SOME PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISHMEN.
BY HON. JOHN C. LINEHAN, CONCORD, N. H.
Two hundred and fifty years ago, the Five Nations, better known later as the Six Nations, was the most powerful confederacy of Indians in North America. The governor of the province of New York, in a communication to the committee of trade dated February 22, 1687, said, “The Five Nations are the most warlike people in America. They go as far as the South sea, the Northwest passage, and Florida to war. They are so considerable that all the Indians in these parts of America are tributary to them.” To gain the friendship of these people, was the constant aim of the French in Canada, and the English in New York and New England.
The latter at the outset had an advantage from the fact, well-known, that the former under Champlain, had antagonized the confederacy, by forming an alliance with the Hurons whom it had not, up to that time, subjected to its rule. This advantage, however, there is good reason to believe, would not have inured to the benefit of the English, were it not for the influence of two men of Irish blood, who by their tact, discretion, and humanity, secured the alliance of the Six Nations for the British government. The union thus created was of the greatest possible benefit to the English colonies, and existed until the power of the confederacy was destroyed forever, and the Indians themselves, connected with it, almost swept from the face of the earth.
This deed was performed by troops under the command of another man of Irish blood, who is credited with being the first in the English colonies to commit an overt act against the British government by leading a body of armed men against the Royal troops at Newcastle, N. H., on Dec. 14, 1774. Thus will the names of three men, Thomas Dongan, William Johnson, and John Sullivan, be forever inseparably connected with the annals of the Six Nations, and the records of the province and state of New York.
The ferocity, the cruelty, and the barbarism of the Indians comprising the Six Nations, are described at length on the pages of the various works written by Francis Parkman. Their very name terrorized the other Indian tribes, almost from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, and in their efforts to dominate all others, they devastated the entire country. It was not, therefore, surprising that their enmity was feared, and their friendship sought. After the conquest of New York, and during the dominion of the three first governors appointed by the English government, no effort had been made to secure the latter.
The appointment, however, by James II, of Col. Thomas Dongan, placed at the head of affairs in New York a man of distinguished character as a soldier, and, as events subsequently proved, possessed of abilities in civil affairs that entitle him to the rank of a statesman. He was a native of Ireland, a Catholic in religion, and had been, through weal and woe, a stanch adherent of his royal master. He had seen service in the French army, and in both Britain and France was looked upon as a brave and skilful officer.
He was commissioned governor on Sept. 30, 1682. Under his administration the first legislative assembly met in the colony and under it a law was enacted granting religious toleration to the members of all Christian churches. He had not been long in his new position before he realized the importance of securing for his government the good will of the Five Nations. It goes without saying that, in their intercourse with the American Indians, the French, for one reason or another, had been able to get along with them better than did the English, and up to the time of Colonel Dongan’s arrival, they were doing all in their power to secure an alliance with the Indians whose prowess they feared as well as respected. He saw that action, immediate action, was necessary to counteract the influence being exercised by the French.
One of the first steps taken by him was to oblige the Jesuit missionaries who were among them to return to Canada; thus proving that his religion was no obstacle in the way of loyalty to his government. For this, and for other similar acts, he was complained of by the Canadian authorities, who wrote at length to the king of France, who in turn complained to the king of England in relation to the matter.
This did not deter Dongan, however, and during his entire administration, extending over a period of nearly six years, he labored incessantly to effect a union between his government and the Indians, which, through his tact, and his good judgment, was finally effected to his satisfaction before his departure. No man of British birth or of the Protestant religion, labored more diligently, zealously, or successfully for his government, than did this Irish-born Catholic. His address to the Indian Nations in City hall, Albany, on Aug. 5, 1687, near the close of his administration, as published in the documentary history of New York, is most interesting reading, as well as a good illustration of the condition of affairs then existing between the French and the English nations on this continent.
Dongan was so fair, honorable, and equitable in his dealings with all men, that, to this day, none of New York’s rulers, before or since the Revolution, stands higher with historical writers. An unpublished life of him, written more than seventy-five years ago, by ex-Governor Plumer, of New Hampshire, is now in possession of the New Hampshire Historical Society. During Dongan’s term as governor, all the New England governors looked to him for counsel and advice. It was not uncommon in those days to appeal to him to send the Mohawks to their aid in repelling the attacks of the French and Indians. It can safely be said that from the settlement of New Amsterdam down to the day of his departure, no one man had done more than he in shaping the course of events which ultimately led to the success of the English government, and the final establishment, in consequence, of the republic. It is not too much to say that, had the French been successful thus early in securing the coöperation of the Indians mentioned, the result to the English colonies would be easy to conjecture.
From 1688 to 1746 it is safe to say that the colony of New York contained no man who can be considered equal to Dongan in the capacity of either a soldier or a statesman. In the latter year, however, a young man arrived in America, commissioned by the royal government as “colonial agent and sole superintendent of all the affairs of the Six Nations and other Northern Indians,” who became in time his legitimate successor. For nearly thirty years he was the greatest power in New York, and his reputation extended far beyond its borders.
His name was William Johnson. He was the son of Christopher Johnson, of Smithtown, County Meath, Ireland, who was descended from a distinguished Irish family. His mother was Anne Warren, daughter of Michael Warren, of the same county, and sister of Admiral Sir Peter Warren, who was second in command, under Admiral Lord Boscawen, at the reduction of Louisburg, Cape Breton. Christopher Johnson was the son of William McShane, afterwards anglicized to Johnson, and of Anne Fitzsimmons, of Westmeath, Ireland.
William McShane was the son of Thomas McShane, and Thomas McShane was the son of John O’Neill, who was a descendant of the O’Neills of Ulster. Four steps backward, consequently, places William Johnson where he properly belongs as a descendant of one of the greatest of the Northern Gaelic clans. The Warrens, from whom his mother was descended, came to Ireland in 1170. This record is taken from the order book of Sir John Johnson, the son of William, and a major-general in the British army during the Revolution.
William Johnson was adopted by his uncle Admiral Warren, and accompanied him to America in 1746, or thereabouts. From the first he took an active part in the affairs of the province and it was not long before his reputation extended beyond it. His services were duly recognized by the home government and a baronetcy was the expression of its satisfaction with his management of the affairs committed to his charge.
His power over the Indians of the Six Nations was unbounded. The union effected by Dongan was strengthened and perfected by him. In the various conflicts occurring from his arrival in New York, until the final downfall of the French power in Canada, he was looked up to as a leader by all the eastern provincials. He was commander-in-chief of the forces engaged in the expedition against Crown Point, to which soldiers were furnished by the four New England colonies and New York.
In consequence, his form and features became familiar to Rogers, Stark, and others from New Hampshire, who were with him at Lake George and Fort William Henry. Of him it was said at this period by a well known historical writer, that “he was perhaps the most prominent man in the province of New York, during the decade that preceded the Declaration of Independence.”
The sturdy Knickerbocker, Peter Van Shaak, in alluding to him, said, on July 24, 1774, “I own I consider him as the greatest character of the age.”
Another writer said of him, “Coming to America at the age of twenty-three, although of good birth and family, he set out to make his own fortunes, and plunged into the forests. He opened a store, bought furs, and traded with the natives. He won their admiration, for he was athletic, brave and true-hearted. He won their confidence, for he always told the truth, and treated them with justice. He was made superintendent of Indian affairs, but he never took advantage of his place to rob his wards.
“He was made a baronet, but he never forgot his humble friends. For nearly thirty years he stood up as the advocate of the Six Nations, compelling a recognition of their rights. The struggle often was severe, for he encountered every obstacle that the greed or avarice of the whites could suggest, but he triumphed, enforced good faith towards the red men, and retained their friendship.”
The correspondence between Sir William and the governors of the New England colonies, in those trying times, takes up considerable space in the Provincial records. In considering the present condition of New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island and New Hampshire, so far as population and resources are concerned, it cannot but be of interest to make a comparison with the situation then. On the authority of Theodore Atkinson, provincial secretary of New Hampshire, in the spring of 1755, that province fitted out a regiment of 500 men for the Crown Point expedition and had them in the woods fully two months before the other provinces had their men on the Hudson river.
In addition, the province supplied its own troops with rations during that period. Colonel Blanchard of this regiment was post-commander at Fort Edward. The New York regiment was also under his command. Colonel Blanchard’s regiment experienced hard service, and acquitted itself creditably. Sir William wrote Governor Wentworth, Nov. 4, 1755, and said: “The activity and usefulness of Colonel Blanchard’s regiment would prejudice me in favor of any other from your province.” In September of the same year a second regiment, numbering 300 men, was raised and placed under command of Colonel Gilman.
In the formation of this expedition the following apportionments were made for the colonies named: Massachusetts, 1,200; Connecticut, 1,000; New York, 800; Rhode Island, 500; New Hampshire, 600.
To this division, so far as the provinces of New Hampshire and Massachusetts were concerned, the New Hampshire officials objected. Their proportion as a rule being one hundred, to Massachusetts, 1,000. They were informed in reply that Massachusetts had raised four regiments, respectively, for Governor Shirley, Sir William Pepperell, and two for the Nova Scotia campaign, and in justice, this fact ought to be taken into consideration.
New Hampshire retorted in turn, that, while willing to give Massachusetts credit for raising the four regiments named, their province furnished more than half of the men; a circumstance similar to that which occurred twenty years later at Bunker Hill, where New Hampshire furnished more than one half of the men, and Massachusetts took nearly all the honor. A compromise was effected by reducing the number from 600 to 500. It can be seen from this that the provinces of New York and New Hampshire were in close touch in those early days, and the record made in the Civil War by the descendants of the men who fought at Fort Edward and Fort William Henry, was fully equal to that made by their ancestors, as testified to by Sir William Johnson. To the white settlers around him, he was always a kind friend as well as a wise counselor.
To his subordinates, he was a generous and liberal superior. When appointed to take command of the expedition in question, and while negotiating with the authorities of New Hampshire and Massachusetts for the appointment of white officers for the Indian troops, he insisted that as the service would be very severe, they must receive the same compensation as the officers in the regular service, and required what he called “solid satisfaction” instead of a verbal agreement as a guarantee for the payment of the same. He was surrounded on his estate by many of his own countrymen, and lived in the same style, so far as it could be done, as those of his rank did in Ireland. It is fair to presume that the Gaelic tongue was not unknown in his family, for one of his daughters was alluded to as “Sheilia,” and Sir Guy Johnson, his nephew and successor, was credited with being the possessor of a “genuine rich Irish brogue.”
His son John succeeded to his estate and title. As in the case of Colonel Dongan, Great Britain did not possess on the American continent a more loyal or devoted subject or a more faithful officer than it had in Sir William Johnson, and both, as the records show, in blood were Irish of the Irish. It was not his fortune to live when the struggle began between the colonies and Great Britain for he died on June 24, 1774.
On Dec. 14, 1774, barely six months from the death of Johnson, the first rumble of the guns of the Revolution was heard. On that date an armed body of determined men, led by Major John Sullivan and Capt. John Langdon, stormed Fort William and Mary, at Newcastle, near Portsmouth, N. H. The garrison was captured, the munitions of war taken, and in broad daylight, the British flag was hauled down, and, so far as New Hampshire was concerned, remained down forever. This was the first overt act against the Royal government in the thirteen colonies. It was four months before the conflict at Concord and Lexington, and six months before the battle of Bunker Hill.
The powder captured at Newcastle was put to good use at Bunker Hill, and many of the men who handled it in both places had served their apprenticeship as soldiers under Johnson during the various Indian campaigns. John Sullivan was the grandson of Major Philip O’Sullivan, one of the defenders of Limerick, who went with his regiment to France after the surrender. His family was one of the most distinguished in the south of Ireland. His father was Owen O’Sullivan, who was a teacher in New Hampshire for over fifty years. He contributed four sons, all of whom became commissioned officers, to the Continental army. Two of these later became governors, respectively, of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. John Sullivan, when the troubles first began, was an attorney with an established reputation and with a lucrative practice. On the authority of John Adams, he was worth ten thousand pounds when he cast his lot with the advocates of independence. He held the commission of major in one of the Provincial regiments.
He had seen no active service, but possessed a good theoretical military education from a close study of all available works relating to the art of war. His ability was recognized by his associates. He was chosen delegate from his town to the first Provincial congress of New Hampshire, and was selected by that body to represent his native province in the first Continental congress which met in Philadelphia in 1774. He was reappointed January 25, 1775. He was the first person chosen to represent New Hampshire in Congress, and his name heads the first roll of delegates to that body. He was one of the eight brigadier-generals appointed by Congress in 1775, and in less than a year from the date of his commission was promoted to major-general.
His first appointment came to him for his leadership at Newcastle, and his promotion for the ability displayed in leading Montgomery’s defeated army back from Canada, without, it is said, the loss of a man or a gun. The Royal government recognized his ability as it feared his influence. Realizing who was to be held responsible for the storming of the fort at Newcastle, Peter Livius, a Royalist refugee, who had been chief justice of New Hampshire, wrote him in June, 1777:
“You were the first man in active rebellion, and drew with you the province you live in. You will be one of the first sacrifices to the resentment and justice of the government. Your family will be ruined, and you must die with ignominy.” This was the man to whom Washington turned for a leader when Congress determined, in 1779, to organize an expedition for the destruction of the Six Nations. When the Revolution began the colonial authorities sent delegates to the great council of the Iroquois, to secure, if possible, their neutrality in the coming contest. There was good reason to expect it, for the Provincials had fought with them and for them against the French for years. The confederacy could muster at this time about 2,000 warriors. The delegates returned, confident that an arrangement had been effected, but, as subsequent events proved, any action by the Indians to that end was revoked, and fully 1,200 of them were secured for the British service.
It is not necessary, neither was it the intention, to describe here the events occurring on the frontiers of New York and Pennsylvania during the years 1777 and 1778. The terrible atrocities perpetrated on the defenceless settlers by Indians, Tories, British regulars, and refugees, whose passions were inflamed with hatred against the struggling patriots, were a disgrace to civilization and a foul blot on the British government, which sought to crush the Revolution by such horrible methods. A well-known New York writer, a descendant of some of those who suffered at Cherry Valley, while describing the massacres by the Indians said: “But, after all, I blame much more the English monarch who incited the fiendish warfare, than the red men, who took his gold and fought after their fashion.”
He could have truthfully added that but twenty years after, similar deeds were committed without the aid of Indian auxiliaries, by order of the same government, when it crushed, in Ireland, the rebellion of 1798.
Many of those who then met their death by the bullet or bayonet, or swung from the gallows, were akin to hundreds who marched and fought under Sullivan in this campaign. A kinsman of one of them, Francis McKinley, who suffered death on the scaffold in Ireland at that time, is now president of the United States. The destruction of the thriving settlement of Wyoming and Cherry Valley, and the devastation along the banks of the Susquehanna, finally brought Congress to a realization of the situation.
That body adopted a resolution on February 27, 1779, authorizing General Washington to take the most effective measures for protecting the people and punishing the Indians, who were allies of the British. The commander-in-chief made no delay. An expedition consisting of four brigades, made up of some of the best troops in the Continental Army, was organized. Their composition was as follows: First Brigade, Brig.-Gen. William Maxwell, four regiments from New Jersey; Second Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Enoch Poor, three New Hampshire and one Massachusetts regiments. Third Brigade, Brig.-Gen. Edward Hand, three Pennsylvania regiments, a German battalion, three independent companies, and a battalion of Morgan’s riflemen. Fourth Brigade, Brig.-Gen. James Clinton, four New York regiments and a section of artillery.
The command of the expedition was first offered to General Gates, the hero of Saratoga, as a matter of courtesy, with the request, in case he did not desire to assume command, to turn it over to General Sullivan. The expected happened; it was refused, and the army was placed under Sullivan’s leadership. Washington’s instructions were, in short, to devastate, and, if possible, destroy the Indian settlements totally, and to capture as many persons as possible. Sullivan had no easy task before him. Difficulties, which are needless to mention here, beset him on all sides. Some of the troops were discontented, almost to the point of mutiny, on account of the worthless character of the Continental paper money paid them; and delays in furnishing supplies were not among the least annoyances of the situation.
Sullivan’s energetic disposition and tireless efforts, aided largely by Washington’s sympathetic encouragement, finally overcame all obstacles, and on June 14, 1779, his command had reached Wyoming. It is not necessary to describe in detail this campaign, for it is too well known.
Washington’s instructions were carried out to the letter. The powerful confederacy of the Indians, for more than a century the terror of the country and the peaceful settlers, was completely destroyed; their villages, orchards, and cornfields were devastated beyond reparation, and the greater part of themselves, not killed or captured, driven forever beyond the Canadian border. No repetitions of Wyoming and Cherry Valley were possible thereafter. For his conduct of the campaign, Sullivan was severely criticised. The destruction of property was cruel and needless, it was said, and the treatment of the Indians not in harmony with civilized warfare.
To these strictures no reply was made. Sullivan heard them in silence, and through life bore them uncomplainingly. He had obeyed the orders given him by General Washington, and time has done him justice. The great state of New York has ever held his name in grateful remembrance. It is borne by one of its counties. Nearly twenty years ago the people dwelling in the valleys through which marched his victorious troops, assembled at Newtown, Waterloo, Geneseo, and Aurora, to celebrate the first centennial of the campaign, which opened up the fertile lands of Central New York to the victors in the War of Independence.
The principal celebration was at Newtown. Among the participants were the governors of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Hampshire, the provinces furnishing full three quarters of Sullivan’s soldiers; and Gen. William T. Sherman, then commander of the United States Army. In his address, he said: “Washington gave General Sullivan orders to come here and punish the Six Nations for their cruel massacre in the Valley of the Wyoming, and to make it so severe that it would not occur again, and he did so. General Sullivan obeyed his orders like a man and like a soldier.”
As a recognition of what had been done, Sullivan and his troops received the thanks of Congress, and were complimented in General Orders by Washington. At the conclusion of his military service, John Sullivan returned to his native state, where he lived to the hour of his death, honored and respected by those who knew him best. He was its third governor, its first United States judge, appointed by Washington, and the organizer, and for a time commander, of the state militia.
He was attorney-general of his state for years, and was succeeded later in the same position by his son and grandson. His great great grandson, Captain John Sullivan, was an officer in the Thirteenth N. H. Regiment in the Civil War. From the entrenchments round Boston in the winter of 1775 he wrote to the Committee of Safety of New Hampshire, in response to its request, giving his opinion of the kind of a government we ought to have for he was in favor of separation from the outset. On the line of his suggestions was drafted the State Constitution of 1776, which was the first to be adopted by any of the thirteen colonies, and this at a time when the minds of many, prominent in public affairs, were wavering on the question of independence. There was no intention to give, in this paper, any account in detail of the great events occurring between 1682 and 1779, save what is necessary to bring out as clearly as possible the characters and the deeds of a few men of Irish blood who aided largely in furnishing material for making American history, and as well to give the country which produced them the credit to which it is justly entitled.
The credit due Ireland for them, as well as for many others who have distinguished themselves here in years gone by, has not always been given. Our duty, as members of the American-Irish Historical Society, will be to right this great wrong and never cease our efforts until the errors of latter day historians, so far as they relate to the Irish in America, are corrected. This expedition against the Six Nations is in itself a great illustration of the prominent part taken by men of Irish birth or parentage in the War for Independence and the establishment of the Republic. Of the five generals holding command, the leader, Major-General John Sullivan, and Brigade-Commander James Clinton were born here of Irish parentage. Two of the other three, namely: General Edward Hand and General Wm. Maxwell, were born in Ireland. The fifth, General Enoch Poor, was a native of New Hampshire.
That there were many of Irish blood in the ranks with muskets on their shoulders, the rosters of each regiment will doubtless show. Among them was Timothy Murphy, who was one of the few of Lieutenant Boyd’s scouting party escaping capture by the Indians. He was styled by Colonel Hubbley, commander of one of the Pennsylvania regiments, in his diary, as a noted marksman and a great soldier. On his authority Murphy killed, during the campaign, thirty-three Indians. His name is, in consequence, a household word in Pennsylvania and New York. Among those of Boyd’s party killed or tortured to death were Lieut. Thomas Boyd, Corp. Michael Parker, John Conroy, William Faughey, James McElroy, Benjamin Curtin and Corporal Calahawn. Col. Thomas Proctor, who commanded the Pennsylvania artillery regiment, and Col. William Butler, of the same brigade, were both born in Ireland.
As a native of Ireland I am proud of the record here spread forth of the deeds of Irishmen and the sons of Irishmen; and as an adopted son of New Hampshire, I glory in the spirit of independence displayed by the people of that state from the very first, and believe that it is largely due to the liberal strain of Irish blood running in the veins of her sons. Her men were with Johnson at Crown Point, as they were with Stark at Bunker Hill, and Sullivan at Newtown. They never failed to go where duty called, and their service in the Civil War showed no degeneration, for the official records of the Union and Confederate armies give the Fifth New Hampshire credit for losing more men in action than any other infantry regiment in the Union army. Territorially, as well as in population, she does not cut a large figure to-day, but less than a century and a half ago, she sent as many men to Crown Point as the province of New York, and contributed nearly one quarter of the troops for Sullivan’s expedition, besides furnishing its commander.
She contributed more than her quota of men to the Continental army, one hundred thousand dollars more than her proportion of money, and possessed within her borders fewer Tories than did any one of the original thirteen colonies. It has often and truthfully been said, “New Hampshire is a good state to hail from.” She gave you here in New York one of your most distinguished governors, Gen. John A. Dix, who, when the shadow of secession hung like a cloud all over the country, penned the memorable sentence, “If any man attempts to haul down the American flag, shoot him on the spot.” She sent to Massachusetts the only man, Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, who dared to execute the order; only he thought shooting too honorable and hanged the man Mumford, who dared to disobey it. The record of her sons for bravery and honorable service has been second to none. One of her regimental commanders, Henry Dearborn, who was with Sullivan in his campaign, became afterwards commander-in-chief of the United States army. Another, Maj.-Gen. John G. Foster, was one of the defenders of Sumter, and a gallant soldier of the Civil War. Still another was Maj.-Gen. Fitz John Porter, who, like General Dix, became a resident of New York. The Kearsarge, built of New Hampshire timber and manned mainly by New Hampshire tars, met the Alabama, and under the direction of executive officer Capt. James S. Thornton, the grandson of New Hampshire’s Irish-born signer of the Declaration of Independence, in a fair, open fight, sent the British-built and British-armed privateer to the bottom of the ocean.
In civil affairs, also, her sons have distinguished themselves. She sent to Massachusetts, Henry Wilson; to Maine, William Pitt Fessenden; to Iowa, James W. Grimes; to Michigan, Zachariah Chandler; and to Ohio, Salmon P. Chase. The latter was secretary of the treasury, and the others chairmen, respectively, during the Civil War, of the senate committees on military affairs, on finance and appropriations, on District of Columbia, and on committee on commerce. To represent herself during the same period, she sent to the United States senate John P. Hale and Daniel Clark. The former was chairman of the committee on naval affairs, the latter chairman of the committee on claims.
She contributed to New York, in addition to those named, Horace Greeley and Charles A. Dana. Of those here mentioned, John P. Hale, Daniel Clark, James W. Grimes and Horace Greeley were of Irish descent. Hale was the son of Mary O’Brien. Her father was Wm. O’Brien, the younger of the historic O’Brien brothers of Maine. While acting as second in command under his brother, Capt. John O’Brien, on the Hibernia ship of war during the Revolution, he was mortally wounded in an engagement with an English vessel, and died of his wounds at the age of twenty-two.
The reader of history to-day, if conversant with the events occurring in British and French America from the first settlement down to the outbreak of the Revolution, can see the wisdom of securing the friendship of the Six Nations. For a century they stood as a bulwark between the English and their northern rivals. Without their aid and with their enmity the former could not have prospered as they had; and, as a consequence, would not have been in condition to resist the unjust exactions of the home government. For this reason the names of Colonel Thomas Dongan and of Sir William Johnson ought to be held forever in remembrance in New York and in New England for what they had done in bringing this about. The ways of Providence are mysterious, and to mortals often beyond comprehension.
This powerful confederacy, for so many years the terror of the French, as it was the hope of the English settlements, outlived its usefulness; and its downfall was finally brought about by the men or the children of the men with whom it had been for so many years in alliance. As in the first instance, the union between it and the English had been effected mainly through the influence of two men of Irish birth, so in the end it was broken forever by an army led by a man of Irish parentage.
If these conclusions are correct, Thomas Dongan, Wm. Johnson O’Neill, and John Sullivan ought to be assigned honorable positions among the pioneers and builders of the United States of America.
MR. JAMES F. BRENNAN,
Of New Hampshire, State Library Commissioner.
Residence, Peterborough.
JOHN D. HANRAHAN, M. D.,
Of Vermont, Ex-President Rutland County Medical and Surgical Society.
Residence, Rutland.
JOHN F. HAYES, M. D.,
Of Connecticut, Member Waterbury Board of Education.
Residence, Waterbury.
WILLIAM A. M. MACK, M. D.,
Of New Jersey.
Mayor of ELizabeth, N. J.
FOUR STATE VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE SOCIETY.