IV. Wages, Hours, and Specific Occupations
While wages and efficiency are in some degree related in domestic service, there is the custom of paying the "going wage" for specific occupations, irrespective of efficiency. Wages vary, of course, in different sections of the country and in different localities. Occasionally attempts are made to grade such laborers. One employment bureau, in Indianapolis, for example, divides its day workers into grades A and B with respective wages of 30 cents and 25 cents an hour for each grade.
Two other questions current in the problem of wages in domestic service, both of which seem to be slowly lending themselves to adjustment, are the payment of weekly wages instead of bi-weekly or monthly wages, and equal pay for equal work irrespective of whether a man or a woman, a Negro or a white employee, does the work. Bi-monthly payment in domestic service has come to be the custom due largely to the convenience of the employer, and to the possibility of weekly wages increasing the turnover. A domestic worker often leaves unceremoniously as soon as he gets his first pay. However, workers claim that the custom of bi-weekly or monthly pay inconveniences them since they cannot arrange to pay their rent, or purchase clothing and other necessities on that basis.
The question of equal pay for Negro domestic workers does not enter the domestic service wage problem of the South because Negroes pre-empt this field in that section. Although the scarcity of domestic labor seems to be settling this matter in other sections of the country, it still persists in some measure. Twenty-five years ago Miss Eaton discovered that Negro butlers on Rittenhouse Square, Philadelphia, received on an average $36.90 a month, while white butlers were getting from $40 to $45 a month.[25]
In the fall of 1921, during the period of labor depression, eleven of the Washington, D. C., clubs and expensive boarding houses attempted to make a change from Negro to white chambermaid-waitresses at an increase of $10 a month for each worker. The four clubs that succeeded in making the change discharged their white chambermaid-waitresses after one week each and re-employed Negroes at the old wage of $35 a month. One of the successful employers felt that, inasmuch as the white servants were no more satisfactory than the Negro workers, she had just as well keep the Negroes and pay them less.
When the minimum wage law for women and minors of Washington, D. C., recently declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court, went into effect, practically all of the hotels and restaurants in that city immediately discharged Negro workers and took on white ones. Some of the managers told the agent at the United States Employment Bureau that they were making the change because white servants were more efficient than Negro workers. Other managers, some of whom had used Negro labor for more than fifteen years, simply said that $16.50 a week was too much to pay Negroes, and, therefore, wished white workers instead. The few hotels and restaurants that retained Negroes as a rule put them on a much shorter working week than 48 hours, thus reducing their pay.
Boarding houses and institutions such as private schools, sanatoria, and the like, that offer excuses and fail to pay workers should be mentioned in this connection. The manager of one such boarding house in Washington, D. C., was sued by a worker who won her case because other unpaid laborers testified against the manager. The superintendent of a small private school in that city—also among such paymasters—had repeatedly been reported to the Minimum Wage Board which forced her to pay the Negro women day workers. After a few months of such experience she changed her help and began to employ men, over whom the Minimum Wage Board had no jurisdiction.
The wages of Negro domestic workers today are considerably higher than they were in past decades, as is shown by a comparison of figures in past periods for the Continental United States and for selected cities with figures in 1920-1923. For the twenty-five years prior to the World War there had been only a slight wage increase in domestic and personal service. During the World War there was a considerable increase in wages for both male and female domestic workers, the increase for the latter being larger than that for the former. Since the World War wages for such workers have fallen to some extent but not anywhere near the pre-war level.
The following tables, with one exception, show the wage changes at different ten-year periods over a range of 30 years. In Table IX the figures from the Boston Employment Bureau illustrate the fact that the average weekly wages for female domestic workers of Boston were decidedly higher than elsewhere in the country. This table also makes clear the fact that wages for men were considerably higher than those for women.
Average Daily and Weekly Wages in Selected Domestic Service Occupations, 1889-1890[26]
| Table IX | ||
| Occupation | Weekly Wages for the United States | Weekly Wages for Boston, Mass. |
| Women | ||
| Cooks | $3.72 | $4.45 |
| Cooks and laundresses | 3.39 | |
| Chambermaids | 3.39 | 3.86 |
| Waitresses | 3.19 | 3.7 |
| Second girls | 3.16 | 3.7 |
| Chambermaids and waitresses | 3.10 | |
| Parlor maids | 3 | |
| General servants | 2.91 | 3 |
| Men | ||
| Coachmen | $7.84 | |
| Coachmen and gardeners | 6.54 | |
| Butlers | 6.11 | |
| Cooks | 6.08 | |
| Women | Daily Wages | |
| Laundresses | .82 | |
| Seamstresses | 1.01 | |
| Men | ||
| Gardeners | 1.33 | |
| Chore-men | .87 |
Table X below gives average wages for selected domestic service occupations in the United States for a decade later than the figures of Table IX. The slight variation in the figures of Table X from those of Table IX may be due to probable error incident to the collection of the data or to some other factor. The indications of these two tables, however, with ten years intervening between the compilation of the data, are that wages probably had changed very little, if any.
Average Weekly Wages for Selected Domestic Service Occupations in the United States, 1900[27]
| Table X | |
| Occupation | Average Weekly Wage |
| Women | |
| General houseworkers | $3.28 |
| Cooks | 3.95 |
| Waitresses | 3.43 |
| Other specialists | 3.54 |
| Men | |
| For all domestic service occupations | 6.03 |
| Women | |
| For all domestic service occupations | 3.51 |
In comparison with the two preceding tables, Table XI below gives wages for domestic service in Philadelphia for about the same period. The weekly wages range higher than for the country as a whole. The lower wages in the southern border and middle sections of the United States have reduced the average for the country below that for this eastern city in which also special conditions may have operated to bring such wages above the general level.
Average Weekly Wages of Negro Domestic Workers of Philadelphia, 1896-1897[27]
| Table XI | |
| Occupation | Average Weekly Wage |
| Women | |
| General worker | $3.24 |
| Janitress | 4.06 |
| Chambermaid-laundress | 3.58 |
| Cook-laundress | 4.00 |
| Laundress | 4.04 |
| Lady's maid | 3.63 |
| Chambermaid and waitress | 3.17 |
| Waitress | 3.31 |
| Women | |
| Chambermaid | 3.17 |
| Child's nurse | 3.35 |
| Errand girl | 2.00 |
| Cook | 4.02 |
| Men | |
| General worker | 5.38 |
| Valet | 8.00 |
| Cook | 6.17 |
| Waiter | 6.14 |
| Coachman | 8.58 |
| Butler | 8.24 |
| Bellboy | 2.61 |
Table XII which follows is drawn from The Negro at Work in New York City, and shows the modal wage groups for specific occupations in domestic and personal service, New York City, 1906-1909. Although data for New York City are not typical of the entire country, these are the only available figures for this period, and they may indicate the trend of wages in domestic personal service in that section. In comparison with the preceding Table of Wages in Philadelphia, the increase in wages in New York City may be due to differences of conditions in the two cities rather than to any general increase or decrease in wages.
Modal Wage Groups for Selected Occupations, 1906-1909[28]
| Table XII | |
| Occupation | Range of Modal Wage |
| Female | |
| Switchboard operator | $4.00-4.99 |
| Chambermaid | 4.00-4.99 |
| Chambermaid-cook | 5.00-5.99 |
| Chambermaid-laundress | 5.00-5.99 |
| Chambermaid-waitress | 4.00-4.99 |
| Kitchenmaid | 4.00-4.99 |
| Cook | 5.00-5.99 |
| Cook and general worker | 5.00-5.99 |
| Cook-waitress | 4.00-4.99 |
| Cook-laundress | 5.00-5.99 |
| Errand girl | Less than 4.00 |
| General houseworker | 4.00-4.99 |
| Laundress | 4.00-4.99 |
| Lady's maid | 4.00-4.99 |
| Parlor maid | 4.00-4.99 |
| Nurse | Less than 3.00 |
| Pantry girl | 4.00-4.99 |
| Waitress | 4.00-4.99 |
| Dishwasher | 4.00-4.99 |
| Male | |
| Bellman | Less than 4.00 |
| Butler-cook | 5.00-5.99 |
| Waiter | 5.00-5.99 |
| Butler | 5.00-5.99 |
| Coachman | 5.00-5.99 |
| Cook | 5.00-5.99 |
| Elevator operator | 5.00-5.99 |
| Furnaceman | 5.00-5.99 |
| Gardener | 4.00-4.99 |
| Hallman and doorman | 4.00-4.99 |
| Houseman | 5.00-5.99 |
| Janitor | 5.00-5.99 |
The last decade embraces the World War when wages in domestic and personal service were at their maximum. The following tables for selected cities present graphically the increase in wages for male and female domestic workers and the slight increase in wages of females over that of males. These tables also show how wages vary in different sections of the country. Although these figures are for 1920, and the first quarter of 1921, the decline in wages generally did not begin until the fourth quarter of 1920, and it was not so pronounced in domestic and personal service as in many other occupational groups, and was scarcely appreciable in domestic service until the middle of 1921.
Tables XIII, XIV, XV, XVI, and XVII indicate that although wages in domestic and personal service among Negroes have fallen somewhat, they are still far above those of pre-war times. They also show that since the War there has been considerable decline in rates paid men for day work in New York City and Washington, D. C., but very little decrease in the rates for women day workers in either of the two cities.
Any analysis of these tables must take into consideration that female day workers in the cities included in the tables receive their carfare and at least one meal; cooks, general houseworkers, waiters and waitresses, housemen, mothers' helpers, some kitchen help, part-time workers and nurses receive their meals and, in many instances, their quarters.
In this table wages for clerical workers, factory workers, laborers, truckers, butchers, etc., are given in comparison with the wages of domestic and personal service workers. For example: a stenographer receives $18 a week, while a cook receives from $18 to $25 a week and board; a factory girl receives from 25 cents to 30 cents an hour, while a day worker in domestic service receives $22 a week, and a cook receives $25 a week and board.
Weekly Wages of 118 Negro Men in Domestic Service by Specified Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921[29]
| Table XIII | |||
| Occupations | Number Employed | Weekly Wages | |
| Cleaners | 3 | $ .50 per hour | |
| 5 | 3.00 per day | ||
| Cooks | 2 | 15.00-17.99 | |
| 3 | 18.00-19.99 | ||
| 3 | 25.00 or more | ||
| Dishwashers | 2 | 10.00-12.99 | |
| 4 | 13.00-14.99 and meals | ||
| 1 | 15.00-17.99 | ||
| 11 | 18.00-21.99 | ||
| 1 | 26.00 | ||
| Doormen | 1 | 38.50 and meals | |
| 3 | (monthly) | 40.00-79.00 | |
| Elevator operators (apt. house) | 1 | under | 10.00 |
| 1 | 10.00-12.99 | ||
| 11 | 15.00-17.99 | ||
| 1 | 18.00-21.99 | ||
| Elevator and switchboard operators | 6 | 14.00 | |
| 6 | 17.00 | ||
| 1 | 18.00 | ||
| Firemen (apt. house) | 1 | 3.00 per day | |
| 1 | 20.00-24.99 | ||
| 1 | 20.00 and board | ||
| 1 | 30.00 | ||
| Janitors (apt. house) | 1 | (monthly) | 20.00 and apartment |
| 1 | (monthly) | 30.00 and keep | |
| 1 | (monthly) | 40.00 and keep | |
| 1 | (monthly) | 60.00 and keep | |
| Assistant janitors (apt. house) | 1 | 10.00-12.99 | |
| 1 | 15.00 and room | ||
| Porters-apartment houses | 1 | 16.00 | |
| 6 | 18.00-20.99 | ||
| Waiters | 3 | under | 10.00 |
| 18 | (exclusive | ||
| of tips) | 15.00-17.99 | ||
| 6 | 18.00-20.99 | ||
| 7 | 10.00-11.99 |
Range of Weekly Wages of 754 Negro Women in Domestic and Personal Service, Specified by Occupations, New York City, 1920-1921[30]
| Table XIV | |||
| Occupations | Number Employed | Wages | |
| General houseworkers | 5 | under | $ 9.00 |
| 706 | 10.00-18.00 | ||
| Chambermaids | 1 | under | 9.00 |
| Chambermaids-waitresses | 7 | 12.00-18.00 | |
| Cooks | 6 | 15.00-21.00 | |
| Kitchen helpers | 8 | 12.00-17.00 | |
| 2 | under | 9.00 | |
| Mothers' helpers and Nurses | 9 | 10.00-15.00 | |
| Nurses (practical) | 3 | 15.00-21.00 | |
| Waitresses | 5 | 12.00-14.00 |
Range of Daily and Weekly Wages of 1,565 Male and Female Negro Domestic and Personal Service Workers, Washington, D. C., 1920
| Table XV Occupations | Number Employed | Daily Wages | Weekly Wages |
| Male | |||
| Butlers | 7 | 12.00-15.00 | |
| Chauffeurs | 3 | 14.00-15.00 | |
| Chauffer-butler | 13 | 14.00-15.00 | |
| Elevator Operator | 6 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Janitors and housemen | 34 | 10.00-12.00 | |
| Cooks | 21 | 18.00-20.00 | |
| Furnace and yardman | 10 | 7.00-8.00 | |
| Waiters | 11 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Dishwashers | 12 | 9.00-12.00 | |
| Day Workers | 6 | 4.00 | |
| Female | |||
| General houseworkers | 49 | 10.00-12.00 | |
| Cooks | 83 | 10.00-20.00 | |
| Maids | 86 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Waitresses | 112 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Personal maids | 5 | 10.00-12.00 | |
| Kitchen maids | 40 | 8.00-9.00 | |
| Mothers helpers | 75 | 5.00-7.00 | |
| Pantry maid | 62 | 10.00-12.00 | |
| Permanent laundresses | 3 | 12.00-14.00 | |
| Cook-laundresses | 81 | 10.00-12.00 | |
| Chambermaid-waitresses | 240 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Janitress | 7 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Elevator operator | 82 | 8.00-9.00 | |
| Parlor maids | 21 | 9.00-10.00 | |
| Day workers | 362 | 2.50-3.00 | |
| Nurse maid | 91 | 8.00-9.00 | |
| Part-time workers | 51 | 6.00-7.00 |
Weekly Wages of 200 Male and 200 Female Negro Domestic Workers of Chicago by Occupations, 1923
| Table XVI | |||
| Occupations | Number Enrolled | Weekly Wages | |
| Male | |||
| Factory | 15 | 22.00 | |
| Waiter | 8 | 15.00 and board | |
| Bus Boys | 6 | 10.00 and board | |
| Elevator | 1 | 14.00 | |
| Cook | 10 | 25.00 and board | |
| Cleaning | 11 | (per hour) | .50 |
| Wringer | 2 | 20.00 | |
| Fireman | 2 | 24.00 | |
| Shoe shiners | 3 | (per day) | 2.00 and tips |
| Butchers | 6 | (per hour) | .47 and up |
| Houseman | 4 | (per month) | 70.00 room and board |
| Dishwasher | 43 | 17.00 and board | |
| Porter | 10 | 20.00-25.00 | |
| Trucker | 25 | 22.00 | |
| Laborers | 54 | (per hour) | .45-.60 |
Average Daily and Weekly Wage of Negro Domestic Workers by Occupation for Selected Cities, 1923
| Table XVII | Average Wage By Occupation | |||||||
| Day Workers | General House Workers | Cooks | Maids | Waitresses | Part-time Workers | Mothers' Helpers | Child Nurses | |
| New York | $3.80 | $13.85 | $16.50 | $13.00 | $7 and tips | $8.00 | $11.00 | $11.00 |
| Philadelphia | 2.75 | 12.50 | 13.50 | 9.50 | $7 and tips | 7.50 | 8.25 | 8.25 |
| Baltimore | 2.75 | 9.50 | 11.00 | 8.50 | $7 and tips | 6.00 | 5.50 | 6.00 |
| Washington, D. C. | 2.00 | 9.25 | 10.75 | 8.50 | $8 and tips | 7.50 | 8.00 | 8.00 |
| Detroit | 3.35 | 9.50 | 11.00 | 9.00 | $7 and tips | 9.50 | 9.50 | 10.00 |
| Indianapolis | 2.25 | 10.00 | 13.50 | 9.00 | $7 and tips | 8.00 | 13.50 | |
| Boston | 3.00 | 12.00 | 12.50 | 10.50 | 10.50 | |||
| Los Angeles | 3.80 | 15.00 | 11.50 | 8.00 | ||||
| Montgomery | 1.75 | 7.00 | 6.50 | |||||
| Nashville | 1.75 | 7.00 | 6.50 | |||||
| Male | Day laborers | Chauf- feurs | Cooks | Janitors | Dish- washers | Bellmen | Waiters | Porters | Elevator operators |
| New York | $3.00 | $25.00 | $20.00 | $9.50 | $12.00 | $9.50 | $10.00 | $15.00 | 15.00 |
| Boston | 4.00 | 25.00 | 22.50 | 20.00 | 12.00 | 13.50 | 12.00 | 15.00 | 15.00 |
| Philadelphia | 3.80 | 25.00 | 20.00 | 15.00 | 9.50 | 6.50 | 7.00 | 15.00 | 15.00 |
| Baltimore | 3.50 | 18.00 | 21.00 | 15.00 | 9.50 | 7.87 | 9.30 | 15.00 | 9.30-15.00 |
The table above shows that wages in the specified occupations in different sections of the country, for the most part, do not vary very much. Wages for males are given for only four cities because the wages for males in the other cities mentioned, with two exceptions, are about the same as in these four cities. In addition to money wages received for day work, women get their carfare and often one or two meals, while men receive only the money wages. Elevator operators in Baltimore hotels are paid from $40 to $50 a month instead of $15 a week as in apartment houses because more tips are given in hotels.
Although in consideration of the present rate of wages the total annual wage paid for domestic and personal service in the homes of the United States must be large, there seems to be no available data on this point. However, an estimate has been made of the total quarterly wages for 1920 and 1921 and the first quarter of 1922 paid domestic and personal service employees in the hotels and similar institutions of Continental United States. The range of quarterly wages in such institutions for 1920 was 666 to 700 millions of dollars; for 1921, 660 to 678 millions of dollars; and for 1922, 643 millions of dollars. The maximum cyclical decline in the wages of such workers for that period of time was 8.15 per cent.
Even though seven other groups of occupations had a smaller percentage cyclical decline in wages following the war than public domestic and personal service and twelve other groups of occupations had a larger cyclical decline, the average earnings an hour for each domestic and personal service worker are less than that for any other occupation or industry except agriculture. The average earnings in cents an hour for each employee in domestic and personal service were for the first quarter of 1920, 34 cents; for the first quarter of 1921, 34 cents; and for the first quarter of 1922, 33 cents.[31]
Hours of Negro Domestic Workers
Although during the past thirty years there has been considerable advance made in the matter of hours for domestic and personal service workers, the change in this particular has not kept pace throughout the United States with the increase in wages in domestic and personal service occupations. Thirty years ago 38 per cent of 1,434 female domestic employees from all sections of the United States were actually working ten hours a day, 6 per cent of them were working eleven hours a day, 31 per cent were working twelve hours or more a day, and 25 per cent of them were working less than ten hours a day.[32]
In recent years the hours and wages of female domestic and personal service workers in several states of the union have been standardized by the enactment of state minimum wage laws. Utah, which has an eight hour day and a 48 hour week for female workers generally, lists any regular employer of female labor under those occupations covered by law. This would include domestic service for women. The minimum wage rate in this State for experienced women is $1.25 per day. Wisconsin, which has a ten hour day and a 55 hour week for females and minors, includes under its minimum wage law every person in receipt of, or entitled to, any compensation for labor performed for any employer. Domestic workers must be included in this number. Colorado includes under its minimum wage law any occupation which embraces "any and every vocation, trade, pursuit and industry." Since domestic service is a pursuit or vocation, it must come under the minimum wage law of Colorado. The state of Washington has an eight hour day and a 56 hour week and a wage of $18 a week and $3 a day for females engaged in public housekeeping, but not for private domestic workers. North Dakota publicly excludes domestic service and agriculture from its occupations or industries covered by the minimum wage law. Although the other seven State minimum wage laws do not openly exclude domestic service, it is not included as yet among occupations and industries. Two attempts were recently made in California to secure through legislation a ten hour day for domestic workers. The first bill was defeated. The second bill passed both houses but received a pocket veto.[33] In States where there is no minimum wage legislation the working hours for day workers and part-time workers are standardized on an eight hour basis.
The extensive use of day workers came into popularity largely through necessity during the World War. At that time such a large proportion of the permanent domestic employees found openings in other lines of work that housewives supplemented their own labor by hiring day workers. The large demand for such workers gave them the leverage of establishing for themselves an eight hour day and a wage commensurate with that in many lines of industry. Day workers have retained since the World War both the eight hour day and the advanced wages.
The part-time workers, too, have definite hours. Many of them do cooking and general housework but for only specified hours. Some of them work four or five hours or less in the mornings, especially when the work is largely cleaning. Not a few of them begin in the afternoon and do general housework and prepare dinner and serve it. But the hours are fixed hours. Some part-time workers have a regular place of employment for mornings and another such place for afternoons. Their hours are definite and their wages are thus very good. Frequently the part-time worker has every Sunday off.
The hours for the other domestic service workers generally do not seem to be so well standardized as yet. Three Washington, D. C., employers wished their general houseworkers to come on duty at seven o'clock in the morning, with the promise that the workers could leave when they finished. Although 75.3 per cent of one thousand domestic workers, exclusive of day workers and part-time workers, in the private families and boarding houses of Washington, D. C., were on duty ten hours or over, this would show that the three employers mentioned above were not typical. Three other employers in the same mentioned city maintained an eight hour day for their help by having an extra worker prepare the dinners and serve them.
Apparently no attempt has been made to compare the hours of the private domestic and personal service workers with those of the workers in other industries. An estimate made of the full-time hours a week during 1920 and 1921 for the average employee in all enterprises of whatever size in the Continental United States discloses the fact that the average full-time hours a week for public domestic and personal service workers were from 56.6 to 57.1, while the average for workers in all industries including domestic and personal service was 50.3 to 51.3 hours a week. In New York City, according to employment agents, the practice of an eight to nine hour day for domestic workers generally obtains.
Specific Occupations of Negro Domestic Workers
The chief employment of the day workers in more than three-fourths of the States is laundry work and cleaning. It is significant that in twenty-one States for which the 1920 advanced occupational census sheets have been obtained, where the Negro population is negligible, there is no principal occupation given as that of launderer and laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States for which there are reports given in the cities of those States where the Negro population is large there is such a principal occupation. However, this occupation in spite of the increased popularity of day work during the World War is decreasing in numbers as the following table will indicate. Whether this decrease is due to the "wet wash" laundry system and to the increased facilities in hand laundries we have no data to prove.
Table XVIII given below represents the States so far as the 1920 census reports go, which have the principal occupation of launderer and laundress "not in laundries." In all of the States except Vermont, the Negro population is quite appreciable. Just why Vermont is not among the 21 States which have a negligible Negro population and no such principal occupation accessible data did not disclose. The reason why the 21 States have no such principal occupation is probably due to the fact that laundry work is so laborious that white domestic workers are averse to it, and those able to have the work done send it to a steam laundry.
The Number of Launderers and Laundresses in 14 States in 1910-1920
| Table XVIII State | Male | Female | ||
| 1910 | 1920 | 1910 | 1920 | |
| Louisiana | 406 | 389 | 23,051 | 17,034 |
| Georgia | 832 | 667 | 44,710 | 36,775 |
| No. Carolina | 387 | 296 | 23,192 | 15,185 |
| Florida | 394 | 342 | 14,844 | 16,552 |
| Dist. of Columbia | 121 | 93 | 7,920 | 6,095 |
| Maryland | 448 | 253 | 16,189 | 12,418 |
| Delaware | 20 | 26 | 1,665 | 1,110 |
| Indiana | 300 | 245 | 10,130 | 7,238 |
| Vermont | 34 | 21 | 1,256 | 684 |
| Kansas | 210 | 163 | 4,814 | 3,760 |
| New Jersey | 452 | 322 | 11,171 | 7,626 |
| New Mexico | 71 | 51 | 1,678 | 1,299 |
| Oklahoma | 154 | 124 | 5,349 | 4,350 |
| West Virginia | 140 | 84 | 3,923 | 2,505 |
A general houseworker has come to be thought of by the public as a maid of all work, and sometimes she is; but in many homes she is relieved of doing the laundry work. In some cities general housework does not always include cooking. For example, in New York City and Brooklyn it may not include cooking unless specified by the terms cooking and general housework. In New York and some other cities men have been tried as general workers.
According to employment agencies, butlers are not used in such large numbers as they were before the World War. During the war it was difficult to secure them because men were needed for war work. Since then wages have been such that employers have largely used chambermaid-waitresses or chauffeur-butlers instead of regular butlers. Among the 779 Negro men in domestic and personal service (New York City, 1921, Table XI), there is not one butler. This does not mean that there are no Negro butlers in New York City, but it indicates their scarcity and shows that employers living in apartment houses can do without them. Negro cooks, however, are yet an important factor in the domestic and personal service groups.
There are still Negro personal maids who make provision for the special comfort and well being of their employers as well as do their little mending, and the like. And there are Negro pantry maids whose first duty it is to make salads. Chambermaid-waitresses and parlor maids to do such as to answer the door bell are also still used. The tendency, however, is in the direction of having but the one general maid, together with a laundress to come in by the day. Mothers' helpers or young girls to assist in all the work of the house and with the children are also being employed quite extensively, and at less wages than would be paid to an older general houseworker.
These different occupations for the most part call for different types of workers. A butler or a chambermaid-waitress who is tall and comely may have access to a larger number and to better places than one who is short. Especially is this true of cooks for apartment or for a general houseworker where there are stairs to climb. These are much more frequently chosen from among the medium-sized women than from the stout women. The reason for the latter choice is apparent. In the case of the butler or chambermaid-waitress, the basis of choice is apparently appearance and custom.