SALISBURY, but may assume some other name; he is about 21 years of age; 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, stout and well made, has a smiling countenance and very thick lips; he has lately been under the doctor's hands for a sore on his right arm, which he generally carries in his bosom: Had on and took with him a blue broadcloth coat with yellow buttons, a fustian jacket, a red and white striped do., a coarse and white country cloth upper-jacket, and breeches, a pair of nankeen do., a white shirt and an oznaburg do., with a pair of good shoes. AS I EXPECT HE HAS A SUM OF MONEY WITH HIM, PROBABLY HE MAY GET SOME ONE TO FORGE A PASS FOR HIM, AND PASS AS A FREE MAN. Whoever takes up said NEGRO and secures him in any Gaol, so that I may get him again, shall have the above reward, and reasonable charges, if brought home, paid by
Robuck Lynch.
N.B. All masters of vessels, and others, are forewarned at their peril not to harbour or conceal said Negro.
Baltimore County, May 25, 1793.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, June 11, 1793.
Ran away from the subscriber living in Annapolis, on the 24th of May, a Negro man named Willis Bowzer, about thirty-four years of age, a full faced well looking fellow, who had the small pox in March last, and is much marked with it, he is very remarkable about the ancles and feet, his ancles look as they had been hurt, they turn in looked swelled with knots on them, his feet are flat, or rather round instead of hollow; he is about five feet ten or eleven inches high, has a flat nose, and is a smooth spoken fellow; he appears to be religious and I suppose will endeavour to pass for a free man. As he has money and a variety of cloaths. Whoever takes up and secures the said fellow, so that I get him again, shall receive a Reward of Forty Dollars.
John Stuart.
N.B. All masters of vessels and others, are forbid carrying, or in any anywise harbouring, entertaining or employing the said negro at their peril.
The Maryland Gazette, June 11, 1795.
Negroes Brought from the West Indies
Philadelphia, June 17, 1745.
RUN away from the Sloop Sparrow, lately arrived from Barbadoes, Joseph Perry Commander, a Negro Man named John; he WAS BORN IN DOMINICA AND SPEAKS FRENCH, BUT VERY LITTLE ENGLISH, he is a very ill-featured Fellow, and has been much cut in his Back by often Whipping; his Clothing was only a Frock and Trowsers. Whoever brings him to John Yeats, Merchants in Philadelphia, shall have Twenty Shillings Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
John Yeats.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 4, 1745.
RAN away, the 24th of last Month from Bennet Bard, of Burlington, a Mulatto Spanish Slave, named George, aged about 24 years, about 5 feet 10 Inches high, smooth faced, well-set, and has his Hair lately cutt off, speaks tolerable good English, BORN AT HAVANNA, SAYS HE WAS SEVERAL YEARS WITH DON BLASS, and is a good Shoemaker. Had on when he went away a corded Dimity Waistcoat, Ozenbrigs shirt and Trowsers, no Stockings, old Shoes, and a new Hat. Whoever takes up and secures said Fellow so that his Master may have him again, shall have Forty Shillings Reward and reasonable Charges paid by
Bennet Bard.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 1, 1745.
RAN away on the Ninth of this instant September, from the subscriber, a Negroe Man, named Frank, alias Francisco, about 5 Feet 7 or 8 Inches high, well-set, about 25 Years of Age, walks remarkably upright, CAN TALK BUT LITTLE ENGLISH, HAVING LIVED AMONG THE SPANIARDS, AND TALKS IN THAT DIALECT ************** It is supposed he is gone off in Company with a Negroe Fellow that has been lurking about this city some Time (supposed to be a Runaway) as he was seen in Company with the Negro the Night before he went off.
Thomas Pryor.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 20, 1764.
RAN away from the Subscriber living in New-York, the Beginning of June Inst. a Negro Fellow named Charles, about five Feet ten Inches, very black, Pock-pitted, and remarkable for his white Teeth; SPEAKS BOTH FRENCH AND ENGLISH, JAMAICA BORN, marked under his left Breast P.C. Count; had on when he went away, a brown Jacket, and a blue short Waistcoat under it; a Pair of Trowsers, and a Sailor's round Hat.--Whoever takes up said Negro, and secures him so that he may be had again shall have FORTY SHILLINGS Reward and all reasonable Charges paid by
Andrew Myer in Dock-street.
N.B. All Masters of Vessels and others are hereby warned not to carry off said Servant, at their Peril, as they will answer as the law directs.
The New York Gazette or the Weekly Post-Boy, July 31, 1766.
Ran away about a Year ago, a Negro Man, goes by the name of Antigua George, WAS BORN IN ANTIGUA, TALKS GOOD ENGLISH, is betwixt 50 and 60 Years old, about 5 Feet 5 Inches high, grey headed, and bends much in his legs when he walks. Had on a Cotton Jacket and Breeches, Country made Shoes and Stockings, and an Osnabrigs Shirt. He has since been taken up twice in TALBOT and made his Escape; and now imagine he passes for a free Negro.
Whoever takes up the said Negro, if in Talbot, shall have Twenty Shillings Reward, if brought home; if at any farther Distance, Four Dollars Reward, and reasonable Charges if brought home, paid by the subscriber living at Nye River.
Martha Bryan.
The Maryland Gazette, April 9, 1767.
Ran away from the Subscriber, since the 22nd July last, a Negro fellow named Daniel. WAS BORN IN THE WEST-INDIES, SPEAKS GOOD FRENCH AND ENGLISH; is about 5 feet high, likely face and Knock Knees. Whoever will apprehend the said fellow and take him to the Warden of the Workhouse, or to the subscriber, at No. 95 Broadstreet, shall receive a handsome reward. This is to forbid all persons whatsoever from harbouring said Negro, as they may depend upon being prosecuted by law.
De L Cantree & Sells.
The Gazette of the State of South Carolina, Aug. 16, 1784.
Two Guineas Reward
RAN away from the Subscriber a few days ago, a tall thin Negro-man of the name of Will about 20 years of age, remarkable by a cut or scar on the left side of his mouth; SPEAKS GOOD ENGLISH. THE FELLOW WAS BORN IN THE ISLAND OF ST. CHRISTOPHER and has served some time to cooper's trade, as well as having gone several voyages to sea. He had on when he ran off, a speckled waistcoat and breeches, and a snuff-colourd coat; but having took all his Cloaths with him, it is probable he may have changed his dress.
The above Reward will be paid to any person that delivers him to the Subscriber, or the Warden of the Sugar House.--Masters of Vessels are hereby warned at their peril not to harbour, or to take him off.
William Marshall,
No. 48 Queen Street.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 10, 1784.
Thirty Dollars Reward
Ran away on Saturday last a FRENCH NEGRO WOMAN, NAMED SOBETT, about 23 years old, marked on her breast thus Annette Chambis, about 4 feet 4 inches high, of a yellow complexion. She is slender made, tolerable likely, somewhat pitted with Small-pox; her hair remarkably short, and her clothing cannot be described. The above reward will be paid to any person or persons who will deliver said negro woman to the subscriber at the house of Mr. Changeur.
D. DAMCOURT.
The Baltimore Telegraph, Oct. 18, 1796.
RAN-AWAY, a mulatto girl named Catherine about 18 years old, BY BIRTH FRENCH, but being a number of years in this country, has acquired the English pretty fluent. She is well known about town, therefore, this is to caution all persons from harbouring her, as they will be dealt with as the law orders in such case.
Jacob De Leon.
N.B. A reward of Ten Dollars will be paid on proving where she is haboured.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, March 5, 1800.
Ten Dollars Reward
Run away from the subscriber, on the Euhaw, South Carolina, a Boy about sixteen years of age, SUPPOSED FORMERLY FROM ST. DOMINGO. As he was purchased from a Frenchman, HE MAY SPEAK FRENCH FOR WHAT I KNOW, BUT SPEAKING ENGLISH, HE STUTTERS AND STAMMERS; he also beats well upon the drum. I do forwarn all captains of vessels not to carry him off, or any other persons not to harbour him upon their peril.
Elizabeth Colleton.
September 11.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, Sept. 18, 1800.
Various Kinds of Servants
A very likely Negro Woman to be sold, aged about 28 Years, fit for Country or City Business. SHE CAN CARD, SPIN, KNIT AND MILK; AND ANY OTHER COUNTRY-WORK. Whoever has a mind for the said Negro, may repair to Andrew Beadford in Philadelphia.
A Young Negro Woman to be sold by Samuel Kirk in the Second Street, Philadelphia.
The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), Oct. 26, 1721.
A Likely Negro Man about Twenty two Years of Age, speaks good English, has had the Smallpox and the Measles, has been seven Years with a LIME BURNER: To be sold, Inquire of John Langdon, Baker, next Door to John Clark's at the North End, Boston.
A Likely Negro Man about Twenty-five Years of Age, has had the Small Pox, and speaks pretty good English, suitable for a Farmer, &C. To be sold. Enquire of the Printers.
The Boston Weekly News-Letter, March 21, 1734.
To Be Sold
A likely Young Negro Fellow, by TRADE A BRICKLAYER AND PLASTERER, has had the Small Pox. Enquire of the printer hereof.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Jan. 29, 1739.
RAN away about two months, aged 19 Negro Woman, known by the name of Elizabeth Gregory; she was born in Long Island and has relations there and FORMERLY SERVED IN GOVERNOR MORRIS' FAMILY AT TRENTON; she was taken out of prison about 18 months ago by Thomas Lawrence, Esq. of whom the subscriber purchased her time.
John Kearsley, Jun.
The Pennsylvania Gazette (No. 1090), 1749.
Ten Pounds Reward
Fairfax County, Virginia, July 5, 1784.
Ran away from the Subscriber, about six weeks ago, two slaves, viz: DICK, a stout lusty Mulatto Fellow about twenty two years of age, has large features and eyes, and a very roguish down look; he beats a drum pretty well, is artful and plausible, and well acquainted in most parts of Virginia and Maryland, HAVING FORMERLY WAITED UPON ME. CLEM, a well-set black negro lad of about nineteen years of age, has a remarkable large scar of a burn, which covers the whole of one of his knees. 'Tis impossible to describe their dress, as I am told they have stolen a variety of cloaths since their elopement. I suspect they have made towards Baltimore or Philadelphia, or may have got on board some bay or river craft. I will give the above reward to any person who will bring them to me in Fairfax County or secure them in any gaol, and give me notice so that I get them again, or Five Pounds for either of them.
George Mason, Jun.
The Maryland Gazette, Aug. 26, 1784.
TEN POUNDS REWARD, for apprehending and delivering in any gaol, so that the owner gets him, a Negro Man Slave, named George, BY TRADE A BLACKSMITH. He made his elopement last October from Port Royal Virginia. He is a black Virginia-born, speaks plain, and is very sensible, about 6 feet high, well made, has a brisk walk, large legs and arms, small over the belly, small face, somewhat hollow-eyed, about 28 years of age, is fond of smoking the pipe; he was well cloathed when he went away, but his dress I can not describe. I expect he will change his name, pass a freeman, AND GET EMPLOYMENT IN THE SMITH'S BUSINESS, AT WHICH HE IS A VERY GOOD HAND. The above reward will be given, with reasonable Charges, if delivered to the subscriber, in Port Royal Virginia.
Joseph Timberlake, Jun.
Baltimore, Sept. 15, 1785.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Sept. 20, 1785.
Two Guineas Reward Runaway
A stout well made Negro Fellow named BOB, about 28 years of age, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, this country born, rather bowlegged, sensible and artful, speaks quick, and sometimes stutters a little; HE MAY POSSIBLY HAVE A TICKET THAT I GAVE HIM TWO DAYS BEFORE HE WENT AWAY, DATED THE 6TH OF APRIL, MENTIONING HE WAS IN QUEST OF A RUNAWAY, AS I DID NOT MENTION WHEN HE WAS TO RETURN, HE MAY ENDEAVOUR TO PASS BY THAT; he was seen on the road towards Goose Creek, where he has relations at Mr. John Parkers, and at Cane Acre, at Mr. John Gough's, at either or both places he may be harboured, or in Charleston at Mr. Benjamin Villepontour's, where he formerly had a wife. The above reward will be given and all reasonable charges paid on his being delivered in St. Stephens Parish to Thomas Cooper.
April 13, 1786.
The State Gazette of South Carolina, May 1, 1786.
Run-away
From the Subscriber
About ten days ago
A Negro Fellow Named
BILLY
BY TRADE A TAYLOR, of a yellowish complexion, and has a very remarkable bushy head of hair, he is well known about Santee, where he formerly lived, and had a wife, especially at Mr. Isaac Dubose's and also in Charleston, where he was worked at his trade for four or five years past. The above fellow is very artful and plausible, and may perhaps by telling a good tale, endeavour to pass for a freeman. A guinea reward will be paid to any person who will secure him in the Work-house in Charleston, or deliver him to the subscriber at Stono.
Joseph Bee.
March 21, 1789.
N.B. All persons whatever are hereby cautioned against harbouring the above fellow, as they shall and may expect to be prosecuted with the utmost rigor of the law; and in case of his not returning home within a month from this date, a reward of Five Guineas will be paid to any person, either white or black, who will produce his head to his said master, whose lenity and indulgence hitherto, has been the cause of his present desertion and ingratitude.
The Columbian Herald, April 30, 1789.
Five Dollars Reward
Absented himself from the subscriber about the 10th of April, a likely young Negro Fellow, named Carolina; HE HAS ALWAYS BEEN ACCUSTOMED TO WAIT IN THE HOUSE; he was seen in the city about ten days ago, dressed in a sailor jacket and trowsers. Carolina plays remarkably well on the violin.
The above reward will be paid to any person delivering him to the Master of the Work-House or at No 11 East Bay.
All Masters of vessels and others are hereby cautioned against carrying said Negro out of the State, as they will, on conviction, be prosecuted to the utmost rigor of the law.
Robert Smith.
June 13.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, July 30, 1799.
Seven Dollars Reward
Ran-away on Monday the 17th instant, A Negro Man named Aberdeen, is WELL KNOWN IN TOWN AS A SAWYER, was seen on Tuesday morning about three miles from town, had on an osnaburg coatee and trowsers, and a black hat, is about five feet four or five inches high, smooth faced, a little wide at the knees, is about forty years of age, speaks pretty good English, and can speak Creole French, is of the Cromantee Country, he is very artful and may have a forged pass to where he intends to go, or as being free.
Whoever will deliver the said Negro to the Master of the Work-House in Charleston, or to the Subscriber, shall receive the above reward and all reasonable Charges,
William Reside.
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, Oct. 5, 1798.
Ran-away about the 24th of June last, a MULATTO MAN named Will, about 5 feet 10 inches high, speaks good English, was raised by Townsend, in Christ Church parish and purchased lately from Mr. Hance Farley, CABINET MAKER, Queen Street.
L. Cameron
Samuel Shaw.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, July 31, 1799.
Negro Privateers and Soldiers Prior to the American Revolution
Whereas Negro Jo (who formerly lived with Samuel Ogle, Esq; then Governor of Maryland, as his cook) about 13 Months ago run away from the Subscriber, who was then at Annapolis, AND HAS SINCE BEEN OUT A VOYAGE IN ONE OF THE PRIVATEERS BELONGING TO PHILADELPHIA, and is returned there: These are to desire any Person to apprehend the said Negro, so that he may be had again, for which on their acquainting me therewith, they shall be rewarded with the Sum of Five Pounds, current Money: Or if the said Negro will return to me, at my House in St. Mary's County, he shall be kindly received, and escape all Punishment for his Offence.
Philip Key.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Nov. 7, 1745.
Philadelphia, July 3, 1746.
Run away from Samuel M'Call, jun. a Negro Man, named Tom, a very likely Fellow, about 22 or 23 Years of Age, about 5 Foot 10 Inches high, speaks good English, HAS BEEN A PRIVATEERING; has several good Cloaths on, with Check Shirts, some new; formerly belonged to Dr. Shaw of Burlington. Whoever secures the said Negro in any County Gaol so that his Master may have him again, shall have a Pistole Reward and reasonable Charges paid by
Samuel M'Call.
N.B. He is a sensible, active Fellow, and runs well.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 3, 1746.
Philadelphia, June 23, 1748.
RUN away from John Potts of Colebrookdale, Philadelphia county, Esq., about the 10th inst., a Spanish Negro Fellow, named John, of middle stature, about 30 years of age: Had on when he went away, only a shirt and trowsers, a cotton cap, a pair of old shoes; he is a cunning fellow and subject to make game at the ceremonial part of all religious worship except that of the papists; he is proud, and dislikes to be called a negroe, HAS FORMERLY BEEN A PRIVATEERING, and talks much (with a seeming pleasure) of the cruelties he then committed. Whoever takes up said Negroe, and takes him to his Master at Colebrookdale aforesaid, or secures him in any gaol shall have Thirty Shilling reward, and reasonable charges, paid by said John Potts or Thomas York.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, June 23, 1748.
RAN away from his Master Eleazer Tyng, Esq. at Dunstable, on the 26th May past, a Negro Man Servant Call'd Robbin, almost of the complexion of an Indian, short thick square shouldered Fellow, a very short neck, and thick legs, about 28 Years old, talks good English, can read and write, and plays on the Fiddle; he was born at Dunstable and IT IS THOUGHT HE HAS BEEN ENTIC'D TO ENLIST INTO THE SERVICE, or to go to Philadelphia: Had on when he went away, a strip'd cotton and Linnen blue and white Jacket, red Breeches with Brass Buttons, blue Yarn Stockings, a fine Shirt, and took another of a meaner Sort, a red Cap, a Beaver Hat with a mourning Weed in it, and sometimes wears a Wig. Whoever will apprehend said Negro and secure him, so that his Master may have him again, or bring him to the Ware-House of Messiers Alford and Tyng, in Boston, shall have a reward of Ten Pounds, old Tenor, and all reasonable Charges.
N. B. And all Masters of Vessels or others are hereby cautioned against harbouring, concealing or carrying off said Servant, on Penalty of the Law.
The New York Gazette Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, July 18, 1748.
N.B.N.B. This Fellow was advertised in the New York papers the 5th of June and in New Haven the 11th of June, 1759, was afterward taken up in Waterbury, and was put into Litchfield Gaol, from thence he was brought to Belford, and there made his Escape from his master again. Those who apprehend him are desired to secure him in Irons. He was taken up by Moses Foot of North Waterbury in New England. It is likely that he will change his cloaths as he did before. The Mole above mentioned is something long.
N.B. By information he was in Morris County in the Jerseys all winter AND SAID HE WOULD ENLIST IN THE PROVINCIAL SERVICE.[1]
The New York Gazette August 11, 1760.
[[return]]1. This advertisement appears in full on pages 213-214.
Ran-away from his Master Mr. James Richardson of Stonington, in the County of New London, a Molatto or Mustee Servant, of about 24 Years of Age, much Pox-broken, about 6 Feet high, brought up in North Kingston in Rhode Island Government; AND WAS A SOLDIER LAST SUMMER: He had on when he went away, a Leather Jockey Cap, a good Pair of Leather Breeches, a new large Duffil Coat, of a blue Colour, a strait-bodiced ditto, a white Broad Cloth Coat and Jacket. Whoever will take up said Fellow and secure him in any of his Majesty's Gaols in North America, or return him to his Master, shall have Twelve Dollars Reward and all necessary Charges paid by me,
JAMES RICHARDSON.
All Masters of Vessels are hereby cautioned not to carry off said Fellow upon the Peril of the Law.
May 7, 1763.
Supplement to the Boston Evening Post, May 23, 1763.
Relations Between the Slaves and the British During the Revolutionary War
A Negro Man, by name of JEMMY now in my possession, ONE WHO FOLLOWED THE BRITISH TROOPS, and has a wife at my house; he is about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, speaks well and sensible, says his master's name is Captain Kealing, from Yorktown, in Virginia. Any person claiming said Negro may have him, by applying on James Island, to
James Witter.
The South Carolina Weekly Advertiser, April 2, 1783.
Brought to the Work House
A Negro Wench named Sarah, of the Popah country 5 feet 1 inch high, speaks broken English, she has three of her country marks on her cheeks, 30 or 35 years of age, and says her master's is Timothy Ford, and lives near George-town; the said Wench SAID SHE WAS CARRIED OFF BY THE BRITISH TO CHARLESTON.
John Gerley Warden.
June 21, 1784.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 27, 1784.
Brought to the Work House
A Negro Fellow named Dick of the Eoboe country, five feet five inches high, 35 years of age, speaks good English, says his master's name is John Hill, and lives near New Charleston in Boston; THE SAID NEGRO FELLOW WAS CARRIED OFF BY A BRITISH MAN OF WAR, TO SAVANNAH IN GEORGIA; he says his master is dead, but that his old mistress is living:
John Gerley Warden.
June 21, 1784.
The South Carolina Gazette and General Advertiser, July 24, 1784.
"The following is a List of Two Hundred and Forty-one Negroes that were taken off AT THE EVACUATION OF CHARLESTON, in one transportship the Scimtar. They were put on board by Colonel Muncreef and carried to St. Lucia. Their families were also carried off at the same time in different vessels."[1]
The Gazette of the State of South Carolina, November 22 and December 6, 1784.
[[return]]1. The list is not given here for the reason that the names are not written in full. They are such as: "Cato," "Pompey," "Cicero," "Sam," etc.
Relations Between the Slaves and the French During the Colonial Wars
Run-away the 2nd of July from Richard Colegate, of Kent County on Delaware, a Molatto Man, named James Wenyam, of Middle Stature, about 37 Years of Age, has a red Beard a Scar on one Knee: Had on when he went away, a Kersey Jacket, a Pair of Plain Breeches, a Tow Shirt, and a Felt Hat. He swore when he went away to a Negro Man, whom he wanted to go with him, that he had often been in the back Woods with his Master, AND THAT HE WOULD GO TO THE FRENCH AND INDIANS AND FIGHT FOR THEM. Whoever secures the said Molatto Man, and gives Notice thereof to his Master, or to Abraham Gooding, Esq.; or to the High Sheriff of New Castle County, so that his Master may have him again, shall have Three Pounds Reward, and reasonable Charges, paid by
Richard Colegate.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, July 31, 1746.
Ten Pistoles Reward
Kent County Maryland, March 19, 1755.
Whereas there were several Advertisements, (some of which were printed, and others of the same Signification written), dispersed through this Province, describing and offering a Reward of Two Pistoles, &c. for taking up a Servant Man, named James Francis, and a Mulatto Man Slave call'd Tobby, both belonging to the subscriber; and ran away on the 11th Instant:********
That this Slave shou'd run away and attempt getting his liberty, is very alarming, as he has always been too kindly used, if any Thing, by his Master, and one in whom his Master has put great Confidence, and depended on him to overlook the rest of the Slaves, and he had no Kind of Provocation to go off. IT SEEMS TO BE THE INTEREST AT LEAST OF EVERY GENTLEMAN THAT HAS SLAVES, TO BE ACTIVE IN THE BEGINNING OF THESE ATEMPTS, FOR WHILST WE HAVE THE FRENCH SUCH NEAR NEIGHBORS, WE SHALL NOT HAVE THE LEAST SECURITY IN THAT KIND OF PROPERTY. I shall be greatly obliged to any Gentlemen that shall hear of these Fellows, to endeavour to get certain Intelligence which Way they have taken, and to inform me of it by Express, and also to employ some active Person or Persons immediately, to take their Track and pursue them and secure them, and I will thankfully acknowledge the Favour and immediately answer the Expence attending it.
Thomas Ringgold.
The Maryland Gazette, March 20, 1755.
Colored Methodist Preachers Among the Slaves
Forty Dollars Reward
A Young negro man slave, the property of the subscriber, named Sam, left the service of Charles Gosnell near Soldiers Delight, in Baltimore County, on Sunday last, to whom he was hired; he was seen the same day traveling towards Baltimore, where he has several relations (manumitted blacks) who will conceal and assist him to make his escape: HE WAS RAISED IN A FAMILY OF RELIGIOUS PERSONS, COMMONLY CALLED METHODISTS, AND HAS LIVED WITH SOME OF THEM FOR YEARS PAST, ON TERMS OF PERFECT EQUALITY; the refusal to continue him on these terms, the subscriber is instructed, has given him offence, and is the sole cause of his absconding. Sam is about twenty-three years old, 5 feet 8 or 9 inches high, pretty square made, has a down look, very talkative among persons whom he can make free with, but slow of speech; HE HAS BEEN IN THE USE OF INSTRUCTING AND EXHORTING HIS FELLOW CREATURES OF ALL COLORS IN MATTERS OF RELIGIOUS DUTY: Had on and took with him when he went off, the following clothes, a country-made cloth jacket, with sleeves, a red under jacket, an old striped vest, and striped Holland trousers, two pair of coarse linen trousers, one two-linen, and one other coarse linen shirt, a pair of new shoes, and an old hat; but it is supposed he will change his clothes with his relations. Whoever will take the said slave and deliver him to the subscriber, or secure him in Baltimore County Gaol, shall receive TEN DOLLARS, if taken within ten miles, or any shorter distance from home; FIFTEEN DOLLARS, if above fifteen miles; TWENTY DOLLARS, if 30 miles; THIRTY DOLLARS, if above 40 miles; and in the State; and if out of the State, the above Reward from THOMAS JONES.
N.B. It is not improbable but that he will endeavor to get over to Dorset County, on the Eastern Shore. All skippers of Vessels and others are forbid to hire or assist him in any manner. Baltimore, June 6, 1793.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, June 14, 1793.
Went away on the 9th inst. from the subscriber living in the city of Annapolis, a negro man named Jem, a lively, brisk, active fellow when he pleases, 28 years of age, about 5 feet 8 inches high, slender made, rather thin face, has a great hesitation in his speech, and when he laughs shows his gums very much, takes snuff, one of his legs is sore; he is very artful and can turn his hand to any thing; he has been used to waiting, to taking care of horses and driving a carriage, is something of a gardener, carpenter and bricklayer; IS OR PRETENDS TO BE OF THE SOCIETY OF METHODISTS, HE CONSTANTLY ATTENDED THE MEETINGS, AND AT TIMES EXHORTED HIMSELF; he took with him a watch of his own, a fine hat, a new drab coloured surtout coat, lined about the body with green, light cloth waistcoat, buckskin breeches; a black coat lapelled is missing from the house; it is probable he may change his dress; he had some time in the summer from me a pass for a limited time (three or four days) to go to Baltimore, it is not improbable but he may get the date altered and make use of it. Whoever takes him up and delivers him to me, or secures him in any gaol so that I get him again, shall receive TWENTY DOLLARS. December 16, 1797.
James Brice.
The Maryland Gazette, January 4, 1798.
Ran-away from the subscriber on the 19th of October last, Negro Jacob, 35 years of age, about 6 feet high, smooth face, high forehead, his wool growing in a peak leaves his temples bare, speaks low and rather hoarse, had on and took with him when he went away, a brownish cotton coat, a blue coarse short coat with metal buttons, old breeches, osnabrig shirt, and a match coat blanket; his Sunday apparel, a purple cloth coat with rimmed buttons, nankeen breeches, mixed worsted stockings, and half boots; HE PROFESSES TO BE A METHODIST, AND HAS BEEN IN THE PRACTICE OF PREACHING OF NIGHTS; it is expected he is harbouring about the city of Annapolis, West river, South river, South river Neck, or Queen Anne, as he has a wife at Miss Murdoch's. Whoever takes up and secures said fellow in any gaol so that I get him again, shall receive the above reward paid by
Thomas Gibbs, living near Queene Anne.
N.B. All masters of vessels and others are forewarned harbouring employing or carrying off said fellow at their peril.
March 7, 1800.
T. G.
The Maryland Gazette, September 4, 1800.
Ran away from the subscriber, living in Anne Arundel county, on the 21st of February, a negro man named Dick, about forty years of age, five feet six inches high, round full face, large eyes, very bow legged, slow of speech, and fond of smoking a pipe, HE IS A METHODIST PREACHER, took along with him a country cloth coat, and one gray coloured, and breeches, two osnabrig shirts, short kersey coat and trousers, shoes nailed. Whoever takes up the said negro, and secures him in any gaol shall receive the above reward, and if brought home all reasonable charges paid by me.
Feb. 24, 1800.
Hugh Drummond.
The Maryland Gazette, Sept. 4, 1800.
Philadelphia, Sept. 4, 1746.
Run away on the 16th of July from Thomas Rutter, of this city, a Negro Man, named Dick, commonly CALLED PREACHING DICK,[1] aged about 27 Years. * * *
Thomas Rutter.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 4, 1746.
[[return]]1. It is not known whether Dick was a Methodist or Baptist Preacher.
Forty Dollars Reward
Ran-Away from the subscriber on the 8th of November last, a negro fellow named Simbo. He was formerly the property of Francis Burns dec. of Onslow County, HE IS A METHODIST PREACHER, AND CAN READ AND WRITE.--He is about 6 feet high, very black and smooth skin, and speaks very distinct.
He is supposed to be lurking some times down Neuse river, and at others up the same, and so he ranges through Craven, Jones, and Onslow Counties.
Any person apprehending the said negro, and delivering him to the subscriber, within five miles of Swansborough, shall be entitled to the above reward.--Or any person who will so secure him that I get him again, shall receive Twenty Dollars.
The most probable method to catch him, will be at Methodist meetings.--All masters of vessels and others are forewarned from harbouring employing or carrying him away, at their peril.
June 27.
Henry Lockey.
The Newbern Gazette, August 15, 1800.
Slaves in Other Professions
RUN away on the 4th inst., at night from James Leonard in Middlesex County, East-New-Jersey, a Negro Man named Simon, aged 40 Years, is well-set Fellow, about 5 feet 10 Inches high, has large Eyes, and a Foot 12 inches long; he was bred and born in this Country, talks good English can read and write, is very slow in his speech, CAN BLEED AND DRAW TEETH PRETENDING TO BE A GREAT DOCTOR AND VERY RELIGIOUS, AND SAYS HE IS A CHURCHMAN. Had on a dark grey Broadcloth Coat, with other good Apparel, and peeked toe'd Shoes. He took with him a black Horse, about 13 Hands and a Half high, a Star in his Forehead, branded with 2 on the near Thigh or Shoulder, and trots; also a black hunting Saddle about half worn.
Whoever takes up and secures the said Negro, so that his Master may have him again shall have Three Pounds Reward and reasonable Charges, paid by
James Leonard.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 11, 1740.
Whereas Cambridge, a Negro Man belonging to James Oliver of Boston doth absent himself sometimes from his Master: SAID NEGRO PLAYS WELL UPON A FLUTE, AND NOT SO WELL ON A VIOLIN. This is to desire all Masters and Heads of Families not to suffer said Negro to come into their Houses to teach their Prentices or Servants to play, nor on any other Accounts. All Masters of Vessels are also forbid to have anything to do with him on any Account, as they may answer it in the Law.
N.B. Said Negro is to be sold: Enquire of said Oliver.
The Boston Evening Post, Oct. 24, 1743.
Six Dollars Reward
Absconded on or about the 1st instant, a Negro Fellow, named Pero. He is remarkably tall being nearly 6½ feet in height, his hands have been frost bitten, in consequence of which he has lost several of his finger nails. He speaks the French and English languages; PASSES FOR A DOCTOR AMONG PEOPLE OF HIS COLOR, AND IT IS SUPPOSED PRACTICES IN THAT CAPACITY ABOUT TOWN. The above reward will be paid on his delivery at the Work-House, or the Subscriber
James George.
N.B. All masters of vessels are forewarned from carrying him off the State as they will be prosecuted to the utmost rigor of the law.
The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser, June 22, 1797.
Close Relations of the Slaves and Indentured Servants
Run away in April last from Richard Tilghman of Queen Anne County in Maryland a Mulatto slave, Named Richard Molson, of Middle stature, about forty years old, and has had the Small Pox, HE IS IN COMPANY WITH A WHITE WOMAN NAMED MARY, WHO IS SUPPOSED NOW GOES FOR HIS WIFE; AND A WHITE MAN NAMED GARRETT CHOISE, AND JANE HIS WIFE, which said White People are servants to some Neighbors of the said Richard Tilghman. The said fugatives are Supposed to be gone to Carolinas or some other of his Majesty's Plantations in America. Whoever shall apprehend the said Fugatives and cause them to be committed into safe custody, and give Notice thereof to their Owners shall be well rewarded. The White man has one of his fore fingers disabled.
Whoever shall carry them to the Sheriff of Philadelphia shall have Twenty Pounds current money paid him or them or shall convey the Molatta to the said sheriff shall have Ten Pounds, or whoever shall convey the Molatta to the said Richard Tilghman shall have Fifteen Pounds reward.--
The American Weekly Mercury (Philadelphia), Aug. 11, Aug. 25 and Sept. 1, 1720.
RAN away from the Subscribers in Baltimore County in Maryland, a Negro Man named Charles, of middle stature, aged about 28 or 30 Years, talks tolerable English: Had on when he went away, an Ozenbrigs Frock with brass Buttons on it, dark colour'd Kersey Jacket, a Cotton Jacket, old Leather Breeches, Ozenbrig Trowsers, Felt Hat, and old Shoes. HE IS SUPPOSED TO BE IN COMPANY WITH TWO SERVANT MEN belonging to John Fuller, sen., the one of them is a Scotch Man, named James M'Cornet, of middle stature, age about 26 Years, long black Hair if not cut off, and a black Beard; has with him a dark Kersey Jacket and a Cotton Jacket, old Leather Breeches, a pair of Ozenbrigs Trowsers and a pair of Crocus Trowsers, Ozenbrigs Shirt and a Dowlass Shirt, Country made Shoes and Stockings and an old Felt Hat bound round with the same. The other named Charles King of middle Stature, aged about 23 Years; has with him a Drugget Coat much worn, of a Cinnamon Colour, Cotton Jacket, Leather Breeches with Pewter Buttons on one Knee covered with Leather and none on the other, two ozenbrigs Shirts, a pair of Trowsers, Country made Shoes and Stockings of a bluish grey Colour, topt with black and white Yarn.
NOTE James M'Connet speaks broad Scotch very thick, and snuffles a little.
Whoever takes up the said Negro together with his Companions, shall have Twenty Shillings Reward for each besides what the Law directs paid by us
Darby Hernly
John Fuller.
The Philadelphia Gazette, June 26, 1740.
Run away 21st of August, from the Subscribers, of Kingsess, Philadelphia County, A WHITE MAN AND A NEGRO, IT IS SUPPOSED THEY ARE GONE TOGETHER, the White Man's Name is Abraham Josep, a Yorkshire Man, a Shoemaker by Trade aged about 24 Years***
The Negroe's Name is Tom, of a yellowish colour, pretty much pitted with Small Pox, thick set***
Two nights before there were several things stolen, and it is supposed they have them
James Hunt
Peter Elliot.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 10, 1741.
RUN away from Talbot County School, Maryland, on Monday, the 5th of this instant August, George Ewings, MASTER OF SAID SCHOOL, WHO TOOK WITH HIM A NEGROE MAN, named Nero and two Geldings, the one of a grey, the other of a black Colour, the Property of the Visitors of said School. The said Ewings is an Irishman, of a middling Stature, and thin Visage, is pitted with Small-pox, and has the Brogue upon his Tongue, and had on when he went away a light blue new coat.
Whoever apprehends and secures said Ewings, Negro and Geldings, so that they may be had again, shall receive a Reward of Five Pounds, Maryland Currency, paid by the Visitors of said School
Signed by order,
William Goldsborough, Register of Said School.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 15, 1745.
RUN away on Saturday the 26th of October, from Cadwalder, of Trenton, a Negro Man, named Sam, a likely Fellow, about 26 Years of Age, speaks very good English: Had on when he went away, a good Duroy Coat, a fine Hat, almost new, a Pair of good Leather Breeches with Trowsers over them; but as he has other Clothes with him, he may have changed them since. HE WAS ENTICED AWAY BY ONE ISAAC RANDALL, AN APPRENTICE OF THOMAS MERRIOT, jun. They took with them a likely bay Gelding, six Years old, thirteen Hands and a Half high, paces well, and is shod before: And they are supposed to have gone with a Design to enter on board a Privateer, either at New York or Philadelphia. Whoever takes them up, and secures the Negro and Gelding shall be rewarded, by
Thomas Cadwalder.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct. 31, 1745.
RUN away, the 2nd of last month from the subscriber, living at the old town Potomack, Frederick county, Maryland, a mulattoe servant man named Isaac Cromwell, about 40 years of age, a tall slim fellow, very smooth tongued, by which some people may perhaps be imposed upon: Had on when he went away, a blanket coat, leather breeches, worsted Stockings, new shoes, with brass buckles on them.
RUN AWAY AT THE SAME TIME, AN ENGLISH SERVANT WOMAN, named Anne Greene, about 45 years of age, short and well set, one of her legs much shorter than the other, much pock-marked: Had on when she went away, a white jacket, striped linsey coat. They took with them the following goods, viz. blankets, a striped cotton gown, and petticoat, several shirts and skirts, with other clothing, too tedious here to mention, also a small bay horse not branded, a large bay pacing horse, his hind feet both white, about 7 years old, branded on the near buttock with a heart and a T through it; and a small old black horse, his brand not known, with some white spots on his back. Whoever takes up the said servants, and secures them, so that their master may have them again, shall have Five Pounds, if taken in Maryland, and if in Pennsylvania, or the Jerseys, Seven Pounds and reasonable Charges, paid by Thomas Cresap or James Whitehead, Work-house-keeper in Philadelphia.
Pennsylvania Gazette, June 1, 1749.
RUN away from Francis Mines, Appoquinimy, New Castle county, a servant woman, named Ann Wainrite: She is short, well-set, fresh coloured, of a brown complexion, round visage, was brought up in Virginia, speaks good English and bold. Had on when she went away, a blue linsey-wolsey gown, a dark brown petticoat, and a Bath bonnet. She hath taken with her a striped cotton shirt, and some white ones, a drab coloured great coat, a silver hilted sword, with a broad belt, and a cane; with a considerable parcel of other goods: Also a large bay pacing horse, roughly trimmed, shod before, and branded on the near buttock S.R. THERE WENT AWAY WITH HER, A NEGRO WOMAN belonging to Jannet Balvaird, named Beck; she is lusty strong and pretty much pock-broken; had on when she went away, a brown linnen gown, a striped red and white linsey-wolsey petticoat, the red very dull, a coarse two petticoat, and calico one, with a great piece tore at the bottom, and stole a black crape gown: Also a bay horse with three white feet, a blaze down his face, and a new russet hunting saddle. Whoever takes up the above mentioned women and horses, and secures them, so as they may be had again, shall have Four Pounds reward and reasonable Charges, paid by
Francis Mines
Jannet Balvaird.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Oct. 8, 1747.
RUN AWAY from the subscriber, on Elkridge, in Anne Arundel county, Maryland, TWO WHITE SERVANTS, AND A NEGRO; one of the servants named John Wright, a shoemaker by trade, has a red nose, and a crooked finger; Had on, an ozenbrigs shirt, and breeches of the same, and a dark colour'd coat, with a large cape. The other a Yorkshire-man, named William Cherryhome, a stout fellow, with yellowish hair: Had on ozenbrigs shirts and trowsers, a white fustian coat: they both have hats and shirts. The Negro named Sam, is a lusty young fellow, with large scars on his breast and back. Whoever takes up and secures the said servants and Negro, so that they may be had again, shall have NINE POUNDS, besides what the law allows, paid by
JOHN HAMMOND.
N.B. They were seen coming from Lancaster to Philadelphia.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 2, 1750.
RUN away from James West, the first of April last a servant man, named Willis M'Coy, a small short fellow, his right eye looks red; he had on when he went away, a blue jacket and a striped flannel jacket under it, a pair of trowsers, and under them a pair of cloth breeches, too long for him, and were ripped at the knee; he had two shirts on, one ozenbrigs, the other check linnen, he is supposed to have run away with a Negro man, named Toby, WHO LEFT HIS MASTER THE SAME DAY THE OTHER DID; the Negro has a dark coloured duffil great coat much torn, he is a lusty well-set fellow, betwixt 40 and 50 years old, has sundry jackets, and coarse and fine shirts; they have no doubt changed their apparel; the Negro speaks good English, born in Philadelphia. Whoever takes up the white servant, shall have Three Pounds reward, and reasonable charges, paid by James West; and whoever takes up the Negroe above, shall have Forty Shillings paid by James Mockey, and Charges.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 2, 1750.
RUN away from the Subscriber, living at Cambridge in Dorchester County, on the 15th of this Instant July, a dark Mulatto Man Slave, named Prince: HE WENT OFF IN COMPANY WITH A WHITE SERVANT MAN whose name is John, but his surname forgot, belonging to Mr. William Horner, Merchant of the same Town. The said slave is of middle Stature, well made, well featured, and is a pert lively Fellow and plays well on the Banjer. He had on a country Linnen Shirt, short Linnen Breeches, and an old Felt Hat.
Whoever takes up the said slave and brings him to the Subscriber, shall have Four Pounds Reward, besides what the Law allows paid by
John Woollford.
If the White Man is secured, so that he may be had again, I doubt not but they who secure him will have a handsome Reward paid by William Homer.
The Maryland Gazette, July 25, 1754.
RAN away from Jonathan Sergeant, at Newark, in New-Jersey, A young Negro man, named Esop, of middle size, with round forehead, strait nose, and a down guilty look; he can write, and it is likely he may have a counterfeit pass: Had with him a beaver hat, light grey linsey-wolsey jacket, tow trowsers, new pumps, and an old purple colour'd waistcoat. IT IS SUPPOSED HE WENT AWAY IN COMPANY WITH A WHITE MAN, named John Smith, who is an old lean, tall man, with a long face and nose, and strait brown hair; who had on an old faded snuff-coloured coat. Whoever takes up and secures said man and Negro, so that their master may have them again, shall have Forty Shillings reward for each and all reasonable Charges, paid by
Jonathan Sergeant.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Aug. 28, 1755.
Forty Shillings Reward
Run away from the manor of Eaton in Suffolk County on the 18th of November, a negro named Caesar, about 40 Years of age, near 5 feet 8 inches high; has thick lips, bandy legs, walks lame, and speaks very bad English; had on when he went away, a blue jacket, check flannel shirt, tow Cloth trowsers, black and white yarn stockings, half worn shoes, and an old felt hat; has formerly lived in some part of West Jersey, where 'tis suspected he is gone; HE WENT OFF IN COMPANY WITH ONE THOMAS CORNWELL, WHO CALLS HIMSELF A BRISTOL MAN, and who 'tis feared has forged a pass for the Negro. Whoever secures the Negro so that the subscriber may have him again, shall have the above reward and all reasonable Charges, paid by
John Sloss Hobart.
All masters of vessels, and others are forbid to conceal or transport said Negro at their peril.
The New York Gazette or Weekly Post-Boy, Dec. 5, 1765.
RAN away on the 25th of April last, from a Mine Bank, belonging to Alexander Lawson and Company, in Anne Arundel County, near Elk Ridge, Landing, a Convict Servant Fellow, who came in the County last Year in Captain James Dobbins: He is an Englishman about 6 Feet high, and of a black complexion. Had on two Cotton Jackets, the under one without Sleeves, a Pair of Cotton Breeches, an Osnabrigs Shirt, a Felt Hat, a white Linnen Cap, a Silk Handkerchief, white Yarn Stockings, and Country made Shoes.
A NEGRO FELLOW BELONGING TO THE SAID COMPANY WENT AWAY WITH HIM, who is acquainted with the back Roads, and is supposed to be conducting him that Way. He is about 5 Feet 6 Inches high, pretty aged, and speaks good English. Had on a Cotton Jacket and Breeches, and Osnabrigs Shirt, an old Felt Hat, a white Linnen Cap, white Yarn Stockings, and Country made Shoes. They took with them a Drugget Coat of a light Colour, lined with Shalloon, and trimmed with Metal Buttons.
Whoever apprehends the said two Fellows, and secures them in any Gaol, so that the Subscriber may have them again, shall have, if taken within the Province, Four Pistoles Reward, for each, and reasonable Charges, if brought to Alexander Lawson.
The Maryland Gazette, May 9, 1754.
Fifty Pistoles Reward
Annapolis, in Maryland, March 25, 1754.
RAN away on the 18th Instant with the Sloop Hopewell, belonging to the Subscriber, William Curtis, Master, the TWO FOLLOWING CONVICT SERVANTS, AND NEGRO MAN, viz:
John Wright, a White Man, of a swarthy Complexion, very lusty, talks hoarse, and is much pitted with the Small Pox.
John Smith, also a lusty White Man, with short black Hair.
Toney, a yellowish Negro, and not quite so lusty, pretends to be a Portugese, speaks good English and pertly, is a good Hand by Water, also can do Cooper's Work, Butchering, &c. Had on or with him, a Dove colour'd Surtoot Coat.
They may have sundry Cloaths, Wigs, Linnen, Cash &c. belonging to the Captain, as it is believed they have murdered him; and the above Wright was seen with the Captain's Cloaths on, which were red; though he had Cloaths of sundry Colours with him: He also had a neat Silver hilted Sword, and Pistols mounted with Silver.
The Captain had the Register of the Sloop with him, but he was not endorsed thereon, as he was to return here to make up his Load, and clear at the proper Office.
They were seen off Patuxent on the 22nd Instant, at which time the said Wright assumed Master, and took two Men with them, belonging to Schooner of Mr. James Dick's and Company one a White Man belonging to Capt. William Strachan, of London Town, who went on board with some Bread for them, at which Time they hoisted Sail, and cut their Boat adrift, and carried them off.
They had some Lumber on board, such as Staves, Heading, and Plank; also Rum, Molasses, Sugar, Linnen &C. &C.
The Sloop is about 45 Tons, Square sterned, with a Round House, with a Partition under dividing the Cabin and Steerage, the Waste black, yellow Gunwales and Drift Rails, and the Drift and Stern blue.
Whoever secures the said sloop and Goods so that the Owner may have her again, and the three White Servants and two Slaves, so that they may be brought to Justice, shall have FIFTY PISTOLES Reward, paid by
Patrick Creagh.
Maryland Gazette, April 11, 1754.
New-York, July 10, 1760.
RUN away from Dennis Hicks, of Philipsburgh in Westchester County, and Province of New York, a mulatto man Slave named Bill, aged about 20 Years has a long sharp Nose, with a black Mole on the Right side of his Face, near his Nose, has very large Ears, speaks good English, and pretends to be free, and can read and write well: SAYS HE HAS A WHITE MOTHER AND WAS Born in NEW-ENGLAND. He is of a middle size, and has a thin Visage, with his Hair cut off. All person are forbid to harbour him, and all Masters of Vessels are forbid to carry him off, as they will answer it at their Peril. TWENTY-FIVE POUNDS Reward for securing him in any Gaol, or bringing him to me so that I may have him again, and reasonable Charges paid by
Dennis Hicks.
N.B. This Fellow was advertised in the New York Papers the 5th of June and in Newhaven the 11th of June 1759, was afterward taken up in Waterbury, and was put into Litchfield Gaol, from thence he was brought to Belford, and there made his escape from his master again. Those who apprehend him are desired to secure him in Irons. He was taken up by Moses Fort, of North Waterbury in New England. It is likely he will change his Cloaths as he did before. The Mole above mentioned is something long.
N.B. By information he was in Morris County in the Jerseys all the Winter; and said he would enlist in the provincial service.[1]]
The New York Gazette, Aug. 11, 1760.
[[return]]1. This advertisement appears under another heading on page 199.
Ten Pistoles Reward
Kent County Maryland, March 19, 1755.
WHEREAS THERE WERE SEVERAL Advertisements, (some of which were printed, and others of the same Signification written), dispersed through this Province, describing and offering a Reward of Two Pistoles, &c. for taking up a SERVANT MAN, NAMED JAMES FRANCIS, AND A MULATTO MAN SLAVE call'd Toby, both belonging to the subscriber, and ran away on the 11th Instant: And whereas it has been discovered since the Publishing of the said Advertisements, that they carried with them many more Things than is therein described, I do hereby again and farther give Notice that the White Man James Francis, is aged about 21 years, his Stature near five Feet and and half, slender bodied, with a smooth Face, almost beardless, born in England and bred a Farmer. The Mulatto is a lusty, well-set Country born Slave with a great Nose, wide Nostrils, full mouth'd, many Pimples in his Face; very slow in Speech, he is a tolerable Cooper and House Carpeter, and no doubt will endeavour to pass for a Free-Man; Each hath a Felt Hat, Country Cloth Vest and Breeches, and Yarn Stockings: one of them has a light coloured loose Coat of Whitney or Duffel: The White Man a dark close bodied Coat, a striped short Vest of Everlasting, another of blue Fearnothing, with other Cloaths. The Slave has also many other valuable Garments; they took with them likewise a Gun, Powder and Shot, and are supposed either to cross, or go down Bay in a Pettiauger.
Whoever brings the said Servant and Slave to the Subscriber on the Mouth of Chester River or to Thomas Ringgold at Chester-Town, shall have for a Reward Ten Pistoles and all reasonable Charges in taking and securing the said Servant and Slave, paid by[2]
James Ringgold.
Thomas Ringgold.
The Maryland Gazette, March 20, 1755.
[[return]]2. This advertisement occurs also under the heading of "The Relations of the French and Negroes."
One Hundred Dollars Reward
RAN away from Hagerstown, Washington County, Maryland in September last, a Negro wench named PEGGY, but sometimes calls herself NANCY, about 26 years of age, talks on the Welsh accent, her complexion of a yellowish cast, the wool on her head is longer than negroes commonly have: Had on a blue petticoat of Duffil cloth, old shoes and stockings, her other clothes uncertain. IT IS SUPPOSED SHE WENT OFF WITH A PORTUGESE FELLOW WHO SERVED HIS TIME WITH MR. JACOB FUNK: they probably may be in the neighborhood of Georgetown or Alexandria or gone towards camp, and that she will attempt to pass for a free woman, and wife to the Portugese fellow. Whoever takes her up and secures her in any gaol, so that the subscriber get her again, or delivers her to Daniel Hughes, Esq., in Hagerstown, shall have the above reward, and reasonable charges,
John Swan.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, Oct. 19, 1779.
Six Dollars Reward
On Monday night, the 18th instant, ran away, from the subscriber, living in Montgomery County, near Georgetown, a likely, bright MULATTO MAN named GEORGE PINTER, about 21 years of age, 5 feet 9 or 10 inches high, spare made, with long bushy hair; he is remarkably talkative, and generally smiles when spoken to; he had on, and took with him, a drab-coloured country-cloth surtout, one white broad-cloth coat with plated buttons, one striped nankeen ditto, two striped silk and cotton waistcoats with gilt buttons, one pair of blue yarn stockings, all of them about half worn, and a pretty good felt hat, with a very wide but shallow crown; his other clothes unknown. It is highly probable he is furnished with a pass and will assume the character of a free man; he went off, IT IS SUSPECTED IN COMPANY WITH A COUPLE OF IRISH SERVANTS WHO LEFT THE LITTLE FALLS ON THE SAME DAY, where they had been at work together for some time past. Whoever apprehends and secures the said Runaway, in any gaol, so that his master may get him again, shall receive the above reward, with reasonable charges, if brought home.
March 25, 1793.
William Wallace.
The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser, March 29, 1793.
Westmoreland County, Virginia, Aug. 17, 1749.
RUN away from subscriber on Monday last, a Convict Servant named Thomas Winey; he professes farming, was imported lately from Maidstone gaol in the County of Kent, Great Britain--***
THE ABOVE MENTIONED SERVANT TOOK WITH HIM A MOLATTOE SLAVE named James, a well set fellow, 23 years old ************ I have been informed by their confederates since they went off, that they intend to go to Pennsylvania and from thence to New England, unless they can on their way get passage in some vessel to Great Britain where the Molattoe slave pretends to have an UNCLE WHO ESCAPED FROM HIS MASTER IN THIS COLONY NEAR 23 YEARS AGO, AND IS SAID TO KEEP A COFFEE HOUSE IN LONDON.
The Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 14, 1749.
Reviews of Books
The Negro. By W. E. B. DuBois. New York: Henry Holt and Co. 1915. Pp. 254. 50 cents.
In this small volume Dr. DuBois presents facts to show that, contrary to general belief, the Negro has developed and contributed to civilization the same as all other groups of the human race. The usual arguments that the backward state of Negro culture is due to the biological inferiority of the race he shows to be without foundation, since these arguments have been largely abandoned by creditable scholars. Much of the material in the book has been known for several years to readers of works of scholars on race questions. As is commonly the case, truths which tend to destroy deep-rooted prejudices reach general readers with considerable slowness. While it is not possible to treat but briefly a large subject in such small compass, the facts set forth by the author will put many persons on their guard against individuals who continue to spread misinformation about the Negro race.
The book is divided into twelve chapters, contains a helpful index, has a topically arranged list of books suggested for further reading, and an index. All of the chapters make interesting reading; but those treating of the achievements in state building and general culture of the ancient African Negro are especially stimulating. The author points out that in Egypt, both as mixed Semitic-Negroids and pure blacks from Ethiopia, Negro blood shared in producing the civilization of Egypt. Another center of Negro civilization was the Soudan. There strong Negro empires like Songhay and Melle developed under Mohammedan influence and existed for many centuries. In West Africa there was a flourishing group of Negro city states, the most famous of these being the Yoruban group. Recent discoveries of Frobenius in these parts of the continent show that the people reached a high stage of development in the terra cotta, bronze, glass, weaving, and iron industry. In the regions about the Great Lakes, inhabited largely by the Bantu, are found many worked over gold and silver mines, old irrigation systems, remains of hundreds of groups of stone buildings and fortifications. The author explains that the decline of this ancient culture was due to internal wars, Mohammedan conquest, and especially the ravages of the slave trade. The fact of the existence of such culture in the past stands as evidence of the capacity of the race to achieve.
It is worth noting what the author thinks about "the future relation of the Negro race to the rest of the world." He states that the "clear modern philosophy ... assigns to the white race alone the hegemony of the world and assumes that other races, and particularly the Negro race, will either be content to serve the interests of the whites or die out before their all-conquering march." Of the several plans of solutions of the Negro problems since the emancipation from chattel slavery he tells us that practically all have been directed by the motive of economic exploitation for the benefit of white Europe. Because all dark races, and the white workmen too, are included in this capitalistic program of economic exploitation, he believes there is coming "a unity of the working classes everywhere," which will apparently know no race line. But the colored peoples are more largely the victims of this economic exploitation. In answer to it the author concludes: "There is slowly arising not only a strong brotherhood of Negro blood throughout the world, but the common cause of the darker races against the intolerable assumptions and insults of Europeans has already found expression." He expresses the hope that "this colored world may come into its heritage, ... the earth," may not "again be drenched in the blood of fighting, snarling human beasts," but that "Reason and Good will prevail."
J. A. Bigham.
The American Civilization and the Negro. By C. V. Roman, A.M., M.D. F. A. Davis Company, Philadelphia, 1916. 434 pages.
This volume is a controversial treatise supported here and there by facts of Negro life and history. The purpose of the work is to increase racial self respect and to diminish racial antagonism. The author has endeavored to combine argument and evidence to refute the assertions of such writers as Schufeldt and agitators like Tillman and Vardaman. But although on the controversial order the author has tried to write "without bitterness and bias." The effort here is directed toward showing that humanity is one in vices and virtues as well as in blood; that the laws of evolution and progress apply equally to all; that there are no diseases peculiar to the American Negro nor any debasing vices peculiar to the African; that there are no cardinal virtues peculiar to the European; and that all races having numerous failings, one should not give snap judgment of the other, especially when that judgment involves the welfare of a people.
The work contains an extensive zoological examination of man as an inhabitant of the world, the differences in the separate individuals composing races, the forces with which they must contend, the morals of mankind, and the general principles of human development. The question of Negro slavery in America is discussed as a preliminary in coming to the crucial point of the study, the presence of the colored man in the South. The author frankly states what the colored man is struggling for. Making a review of the history of the Negroes of the United States, he justifies their claim to political rights on the ground that they are reacting successfully to their environment.
The book abounds with illustrations of prominent colored Americans, successful Negroes, individual types, typical family groups, arts and crafts among the Africans, public schools and colleges.
J. O. Burke.
The Police Control of the Slave in South Carolina. By H. M. Henry, M.A., Professor of History and Economics, Emory and Henry College, Emory, Virginia, 1914. 216 pages.
This work is a doctoral dissertation of Vanderbilt University. The author entered upon this study to show to what extent the southern people "sought to perpetuate, not slavery, but the same method of controlling the emancipated Negro which was in force under the slavery regime, the difficulties which were met with from without and the measure of success attained." He was not long in discovering that the laws on the statute books did not adequately answer the question. It was necessary, therefore, to determine to what extent these laws were in force and what extra-legal method may have been resorted to in a system so flexible as slavery.
One of the first influences discovered was the Barbadian slave code and then the evolution of slave control from that of the white indentured servant. Soon then the status of the slave as interpreted by the court was that of no legal standing in these tribunals. The overseer is then presented as a Negro driver, referred to in contemporary sources. The author devotes much space to the patrol system, the various kinds of punishment, the court for the trial of slaves, the relations between the Negroes and the whites, the question of trading with slaves, slaves hiring their time, the slave trade, the stealing, harboring and kidnapping of free Negroes, the runaway slaves, the Seamen Acts, the gatherings of Negroes, slave insurrections, the abolition of incendiary literature, the prohibition of the education of the blacks, manumission, and the legal status of the free Negro.
The author shows by his researches that although amended somewhat, the slave code agreed upon in 1740 continued as a part of the organic law. At times some effort was made to ameliorate the condition of the blacks. The kidnapping of free Negroes, at first permitted, was later declared a crime, the murder of a Negro by a white man, which until 1821 was punishable only by a fine, was then made a capital offence, the court for the trial of Negroes became more inclined to be just, the privileges of trading and hiring their time, although prohibited by law, became common, and some efforts were made to give the blacks religious instruction. At the same time the Negro suffered from reactionary measures restricting their emancipation, prohibiting free Negroes from entering the State, and proscribing their education. The author can see why the rich planters for financial reasons supported this system, but wonders why non-slaveholders who formed the majority of the white population, "should have assisted in upholding and maintaining the slavery status of the Negro with its attendant inconveniences, such a patrol service, when they must have been aware in some measure, at least, that as an economic regime it was a hindrance to their progress."
In this study the author found nothing "to indicate that there was any movement or any serious discussion of the advisability of abolishing slavery or devising any plan that would eventually lead to it." In that State there never were many anti-slavery inhabitants. The Quakers who came into the State soon left and the Germans, who at first abstained from slavery, finally yielded. There probably was an academic deprecation of the evils of the institution but hardly any tendency toward agitation; and if there had been such, the promoters would not have secured support among the leading people. A few men like Judge O'Neall favored the emancipation of worthy slaves, but the agitation from without gave this sentiment no chance to grow. Yet the author is anxious not to leave the impression that, had it not been for outside interference, slavery in South Carolina would have been modified. This would not have happened, he contended, because unlike the States of North Carolina and Virginia, South Carolina did not find slaves less valuable. The condition of the slave in the upper country was better than that in the low lands, but no section of the State showed signs of abolition.
This work is a well-documented dissertation. It has an appendix containing valuable documents, and a critical bibliography of the works consulted. It could have been improved by digesting documents which appear almost in full throughout the work. Another defect is that it has no index.
C. B. Walter.
Gouldtown. By William Steward, A.M., and Rev. Theophilus G. Steward, D.D. J. B. Lippincott Co., Philadelphia, 1913. 237 pages. $2.50.
There are hundreds of thousands of mulattoes in the United States. Anyone interested in this group of the American people will find many illuminating and suggestive facts in Gouldtown. It is the history of the descendants of Lord Fenwick, who was a major in Oliver Cromwell's army, and of Gould a Negro man. Fenwick's will of 1683 contains the following: "I do except against Elizabeth Adams of having any ye leaste part of my estate, unless the Lord open her eyes to see her abdominable transgression against him, me and her good father, by giving her true repentance, and forsaking yt Black yt hath been ye ruin of her, and becoming penitent for her sins; upon yt condition only I do will and require my executors to settle five hundred acres of land upon her." Elizabeth did not forsake this Negro by the name of Gould and the remarkable mulatto group of Gouldtown is the result of this marriage. Gouldtown is a small settlement in southwest New Jersey.
In 1910 there were 225 living descendants from this union scattered throughout the United States from the Atlantic to the Pacific; many in Canada, others in London, Liverpool, Paris, Berlin and Antwerp. For over 200 years these descendants have married and inter-married with Indian, Negro and White with no serious detriment except the introduction of tuberculosis into one branch of the family by an infusion of white blood. It is interesting to note that crime, drunkenness, pauperism or sterility has not resulted from these two hundred years of miscegenation. Thrift and intelligence, longevity and fertility have been evident. In every war except the Mexican, the community has been represented; one member of the group became a bishop in the A.M.E. Church; one, chaplain in the United States army, and many, now white, are prominent in other walks of life. Several golden weddings have been celebrated. Several have reached the age of a hundred years while many seem not to have begun to grow old until three score years have been reached.
If one enters into the spirit of Gouldtown, and reads hastily the dry, Isaac-begat-Jacob passages, the study moves like the story of a river that loses itself in the sands. "Samuel 3rd. when a young man went to Pittsburgh then counted to be in the far west and all trace of him was lost." "Daniel Gould ... in early manhood went to Massachusetts, losing his identity as colored." Such expressions are typical of the whole study. A constant fading away, a losing identity occurs. The book is clearly the story of the mulatto in the United States.
Aside from an occasional lapse in diction, it is a careful study with 35 illustrations and many documents such as copies of deeds, wills, family-bible and death records.
Walter Dyson.
Notes
"The Creed of the Old South," by Basil Gildersleeve, has come from the Johns Hopkins Press. This is a presentation of the Lost Cause to enlarge the general appreciation of southern ideals.
From the same press comes also "The Constitutional Doctrines of Justice Harlan," by Floyd B. Clark. The author gives an interesting survey of the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, tracing the constitutional doctrine of the distinguished jurist.
The Neale Publishing Company has brought out "The Aftermath of the Civil War in Arkansas," by Powell Clayton. The author was governor of the State from 1868 to 1871. Not desiring to take radical ground, he endeavors to be moderate in sketching the work of different factions.
From the press of Funk Wagnalls we have "Samuel Coleridge-Taylor; Musician, His Life and Letters," by W. C. Berwick Sayres.
Dean B. G. Brawley, of Morehouse College, contributed to the January number of "The South Atlantic Quarterly" an article entitled "Pre-Raphaelitism and Its Literary Relations."
C. F. Heartman, New York, has published the poems of Jupiter Hammon, a slave born in Long Island, New York, about 1720. Nothing is known of Hammon's early life. It is probable that he was a preacher. His first poem was published December 25, 1760. They do not show any striking literary merit but give evidence of the mental development of the slave of the eighteenth century.
Dr. B. F. Riley, the noted Birmingham preacher and social worker, is planning to bring out a biography of Booker T. Washington. Dr. Riley is a white man and is the author of "The White Man's Burden," an historical and sociological work written in behalf of the rights of all humanity irrespective of class or condition.
Dr. C. G. Woodson has been asked to write for the revised edition of the "Encyclopaedia Americana" the article on "Negro Education."
The Cambridge University Press has published "The Northern Bantu," by J. Roscoe. This is a short history of some central African tribes of the Uganda Protectorate.
J. A. Winter contributed to the July number of "The South African Journal of Science" a paper entitled "The Mental and Moral Capabilities of the Natives, Especially of Sekukuniland."
In "Folk Lore," September 30, 1915, appeared "Some Algerian Superstitions noted among the Shawai Berbers of the Aurès Mountains and their Nomad Neighbors."
Murray has published in London "A History of the Gold Coast and Ashanti" in two volumes, by W. W. Claridge. The introduction is written by the Governor of the Gold Coast, Sir Hugh Clifford. It covers the period from the earliest times to the commencement of the present century. The volume commences with an account of the Akan tribes and their existence in two main branches--Fanti and Ashanti. Beginning with the early voyages, the author gives an extensive sketch of European discovery and settlement.
"A History of South Africa from the Earliest Days to the Union," by W. C. Scully, has appeared under the imprint of Longmans, Green and Company.
Fisher Unwin has published "South West Africa," by W. Eveleigh. The volume gives a brief account of the history, resources and possibilities of that country.
How the Public Received The Journal of Negro History
My dear Dr. Woodson:
I thank you cordially for sending me a copy of the first issue of The Journal of Negro History. It is a real pleasure to see a journal of this kind, dignified in form and content, and conforming in every way to the highest standards of modern historical research. You and your colleagues are to be congratulated on beginning your enterprise with such promise, and you certainly have my very best wishes for the future success of an undertaking so significant for the history of Negro culture in America and the world.
I feel it a duty to assist concretely in work of this kind, and accordingly I enclose my check for sixteen dollars, of which fifteen dollars are in payment of a life membership fee in the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, and one dollar for a year's subscription to the Journal.
Very sincerely yours,
J. E. Spingarn
Dear Dr. Woodson:
Thank you for sending me the first number of your QUARTERLY JOURNAL. Mr. Bowen had already loaned me his copy and I had been meaning to write to you, stating how much I liked the looks of the magazine, the page, the print, and how good the matter of this first number seemed to me to be. I am going to ask the library here to subscribe to it and I shall look over each number as it comes out. Enclosed is my cheque for five dollars which you can add to your research fund.
Very truly yours,
Edward Channing,
Mclean Professor of Ancient
and Modern History,
Harvard University
My dear Dr. Woodson:
No words of mine can express the delight with which I am reading the first copy of your Journal, nor the supreme satisfaction I feel that such an organization as the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History is in actual and active existence.
Inclosed find check for sixteen dollars for one year's subscription to the JOURNAL and a life membership in the Association.
Very truly yours,
Leila Amos Pendleton
Washington, D.C.
Dear Sir:
I have read with considerable interest Number 1 of The Journal of Negro History. The enterprise seems to me to be an excellent one and deserving of enthusiastic support.
Yours sincerely,
A. A. Goldenweiser,
Department of Anthropology,
Columbia University
Dear Sir:
Last week I chanced to see a copy of The Journal of Negro History, January number, and while I didn't have opportunity to read it fully, I was very favorably impressed with it; so much so that I am sending my check for one year's subscription, including the January number. Allow me to hope much success may attend this undertaking and that subsequent numbers be as elegant and attractive as this one.
Yours very truly,
T. Spotuas Burwell
Dear Sir:
I want to congratulate you on the appearance and contents of this first number. It has received most favorable comment from every one to whom I have shown it. I certainly wish it every success.
Yours truly,
Caroline B. Chapin
Englewood, N.J.
Dear Mr. Woodson:
I have examined with more than usual interest the copy of The Journal of Negro History which has just reached me through your courtesy. It certainly looks hopeful and I trust that the venture may prove its usefulness very quickly. I am sending you my check for a subscription as I shall be glad to receive subsequent issues.
Wishing you great success in your editorial position and hoping that the idea of the organization may be attained, I remain,
Yours very truly,
F. W. Shepardson,
Professor of American History,
The University of Chicago
I looked over the first number of The Journal of Negro History with much interest. It bears every evidence of a scientific disposition on the part of the editor and his board.
Yours sincerely,
Ferdinand Schevill,
Professor of European History,
The University of Chicago
My dear Dr. Woodson:
Your magazine is excellent. I am noting it in the current Crisis.
Very sincerely Yours,
W. E. B. DuBois,
Editor of the Crisis
My dear Dr. Woodson:
Enclosed find my check for $1 for one year's subscription to The Journal of Negro History. I am enjoying the reading of the first issue and shall look forward with interest to the coming of each successive one.
With best wishes for the work, I am,
Very truly yours,
T. C. Williams,
Manassas, Va.
My dear Dr. Woodson:
I have read The Journal of Negro History with pleasure, interest, profit and withal, amazement. The typographical appearance, the size and the strong scholastic historical articles reveal research capacity of the writers, breadth of learning and fine literary taste. Having been the editor of the Voice of the Negro and knowing somewhat of the literary capacity of the best writers of the race, I cannot but express satisfaction and amazement with this new venture under your leadership. I sincerely hope and even devoutly pray that this latest born from the brain of the Negro race may grow in influence and power, as it deserves, to vindicate for the thinkers of the race their claim to citizenship in the republic of thought and letters. Count upon me as a fellow worker.
Yours sincerely,
J. W. E. Bowen
Vice-President of Gammon Theological Seminary
My Dear Dr. Woodson:
I have examined with interest the first number of The Journal of Negro History, which you so kindly sent me. It is a credit to its editors and contributors and I hope it may continue to preserve high standards and to prosper.
Sincerely yours,
Frederick J. Turner,
Professor of American History in Harvard University
My dear Dr. Woodson:
I am obliged to you for your copy of The Journal of Negro History and am interested in knowing that you have undertaken this interesting work. I shall endeavor to see that it is ordered for our library. I should suppose that if you could manage to float it and keep it going for a few years, at least, that it would have considerable historical value.
Very sincerely yours,
A. C. Mclaughlin,
Head of the Department of American History,
The University of Chicago
My dear Dr. Woodson:
Thank you for sending me the Journal of Negro History, which I have examined with interest and which I am calling to the attention of the Harvard Library. You have struck a good field of work, and I am sure you can achieve genuine results in it.
Sincerely yours,
Charles H. Haskins,
Dean of the Harvard Graduate School
My dear Dr. Woodson:
Please accept my thanks for an initial copy of The Journal of Negro History which you were kind enough to send me. I am delighted with it. Its mechanical makeup leaves nothing to be desired and its contents possess a permanent value. It should challenge the support of all forward-looking men of the race and command the respect of the thinking men of the entire country regardless of creed or color. I wish you the fullest measure of success in this unique undertaking.
Your friend,
J. W. Scott,
Principal of the Douglass High School,
Huntington, W. Va.
I wish to acknowledge the receipt of the first number of The Journal of Negro History. I have read it with much interest and congratulate you, as the editor, upon your achievement. The more I think of the matter, the more do I believe there is a place for such a publication. The history of the Negro in Africa, in the West Indies, in Spanish America, and in the United States offers a large field in which little appears to have been done.
Very truly yours,
A. H. Buffinton,
Instructor in History, Williams College
My dear Sir:
A copy of The Journal of Negro History was received yesterday and I wish to thank you and the gentlemen associated with you for this magnificent effort. There is "class" to this magazine, more "class" than I have seen in any of our race journals. May I say, notwithstanding the fact that I edited a race magazine once myself, the whole magazine is clean and high and deserves a place in our homes and college libraries alongside with the great periodicals of the land.
Yours very truly,
J. Max Barber
Dear Sirs:
Please find enclosed my subscription of one dollar in cash to The Journal of Negro History, and permit me to congratulate you on your first publication.
Very truly yours,
Oswald Garrison Villard
Dear Sir:
The first number of your magazine reached me a few days ago. It is a fine publication, doing credit to its editor and to the association. I think it has a fine field.
Sincerely yours,
T. G. Steward,
Captain, U. S. Army, Retired
Dear Dr. Woodson:
I have the first number of The Journal of Negro History. Permit me to congratulate you and to earnestly hope that it may live long and prosper. It is excellent in purpose, matter and method. If the present high standard is maintained, you and your friends will not only make a most valuable contribution to a dire need of the Negro, but you will add in a substantial measure to current historical data.
Truly yours,
D. S. S. Goodloe,
Principal, Maryland Normal and Industrial School
"Why then, should the new year be signalized by the appearance of a magazine bearing the title The Journal of Negro History? How can there be such a thing as history for a race which is just beginning to live? For the JOURNAL does not juggle with words; by 'history' it means history and not current events. The answer is to be found within its pages...."
"But the outstanding feature of the new magazine is just the fact of its appearance. Launched at Chicago by a new organization, the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, it does not intend 'to drift into the discussion of the Negro Problem,' but rather to 'popularize the movement of unearthing the Negro and his contributions to civilization ... believing that facts properly set forth will speak for themselves.'"
"This is a new and stirring note in the advance of the black man. Comparatively few of any race have a broad or accurate knowledge of its part. It would be absurd to expect that the Negro will carry about in his head many details of a history from which he is separated by a tremendous break. It is not absurd to expect that he will gradually learn that he, too, has a heritage of something beside shame and wrong. By that knowledge he may be uplifted as he goes about his task of building from the bottom."
The New York Evening Post.
When men of any race begin to show pride in their own antecedents we have one of the surest signs of prosperity and rising civilization. That is one reason why the new Journal of Negro History ought to attract more than passing attention. Hitherto the history of the Negro race has been written chiefly by white men; now the educated Negroes of this country have decided to search out and tell the historic achievements of their race in their own way and from their own point of view. And, judging from the first issue of their new publication, they are going to do it in a way that will measure up to the standards set by the best historical publications of the day.
The opinions which the American Negro has hitherto held concerning his own race have been largely moulded for him by others. Himself he has given us little inkling of what his race has felt, and thought and done. Any such situation, if long enough continued, would make him a negligible factor in the intellectual life of mankind. But the educated leaders of the race, of whom our colleges and universities have been turning out hundreds in recent years, do not propose that this shall come to pass. They are going to show the Negro that his race is more ancient than the Golden Fleece or Roman Eagle; that Ethiopia had a history quite as illustrious as that of Nineveh or Tyre, and that the Negro may well take pride in the rock from which he was hewn. The few decades of slavery form but a small dark spot in the annals of long and great achievements. That embodies a fine attitude and one which should be thoroughly encouraged. It aims to teach the Negro that he can do his own race the best service by cultivating those hereditary racial traits which are worth preserving, and not by a fatuous imitation of his white neighbors.
At any rate, here is a historical journal of excellent scientific quality, planned and managed by Negro scholars for readers of their own race, and preaching the doctrine of racial self-consciousness. That in itself is a significant step forward.
The Boston Herald.
A new periodical, to be published quarterly, is the journal of "The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History," a society organized in Chicago in September, 1915. The commendable aim of the Association is to collect and publish historical and sociological material bearing on the Negro race. Its purpose, it is claimed, is not to drift into discussion of the Negro problem, but to publish facts which will show to posterity what the Negro has so far thought, felt, and done.
The president of the association, George C. Hall, of Chicago; its secretary-treasurer, Jesse E. Moorland, of Washington, D.C.; the editor of the Journal, Carter G. Woodson, also of Washington; and the other names associated with them on the executive council and on the board of associate editors, guarantee an earnestness of purpose and a literary ability which will doubtless be able to maintain the high standard set in the first issue of the Journal. The table of contents of the January number includes several historical articles of value, some sociological studies, and other contributions, all presented in dignified style and in a setting of excellent paper and type. The general style of the Journal is the same as that of the American Historical Review.
The Southern Workman.
An undertaking which deserves a cordial welcome began in the publication, in January, of the first number of the Journal of Negro History, edited by Mr. Carter G. Woodson, and published at 2223 Twelfth Street, N.W., Washington, by the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, formed at Chicago in September, 1915. The price is but $1 per annum. The objects of the Association and of the journal are admirable--not the discussion of the "negro problem," which is sure, through other means, of discussion ample in quantity at least, but to exhibit the facts of negro history, to save and publish the records of the black race, to make known by competent articles and by documents what the negro has thought and felt and done. The first number makes an excellent beginning, with an article by the editor on the Negroes of Cincinnati prior to the Civil War; one by W. B. Hartgrove on the career of Maria Louise Moore and Fannie M. Richards, mother and daughter, pioneers in negro education in Virginia and Detroit; one by Monroe N. Work, on ancient African civilization; and one by A. O. Stafford, on negro proverbs. The reprinting of a group of articles on slavery in the American Museum of 1788 by "Othello," a negro, and of selections from the Baptist Annual Register, 1790-1802, respecting negro Baptist churches, gives useful aid toward better knowledge of the American negro at the end of the eighteenth century.
The American Historical Review.
The Journal
of
Negro History
Edited By