TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE

See Transcriber's [Endnote] for details of this transcription. Journal July-Dec., 1827: [Part 1.] [Part 2.]

THE

QUARTERLY JOURNAL

OF

SCIENCE,

LITERATURE, AND ART.

JULY TO DECEMBER, 1827.

LONDON:

HENRY COLBURN, NEW BURLINGTON-STREET.

MDCCCXXVII.

CONTENTS. [◊] July–Oct. 1827.

TO OUR READERS AND CORRESPONDENTS.

The drawings, illustrating the construction of a Blow-pipe, are not sufficiently accurate to enable us to publish them. Our Correspondent will observe that we have noticed another part of his letter.

We regret that we are unable to offer our Correspondent, upon the subject of Gas Works, any precise information. There can be no doubt that an atmosphere tainted by coal gas is injurious to animal and vegetable life, but much will depend upon the extent of the contamination, and other causes, of which our limits prevent mention. To say nothing of danger from fire and from explosion, it has always been matter of surprise to us that gas-works are tolerated by the government in close and confined situations—that the Thames is suffered still to be polluted with their offal, and that they are sometimes placed close by the road side, (as at Brentford,) to the nuisance of every one who passes. These matters want looking into.

Q. will find an answer to his question, in the “Gazette of Health” for last July.

F. R. S. must remain unanswered till after St. Andrew’s Day.

Dr. Heinecken’s paper is disposed of as he desired.

Mr. BRANDE and Mr. FARADAY will commence their Lectures and Demonstrations in Theoretical and Practical Chemistry, in the Laboratory of the Royal Institution, on Tuesday, the 9th of October, at Nine in the Morning precisely. Further particulars, and a Prospectus, may be obtained at the Royal Institution, 21, Albemarle-street, or by application to the Lecturers.

In the Press—A COLLECTION OF CHEMICAL TABLES, for the use of Students, in Illustration of the Theory of Definite Proportionals, in which are shewn the Equivalent Numbers of the Elementary Substances, with the Weights and Volumes in which they combine, together with the Composition of their most important Compounds, and the Authorities for their Analysis. By WILLIAM THOMAS BRANDE.

THE

QUARTERLY JOURNAL

OF

SCIENCE, LITERATURE, AND ART.

JULY–OCT. 1827.

On the Beauties contained in the Oval, and in the Elliptic Curves, both simple and combined, generated from the same Figure or Disk. By R. R. Reinagle, Esq., R.A. [◊] Being the subject of a Discourse delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain.

AFTER an apposite discourse to introduce the subject, the first course taken, was to demonstrate the advantages of understanding the right use of geometrical terms in our descriptions of the varieties of shape, both in nature and art.

Every thing deserving the title of beautiful, and every grand object, assume an outline of definite character: these are to be found in the different classes of geometrical figures; the former in undulating lines of elliptic curves, and grandeur in angular dispositions of figure. All motion assumes a curved direction[1]. The primary and leading object of the discourse was to prove the fact of original beauty: and that a curved line was beautiful in an abstract point of view, free from all associations. For this purpose there were designed many diagrams on large black painted boards. [p002]

The explanation commenced with six or more parallel lines at equal distances, and equal length, in an horizontal position to the eye of the audience, Fig. 1; and another set of the same number of lines drawn perpendicular, Fig. 2: these were demonstrated to possess not the slightest character or principle of beauty in them, either as separate lines, or collectively, however many.

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

The next diagram consisted of six or more radiating lines from a centre, Fig. 3, and a corresponding number in an horizontal direction, but of unequal quantities; they diminished like a flight of steps, Fig. 4. It was then shown that the first means of combining the six or more lines, which had been first drawn, so as to please the eye, without creating any geometrical figure, was the radiating principle. Our eye not only can tolerate that union of lines, but receive the impression as pleasing in character; while all lines parallel to each other, being right [p003] lines, and viewed as a flight of steps, or pile of planks, opposite the observer, are disagreeable. Upon the former principle it is, that the rays of the sun, and rays of light generally, are so attractive and beautiful. It is from this circumstance that right lines drawn in an inclined position to the plane of the picture, derive an interest from the angles engendered through the imagination.

Fig. 5.

Fig. 6.

Fig. 7.

Fig. 8.

To follow up the principle by regular steps, and to open a clear view of the laws of beauty in lines, there were traced some inclined right lines (Fig. 5), with a regular set of right angles upon it, like the stems of leaves on each side. This exhibited no sort of beauty, nor any other advantage than mere combinations of formal angles. The next diagram (Fig. 6) was an inclined line as before, with similar angular projecting stems, to which were added elliptic curves on the upper side of each branch, that produced the form of a leaf. Fig. 7 was another inclined line, having oval curves upon it. Both these were shown to possess principles approaching to beauty, by progressive advances in combination and original structure. Fig. 8 was an inclined line with the oval curves upon it; to which a similar addition of elliptic curves were adjoined to the stems, [p004] as in Fig. 6. This addition made a new advance towards beauty. Fig. 9 commenced a more perfect principle of beauty, having an elliptic stem with oval branches rising from it, as in the others. If to this, the principle of gradation had been given, the eye would prefer it; I mean, by a scale of increase from the top to the bottom of the projecting stems: and if there had been superadded the external contour of a lengthened egg, like the form of a sage leaf, we should, step by step, advance into the region of beautiful character of exterior shape. Fig. 10 is a retrograde, showing how uncongenial angular forms are to curved lines, when producing ornament; at least how little our eye can bear the angular projections from the elliptic or oval turned stem. Fig. 11 was a curve of exactly the same disk, with the same oval stems, to which a small serpentine addition was made, expressing a leaf. Of all the last seven diagrams, this abounded with the greatest portion of beautiful lines, and is indisputably the most agreeable and beautiful. Combinations are like numericals; many of these forms, placed together with judgment and discretion, will attract us from the larger proportion of beauty that meets the eye at once, like a head of beautiful hair: one hair, however gracefully bent, cannot impress us like an entire lock of the hair; nor will this [p005] curl charm us as the whole will on the human head. We owe to construction and combination all our pleasurable feelings of beauty: no person is allured by a single feature of any species of objects: but a thousand, or a million, arouses our anxious notice. Thus, the last diagram of the elliptic stem and the foliage upon it, exhibited, by the continuity of curved lines, the greatest approach to beauty, of all the figures presented to the notice of the audience.

Fig. 9.

Fig. 10.

Fig. 11.

These preliminary designs opened the way for richer combinations; but the subject affording such an immense field of variety, I confined myself to the narrowest limits, and to one oval disk of seven inches transverse diameter, from which seven different designs were shown on paper. The first had a variety of serpentine lines placed at random, all produced by the disk of the oval just named, and the confluent lines of two such, placed side by side, or end to end, Fig. 12; which oval disk was put upon the lines to prove the construction. These lines, without expressing or forming any sort of figure, exhibit a set of elegant curves, of varied quantities of convex and concave, with which our eye will be more pleased than any set of right lines similarly distributed, as in Fig. 13, which follows. [p006]

Fig. 12.

Fig. 13.

Fig. 14.

Two other diagrams were placed before the company, each a circle of 12 ovals, from the same disk, revolved upon an axis, resting upon one end of the transverse diameter, (the length-ways of the oval,) which figure in the skeleton was a duodecagon. Fig. 14 is one of the diagrams; the ovals folding regularly over each other. By suppressing the continuity of the oval disk, where the lines would traverse, a very pleasing figure [p007] is created. It may be easily converted into foliage, and can be amazingly varied in principle, by having fewer ovals, and making them revolve upon an arm or continuation of a line from the transverse diameter. Fig. 15 is the same diagram, with all the oval lines described, which forms a figure of elegant intricacy; each member, or curvilinear subdivision, assumes a most agreeable shape: the whole, at the first sight, does not carry the evidence of being generated from the same disk. These agreeable figures may be varied to an extraordinary extent: the two that were presented were mere examples of some of the numerous changes that any given oval disk may create.

Fig. 15.

Fig. 16.

Fig. 17.

The objects next presented, were three vases of very dissimilar appearance, all produced from the same diagram of the oval; each in a separate drawing. The first was like a Greek vase with handles; its character established by employing certain proportions of quantities, in seven parts. The body has four parts, the foot or pedestal one; the neck two. The handles were regulated in the position and projection by lines drawn from the bottom of the vase, through the ovals which compose the outline of the two sides; and passing through the transverse diameter. These handles were made from an oval that was the length of half the line of the transverse diameter, Fig. 16. The skeleton of angles that [p008] govern the shape of this vase, is a very pretty figure of itself. The form does not proceed from any caprice of irregularity, but is consistent with rational organization, and symmetrical proportions. The figure of the plate sufficiently describes the mode of making the diagram without entering into the detail. Fig. 17 represents a tazza with handles: the same disk is apparent, by the dotted lines that made the first vase. The ovals [p009] are placed right and left of a central perpendicular line, dividing the cup in two parts; the transverse diameters meet in one line parallel to the base of the tazza; a dotted outline expresses the angular position of the handles: the concave lip of the tazza is made by the same oval disk, whose transverse diameter leads to the under line of the folding edge of the cup. The leg of the tazza is produced by the same small disk that served for the handles of the first vase. The body of the vase and the leg form two equal parts; the whole upper extent ought to be seven parts, so that it is seven and two[2]; the width of the base of the leg measures two parts, and the altitude three, of the seven parts. These proportions cannot produce any other than agreeable appearances, apply them as we may.

Fig. 18.

The third vase, exhibited an Hebe cup, with a handle, which presented a totally different appearance in form to the two previous ones. It was proportioned by similar principles: the larger disk made the body, inclined right and left upon the end of the oval. The neck and the leg were both made from the smaller oval disk; the dotted lines to the ovals of the leg sufficiently show the fact. The handle and concave lip of the cup were made by an application of the same disk. The altitude contained four parts. The body two parts, the leg one part, and the neck one other part; the handle rises one-eighth above: every portion of this figure is created by the two disks previously named. The foliage rises from below and descends from above, one-fourth of the whole height of the body [p010] to the commencement of the concavity of the neck, where the beading runs round.

I remarked, that by adhering to regular proportional quantities of 1 and 2, 3 and 5, 2 and 5, 7 and 5, 7 and 2, &c., and using elliptic disks or curves, very great beauties are derived.

Fig. 19.

Fig. 20.

A skeleton of the tazza in angles was drawn on a black painted board, together with oval disks placed upon those lines, which clearly demonstrated the whole system of the construction. The explanation of these various diagrams necessarily involved a circumstantial description of each created figure, which were thoroughly analysed. Quantity and variety were particularly dwelt upon, as absolutely necessary to the production of perfect beauty; equalities being unfriendly to that symmetry which accords with nature. Some other diagrams were drawn, to show the inelegant appearance of radiating lines from the concave or convex half of an oval or an ellipse, Fig. 19: but by drawing another convex half of an oval, and placing those lines as tangents, greater beauty was formed by the alternate changes and varieties of inclination of each tangent, Fig. 20. This was capable of an immediate adaptation to elegant vegetation; [p011] a few convex and concave elliptic curves added to each tangent, produced an ear of barley, or an ear of rye, the elegant construction of which, is rarely noticed in our remarks on nature, Fig. 21.

Fig. 21.

The discussion on these various designs being concluded, some important compositions of three great and renowned painters were produced, to corroborate what had been advanced in support of the native beauty of the oval and ellipse. Raphael’s grand composition of the dispute on the Sacrament is in three grand oval curves.

The Doctors of the Church on the ground plan are ranged in an oval convex line; and the heavenly Choirs engage two concave oval shapes of the same proportion, but of unequal quantities. This is also a proof of a composition of parts, bearing two to one.

The facility of expressing such a composition, by being geometrical, is extremely easy.

The second illustration was the Aurora, by Guido, of the Aldobrandini palace. This was pointed out to depend upon an oval curve, and continued curvilinear details: the striking beauty of this fine composition is owing to its great and simple elliptic curve, which includes the whole group; the attendant hours have the principle of radiating to a centre of the oval: thus harmonizing and uniting forms congenial both to principle and nature.

The third grand composition was by Rubens, the Coronation ceremony of Mary de Medicis, one of the grand Luxemburg pictures.

This very fine composition is contained in an oval concave [p012] curve, and the figures in several points radiate to a centre. Some of the group pass the great leading line, but only to the degree and with the licence that a genius can effect, which destroys the too great, and the too palpable construction of the composition. The allegorical figures of Fame and Genius hovering over the royal personage, establish a centre to the oval, which prevents a void that would have been weak in the composition.

Three designs were next produced from Etruscan vases, to carry the evidence further, and to show the original source of the demonstrations of beauty in Grecian art. One was a charioteer driving a pair of magnificent horses of the highest spirit, Fig. 22. The composition is elliptic, and serpentine within.

Fig. 22.

The youthful conductor of the steeds is in a crescent or boat-shaped car, and his form is elegantly bent to meet the action and motion; his mantle flows behind in curved and serpentine folds, expressing the wind occasioned by the velocity of action. A more graceful or beautiful group and composition cannot be imagined.

The next design was a female in an elegant and very gentle serpentine action of the figure. Every portion of the outlines was elegant, from the varied succession of convexity and concavity; not a single angle could be traced throughout the whole [p013] of this beautiful creature. She held in her left arm a very handsome oval vase; and in the other a sort of scarf with ribands, all serpentine in form. By her side is placed a young man selected from another Etruscan design.

Fig. 23.

The line of this figure was the outline of an ellipse; it is perfection in every respect; and the grace was shown to depend upon gentle curved lines of convex and concave, alternately blended, and confluent. The motion of ships at sea is described in gentle elliptic curves; the wings and plumage of birds assume the oval and elliptic curves; all the fibres of their feathers have that form; some flattened, others more rounded: the pine-apple and numberless fruits have all an oval character of outline.

Many take the character of eggs, pointed at one end, and large and blunt at the other extremity. The leaves of trees [p014] have the oval shape more than any other; the bend of the branches, and the whole external form of many trees is oval.

There is no form of created things which may not be found to correspond in all its dependent shapes to ovals and ellipses of various disks, even objects which at first sight seem to contradict the possibility of meeting this system.

The lecture was closed by some extracts and quotations from Lomazzo, Dryden, Hogarth, Du Fresnoy, and the Abbé du Bos; the tendency of which was to show that lines had been mentioned, and had been written upon without any explanation given that could lead to certain conclusions. That all these authors attributed to supreme genius alone, and something of the divinely inspired character in artists, the power to produce those indescribable lines that affect the human eye so strongly. These lines I described as belonging to the oval and the ellipsis, and the confluent lines by conjunction and combination; that these indescribable lines, which from Plato to Dryden had never been detected or obtained a name; that puzzled all equally alike, are those alone I attempted, and I believe proved in this lecture, to be the elliptic combinations.

I stated that the great Greek artists confined themselves to certain rules and principles of unerring consequences in the production of beauty, grace, or grandeur in their figures; that all their compositions depended upon the same species of rule and order. I pointed out, that fashion is in all countries the destroyer of taste, that it unfits the mind for fixed principles; that where it dominates, there taste will be always fluttering and never settle, nor have a sure dominion. The Greeks, having no such vile tormentor to divert them from a pure course in their progress, arrived at the summit of perfection in every scientific pursuit, by following sure principles as their guides, and by never abandoning a path traced by nature, and matured by the most sublime philosophy.

[1] A great number of geometrical diagrams were exhibited, from a single line, to angles, squares, oblongs, circles, ovals, cones, cylinders, spiral lines, and various serpentine lines, &c.

[2] The whole extent of the tazza, including the projection of the handles, should be seven parts; and the height of the vase two of such seven parts.

[p015]

On the Art of forming Diamonds into single Lenses for Microscopes.—By Mr. A. Pritchard. [◊] [Communicated by Dr. GORING.]

OF the various improvements in Microscopes originated by Dr. Goring, that which he conceives to be the most important is the construction of single magnifiers from adamant. The details relative to this novel class of instruments, I have been induced to lay before the public. Single microscopes naturally aplanatic, or at least sufficiently so for practical purposes, possess an incontestable superiority over all others, and must be recognised by the scientific as verging towards the ultimatum of improvement in magnifying glasses. The advantages obtained by the most improved compound engiscopes over single microscopes resolve themselves into the attainment of vision without aberration with considerable angles of aperture; but against this must be set the never-to-be-forgotten fact, that they only show us a picture of an object instead of nature itself; now a Diamond Lens shows us our real object without any sensible aberration like that produced by glass lenses; and we are entitled, I think, to expect new discoveries in miscrosopic science, even at this late period, from very deep single lenses of adamant[3]. I shall not fatigue my [p016] readers by describing the difficulties which were encountered in the prosecution of the design of making diamond lenses. Nature does not seem to permit us to produce any thing of surpassing excellence without proportional effort, and I shall simply say, that in its infancy the project of grinding and polishing the refractory substance of Adamant was far more hopeless than that of making achromatic glass lenses of 0.2 of an inch focus. I conceive it just to state that Messrs. Rundell and Bridge, of Ludgate-hill, had, at the time of the commencement of my labours, many Dutch diamond cutters at work, and that the foreman, Mr. Levi, with all his men, assured me, that it was impossible to work diamonds into spherical curves; the same opinion was also expressed by several others who were considered of standard authority in such matters.

Notwithstanding this discouragement, in the summer of the year 1824, I was instigated by Dr. Goring (at his expense) to undertake the task of working a diamond lens: (being then under the tuition of Mr. C. Varley, who was however at that time absent.) For this purpose, Dr. G. forwarded to me a brilliant diamond, which, contrary to the expectation of many, was at length ground into a spherical [p017] figure, and examined by Mr. Levi, who expressed great astonishment at it, and added that he was not acquainted with any means by which that figure could have been effected: unfortunately this stone was irrecoverably lost. Mr. Varley having returned from the country, becoming now thoroughly heated with the project, permitted me to complete another diamond, which had been presented to me by Dr. G.: this is a plano-convex of about the 120th of an inch focus: it was not thought advisable to polish it more than sufficed to enable us to see objects through it, because several flaws, before invisible, made their appearance in the process of polishing. In spite of all its imperfections, it plainly convinced us of the superiority which a perfect diamond lens would possess by its style of performance, both as a single magnifier and as the object lens of a compound microscope. After the completion of my articles with Mr. V., being entirely under my own command, I devoted some time to the formation of a perfect diamond lens, and have at length succeeded in completing a double convex of equal radii of about 125th of an inch focus, bearing an aperture of 130th of an inch with distinctness on opaque objects, and its entire diameter on transparent ones; it was finished at the conclusion of last year. The date of its final completion has by many been considered a remarkable epoch in the history of the microscope, being the first perfect one ever made or thought of in any part of the world[4]. I think it sufficient to say of this adamantine lens that it gives vision with a trifling chromatic aberration, but in other respects exceedingly like that of Dr. G.’s Amician reflector, but without its darkness: for it is quite evident that its light must be superior to that of any compound microscope whatever, acting with the same power and the same angle of aperture. The advantage of seeing an object without aberration by [p018] the interposition of but a single magnifier, instead of looking at a picture of it (however perfect) with an eye-glass, must surely be duly appreciated by every person endowed with ordinary reason. It requires little knowledge of optics to be convinced that the simple unadulterated view of an object must enable us to look farther into its real texture, than we can see by any artificial arrangement whatever; it is like seeing an action performed instead of a scenic representation of it, or being informed of its occurrence by the most indisputable and accurate testimony.

Previous to grinding a diamond into a spherical figure, it is absolutely necessary that it should be ground flat, and parallel on both sides (if not a Laske or plate diamond), so that we may be enabled to see through it, and try it as opticians try a piece of flint glass: without this preparatory step, it will be extremely dangerous to commence the process of grinding, for many diamonds give a double, or even a species of triple refraction, forming two or three images of an object; this polarization of the light, arising from the primitive form of the crystal, of course totally unfits them for making lenses[5]. I need not observe, that it must be chosen of the finest water, and free from all visible flaws when examined by a deep magnifier. It was extremely fortunate for diamond lenses that the first made was free from the defect of double vision, otherwise diamonds en masse might at once have been abandoned as unfit for optical purposes. The cause why some stones give single vision, and others several peculiar refractions, may also arise from different degrees of density or hardness occurring in the same stone. Diamond-cutters are in the habit of designating stones male and female, sometimes a he and she (as they have it) are united in the same gem,—their he means merely a hard stone, and their she a soft one. When a diamond which will give several refractions is ground into a spherical figure and partially polished, it is seen by the microscope to exhibit a [p019] peculiar appearance of an aggregation of minute shivery cristallized flaws, sometimes radiated and sometimes in one direction, which can never be polished out: I believe I could disstinguish with certainty a bad lens from a good one by this phenomenon without looking through it[6]. Precious stones, from their crystalized texture, are liable to the same defects for optical purposes as diamonds.

Having ascertained the goodness of a stone it must next be prepared for grinding; it will in many cases be advisable to make diamond lenses plano-convex, both because this figure gives a very low aberration, and because it saves the trouble of grinding one side of the stone. It must never be forgotten, that it may be possible to neutralize the naturally low spherical aberration of a diamond lens by giving it an improper figure, or by the injudicious position of its sides in relation to the radiant. When the lens is to be plano-convex, cause the flat side to be polished as truly plane as possible, without ribs or scratches; for this purpose the diamond should be so set as to possess the capability of being turned round, that the proper direction with respect to the laminæ may be obtained: when the flat side is completed, let the other side be worked against another diamond, so as to be brought into a spherical figure by the abrasion of its surface. When this is accomplished, a concave tool of cast iron must be formed of the required curve in a lathe, having a small mandril of about 210ths of an inch in diameter, and a velocity of about 60 revolutions per second! The diamond must now be fixed by a strong hard cement (made of equal parts of the best shell lac and pumice-stone powder, carefully melted together without burning) to a short handle, and held by the fingers against the concave tool while revolving. This tool must be paved by diamond powder, hammered into it by an hardened steel convex punch: when the lens is uniformly ground all over, very fine sifted diamond-dust carefully washed in oil must be applied to another iron concave tool (I may here remark, that of all the metals which I have used for this purpose soft cast iron is decidedly to be preferred): this tool must [p020] be supplied with the finest washed powder till the lens is completely polished. During the process of grinding, the stone should be examined by a magnifying lens, to ascertain whether the figure is truly spherical; for it sometimes will occur that the edges are ground quicker than the centre, and hence it will assume the form of a colloid, and thus be rendered unfit for microscopic purposes.

The spherical aberration of a diamond lens is extremely small, and when compared with that of a glass lens the difference is rendered strikingly apparent. This diminution of error in the diamond arises from the enormous refractive power possessed by this brilliant substance, and the consequent increase of amplification, with very shallow curves. The longitudinal aberration of a plano-convex diamond lens is only 0.955; while that of a glass one of the same figure is 1.166; both numbers being enumerated in terms of their thickness, and their convex surfaces exposed to parallel rays. But the indistinctness produced by lenses, arises chiefly from every mathematical point on the surface of an object being spread out into a small circle; these circles, intermixing with each other, occasion a confused view of the object. Now this error must necessarily be in the ratio of the areas of these small circles, which being respectively as the squares of their diameters, the lateral error produced by a diamond lens will be 0.912; while that of a glass lens of like curvature is 2.775; but the magnifying power of the diamond lens will be to that of the glass as 8 to 3, their curves being similar; (or, in other words, the superficial amplification of an object; with the perfect diamond lens before mentioned, is 22500 times, while a similar magnifier, made of glass, amplifies only 3136 times, reckoning 6 inches as the standard of distinct vision:) thus the diamond will enable us to gain more power than it is possible to procure by lenses of glass, for the focal distance of the smallest glass lens which can be well made is about the 180th of an inch, while that of a diamond, worked in the same tools, would be only the 1200 of an inch.

If we wish to compare the aberrations of the two lenses when of equal power, the curvature of the glass must be increased; and as it is well known the lateral aberration increases inversely as the square of the radius, (the aperture and position remaining [p021] the same,) the aberration of the diamond lens will only be about 120th of that produced by the glass one, even when their thickness is the same; but as the curvature of the diamond is less, the thickness may be greatly diminished.

The chromatic dispersion of the adamant being nearly as low as that of water, its effects in small lenses can barely be appreciated by the eye, even in the examination of that valuable class of test objects, which require enormous angles of aperture to be rendered visible, which it is evident must be of easier attainment by diamond magnifiers than by any other sort of microscope.

A mathematical investigation of the spherical aberration of the diamond when formed into lenses, I hope to lay before the public at a future opportunity. The comparative numbers here taken from the longitudinal aberration are, I believe, sufficiently accurate for practical purposes.

18, Picket-Street, Strand.

[3] It seems generally admitted that, within a certain range of power not exceeding that of a lens of 120th of an inch focus, the beauty and truth of the vision given by the new compound microscopes cannot be equalled by that of any single instrument, at least of glass. It is no less true, however, that the picture of the compounds, however perfect, is not like a real object, will not admit of amplification beyond a certain point with advantage. Under the action of very deep eye-glasses, the image of opaque objects especially, first loses its strong, well-determined outline—then grows soft and nebulous, and finally melts away in shadowy confusion. Let the experiment be made of raising the power of a compound up to that of a 160 inch lens—then try it against the single microscope of that power (having, of course, the utmost opening the nature of the object viewed will permit). The observer, if open to conviction, will soon be taught the superior efficacy of the latter—for it will show the lines on the dust of Menelaus with such force and vivacity, that they will always be apparent without any particular management of the light—nor can their image be extinguished by causing the illumination to be directed truly through the axis of the lens (as it always may in the compounds). A due consideration of the teeth and inequalities on the surface of a human hair, together with the transverse connecting fibres between the lines on the scales of the curculio imperialis, viewed as opaque objects, will suffice to complete the illustration of the subject; though the last object is not to be well seen by that kind of light which is given by silver cups—and a single lens of 160 inch focus can of course have no other. The effectiveness and penetrating faculties of simple magnifiers are invariably increased by an accession of power however great—that of compounds seems to be deteriorated beyond certain limits. An opinion may be hazarded that the achromatics and reflectors yet made do not really surpass the efficacy of equivalent single lenses, even of glass, when their power exceeds that of a 120 lens, from 120 to 140 the vision may be about equal—but from 140 upwards infinitely inferior.

The superior light of the single refraction can need no comment—and it is evident that there must be a degree of power at which that of the compounds will become too dim and feeble for vision,—while that of the single instrument will still retain a due intensity. For these reasons it is conceived that the close and penetrating scrutiny of lenses of diamond of perhaps only the 1200 inch focus, and an equal aperture (which their very low aberration would easily admit of,) must enable us to see further into the arcana of nature than we have yet been empowered to do. Glass globules of 1200 inch focus and indeed much deeper have been executed; but the testimony of lenses of diamond would certainly be far more respectable, and is at least worthy of trial and examination.—C.R.G.

[4] In Dr. Brewster’s treatise on new Philosophical instruments, Book 5, chap. 2, Page 403—Account of a new compound Microscope for objects of Natural History—is the following passage: “We cannot therefore expect any essential improvement in the single microscope, unless from the discovery of some transparent substance, which like the diamond combines a high refractive with a low dispersive power.” From which it seems certain that the Doctor never contemplated the possibility of working upon the substance of the diamond, though he must have been aware of its valuable properties.

[5] There are fourteen different crystalline forms of the diamond, and of this number, from the laws which govern the polarization of light, the octohedron and truncated cube are probably the only ones that will give single vision. It is unfortunately very difficult to procure rough diamonds in this country, so we are compelled to use stones already cut, and to subject them to trial in the way mentioned in the text.

[6] As many amateurs of science might take an interest in the inspection of the peculiar effect these lenses have on transmitted light, I shall be happy to exhibit them, as also the perfect lens.

Analysis of a newly-discovered Spring, at Stanley, near Wakefield.—By Mr. William West. [◊]

MINERAL springs, dependent for their characteristic properties on carbonate of soda, appear to have been little noticed by chemists, and to have been still less attended to as curative means; at least in proportion to the multitude of cases in which that substance is administered in various other forms. Indeed the inference to be drawn from the silence respecting the modes of analysis adapted to such waters in our best elementary treatises, is that they have hitherto been very seldom met with. In one district, however, of Yorkshire, carbonate of soda is of frequent occurrence; it is found in the ordinary springs; often, at the same time with substances with which, in artificial solutions, or when concentrated, it, would be considered wholly incompatible; while at other times it is the predominant, or the only remarkable saline constituent. An analysis of a water of this kind, known by the name of the Holbeck Spa, has lately been published in the Annals of Philosophy, by my friend E. S. George; similar springs are found, I understand, as far [p022] westward as Bradford; they are numerous from the borings in and near Holbeck; while eight miles south, a water similar in its character, but differing in containing about twice as much alkali in the same measure, has been discovered at Stanley.

About two miles from Wakefield, near the Aberford or York road, is an ancient mansion called Hatfield Hall; near the park or inclosure of which, in boring for coal, the spring in question suddenly gushed up, when the workmen had got to the depth of eighty yards, and has continued to run spontaneously, in all seasons, at the rate of six gallons per minute.

The water at the spring is limpid and very sparkling; the portion which is allowed to escape, deposits upon the trough and in the channel through which it runs a quantity of sulphur; the smell is that of sulphuretted hydrogen; the taste, from the stimulus of the bubbles of gas modifying the softness of the alkali, rather pleasant than otherwise.

The appearances presented by re-agents are,—

With tincture of soap, a slight opalescence.

Nitrate of silver, an abundant precipitate, partially re-dissolved by pure nitric acid.

Sulphate of silver, a precipitate only partially soluble in nitric or acetic acid.

Muriate of barytes, a slight precipitate.

Lime-water, a precipitate soluble with effervescence in acetic acid.

Oxalate of ammonia, no precipitate.

On boiling, a slight pellicle appeared, soluble in nitric acid.

Carbonate of ammonia, no precipitate, nor any on the subsequent addition of phosphate of soda.

The water restored the colour of litmus paper slightly reddened.

With tincture of galls and ferrocyanate of potash, no change.

With muriate of lime, the water remained unchanged until heated; but when boiled, a copious precipitate took place.

When concentrated by boiling, the water reddened turmeric paper, and effervesced strongly on the addition of an acid.

Nitromuriate of platina produced no precipitate, however concentrated the water might be. [p023]

The results of the previous experiments indicate the presence of

A. To ascertain the proportion of sulphuric acid, sixteen ounces by measure, previously saturated by acetic acid, were treated with muriate of barytes; the precipitate, washed and dried, weighed one grain; this indicates, in the imperial gallon, 3.2 grains of sulphuric acid, equivalent to 5.8 sulphate of soda, dry, or 13 grains crystallized.

B. For the muriatic acid; nitrate of silver, added to sixteen ounces of the water boiled, and the alkali previously saturated, gave a precipitate weighing 2.8 grains; reduced to the proportion in the imperial gallon, this amounts to 26.9 grains chloride of silver, equivalent to 11 grains chloride of sodium (muriate of soda.)

C. The crystalline pellicle separated from a pint of sixteen ounces, on boiling, weighed 0.2 grains.

This was carbonate of lime; but in the water the lime would be combined with muriatic acid, forming 0.22; or, in the imperial gallon, 2.1 dry chloride, or 3.75 crystallized muriate of lime.

D. The precipitate formed on boiling with muriate of lime, weighed from the pint, 3.6 grains; from the imperial gallon, 34.6 grains; showing the water to contain in that quantity a carbonated alkali equivalent to 53 grains of dry, or 59.5 crystallized bi-carbonate of soda.

E. Muriate of barytes, added to the water left on evaporating sixteen ounces to two, gave a precipitate weighing 8.2 grains; deducting one grain for sulphate of barytes, as found in experiment A, we have 7.2 carbonate of barytes; this indicates in the gallon 53 grains of dry, and 59.5 of crystallized carbonate of soda, as in the last experiment.

Lastly, a pint of sixteen ounces of the water, evaporated to dryness, furnished in three trials of saline residuum, weighed after short exposure to a dull red heat, six grains, or 57.6 from [p024] the imperial gallon. Now we have seen that this would consist of

5.8Dry sulphate of soda(exp. A).
11.  Chloride of sodium( —— B).
1.9 Carbonate of lime( —— C).
18.7
38.9
57.6

The remainder, 38.9, having been converted by the heat into proto-carbonate of soda, is equivalent to 54.5 dry, 61 grains crystallized bi-carbonate, agreeing nearly with the quantities found from experiments D and E.

Following, as I do, that doctrine which supposes the bases to be distributed among the acids in a mineral water in the combinations which possess the greatest solubility, we must suppose the lime to be in the state of muriate; we shall then have to diminish the muriate, and increase the carbonate of soda: so that on this view, the saline constituents of an imperial gallon, in the state in which they exist in the water, are,—

Soda in combination with carbonic acid, equivalent to

Bi-carbonate or super-carbonate of soda56gr. dry.62.5crystallized
Sulphate of soda 5.8ditto13ditto
Muriate of soda (chloride of sodium) 8.75ditto 8.75ditto
Muriate of lime 2.1ditto 3.75ditto

The gaseous contents of the water consist of variable proportions of carbonic acid, sulphuretted hydrogen, and carburetted hydrogen; the latter gas is continually emitted from the spring, in greater quantity than the water can absorb; and a portion of the other two also escapes from its surface. I have made many experiments on the gas, separated by boiling; but find the results, as I might anticipate, altogether inconclusive and uncertain. In waters containing, as at Harrogate, these gases with muriates or sulphates, boiling may be expected almost wholly to disengage them; but in this case the affinity of the soda in dilute solution, is likely to retain the carbonic [p025] acid, and even to cause a decomposition of the sulphuretted hydrogen, so as to prevent our obtaining, in a gaseous form, the quantity really existing in the water, and imparting to it sensible or medicinal properties.

On the subject of medicinal qualities I am at all times cautious of giving an opinion: but I may observe, first, that as this spring is dissimilar to any of those which have already attained celebrity, so none of them can form a substitute for this; it is not Harrogate, or Cheltenham, or Buxton, or Tunbridge water: the alkaline springs of the West Riding, of which this is by far the strongest, stand as medicinal waters hitherto alone; the active ingredient, the bi-carbonate of soda, being spoken of in chemical works, as “rarely found in mineral waters.”

Secondly, from the known properties of this substance, carbonate of soda, and the frequency of its administration in a long train of arthritic, calculous and dyspeptic complaints, the water must be highly useful as an anti-acid and as a diuretic; and as the advantages which native mineral waters possess over artificial solutions of the substances, in the great degree of dilution, and the impregnation with gases, and still more in the adjuncts of leisure, exercise, pure air, regulated diet and early rising, are of especial consequence in the latter very numerous class of diseases, those called stomach and nervous complaints; we may fairly suppose that such a spring will be found to be a valuable addition to those previously known, applying, as it does, to cases of such frequent occurrence.

Observations on the State of Naval Construction in this Country. [◊]

IT appears that there is at present a tendency to improvement in every branch of science; monopoly in intellect may now be said to be vanishing; and empiricism is obliged to seek dark corners, to escape the light which is penetrating into regions from which it had but very lately been excluded. The administration, too, encourages advance of knowledge; yet notwithstanding these favourable circumstances, there still exists, in [p026] some minds, an inaptitude of scientific perception, which induces unwillingness to acknowledge the advantage that results from the application of the exact sciences to the useful arts.

This neglect of scientific principles is nowhere more manifest than in the affairs of naval architecture, and it is not confined to the Royal Navy, but extends also to our mercantile shipping; and hence it is that our commercial marine is in some respects behind foreign nations, especially the Americans, in the formation of its ships: our merchantmen are, almost without exception, the most unsafe[7] and slowest ships in the world. The ship-owners, therefore, would do well to consider this circumstance, and endeavour to devise means of introducing science into the merchant yards. The establishment of the new university in the metropolis affords an opportunity of doing it at a comparatively small expense, by the foundation of Lectures on the theory of Naval Architecture; and the support even of a separate institution in the vicinity of the merchant yards of this great port, for the education of ship surveyors, would soon be repaid by the improved character of our merchant shipping.

If the science of Naval Architecture depend on certain physico-mathematical laws, as no doubt it does, it is monstrous to imagine for a moment that such laws can be developed by a flight of fancy, or that a man is born with an intuitive optical perception of the lines of least resistance, &c., or, in the jargon of the craniologists, that he has a naval-architectural bump on his skull; yet one would think that such was the case, when we see men, we cannot say philosophers, start up and loudly assert that they are in possession of the secret of construction; and they are believed because their hypotheses are never submitted to the examination of those who are capable of detecting their fallacy.

The Experimental Squadrons have, with a multitude of perplexing results, elicited, it must be confessed, at least an interesting fact, viz. that there has been an establishment seventeen years in this country, in Portsmouth dockyard, for the scientific education of naval architects, for the Royal [p027] Navy.[8] From the plan of education, as laid down by the Commissioners of Naval Revision in 1810, it appears that, to a requisite knowledge of the practice of their profession, the gentlemen composing this body of naval constructors unite a sound and competent one of its theory[9].

It can only be from such a source that we can look for the improvement of our men of war, and it is to be regretted that every means should not be taken to avail ourselves of it: but unhappily such is the force of prejudice that, unless some alteration should be adopted in this institution, it will be in vain to expect advantage from it.

The objection urged against this establishment, namely, that the scientific education it gives to its members precludes them from the attainment of a due knowledge of the practical construction of our ships, is so absurd, that none but weak or jealous minds could ever have brought it forward. Shall it be laid down, in the present age, as an axiom, that a profound ignorance of the principles of his art is the one thing essential to the formation of what is generally meant by the term “practical man?” We contend that, having made, in vain,[10] a long and most indulgent trial of a system without science, if we may use such an expression, we must extend to one in alliance with it, a like patronage, before we can be allowed to pronounce a fair and legitimate judgment upon its efficiency.

But even in the peculiar path in which the naval architects educated at Portsmouth might be supposed to excel, we do not find that any opportunity is allowed them to come forward, nor shall we see this until some effort is made by the heads of our naval departments, to allow a broad and open competition to take place. It may be urged, that the learned Professor at Portsmouth (Dr. Inman) in himself includes all that can have [p028] possibly been taught or understood in the establishment over which he presides, and that therefore he is the representative of it in the late and present trials for the palm of excellence; but we cannot by any means assent to this: many of the students must have left his tuition seven, eight, and nine years, and must be between thirty and forty years of age; and it would be strange indeed, if during such a period, and in the prime of life and intellect, some of these, if not all, had not cultivated the science after their own bent of mind, and formed original ideas on the subject: we say, therefore, that Dr. Inman’s constructions cannot be called the production of the establishment—they are merely the effort of one man, whose attention it appears is distracted by a multiplicity of occupations, and can only, along with the vessels of Capts. Symonds, Hayes, and Sir R. Seppings, be deemed criterions of the particular views of an individual.

Mysticism and ignorance always accompany each other; and we may reckon that in proportion as the latter disappears from amongst our ship-builders, so will the absurd vagaries of the former recede, and the subject be placed at last on the true principles of philosophical induction, instead of the caprices of imagination. We look forward, therefore, to this new body of naval architects for the expulsion of all quackery from their profession, and for the exposition not only of what we really do know, but also of what we do not know about it: this is the only way to arrive at truth, which should be the sole object of all investigation; but which we are afraid has hitherto been sadly garbled and perverted wherever it has had to do with naval architecture in this country.

But we repeat that we do not see that the nation is at all likely to benefit from the science or exertions of those gentlemen so long as they are placed in situations where a superior education can have no other effect than producing disgust and chagrin in the mind of the possessor; and if the institution at Portsmouth be designed for no better purpose than that of supplying house-carpenters, joiners, and still more inferior trades, with foremen, it had better be abolished. Some would regard it, as at present used, as a gross mockery on the public [p029] at whose expense it is supported; it is certainly a cruel one of those who have been induced, by the fair and brilliant prospects held out to them of support and encouragement, to devote their lives to this branch of the public service.

But to return to the Experimental Squadron: it is with regret that we must conclude, upon a careful consideration, that, although the experiments are carried on with so much vigour and interest, they are evidently founded on imaginative views, and that there cannot exist any thing like legitimate data where so many failures and anomalous results obtain. Who can read the account of the first Experimental Squadron[11], without immediately perceiving that the constructors of the contending vessels, however sanguine each might have been of the success of his particular fancy, met with nothing but the most perplexing results? We see sometimes one and sometimes the other vessel claim the palm of excellence, and finally leaving the subject as much in the dark as ever. This is the natural consequence of the non-application of inductive philosophy to the question before us, and the most important conclusion that can be gathered from the experiment is, that we have begun at the wrong end, and that it is high time to employ analysis instead of synthesis to effect the desired objects: for in the present state of the theory of naval construction in this country, there are yet no data existing to effect with precision and confidence the synthetical composition of a ship.

We cannot refrain here from noticing the paucity of information contained in the reports hitherto made on the first Experimental Squadron. The best one[11] is but little removed from a ship’s log book, and in some respects is inferior to it: it is of such a scanty nature, that we can scarcely inform ourselves on any point, and that only in a relative degree, of the qualities of the vessels composing it: we cannot find out any mention of their absolute velocities on the different points of sailing, which is a most important omission. We are neither informed in what way the observations were conducted, whether they were made simultaneously or not: unless the former, any attempt at comparison must be very doubtful, if not entirely fallacious. Circumstances of wind and the weather may very widely alter in the [p030] course of a short time, and every endeavour at legitimate analogy be destroyed by such variation. We strongly suspect that this is one cause of perplexity; and another prolific one is the vague idea given of the strength of winds by nautical language. Nothing but the determinations of the anemometer should ever be allowed to appear in an account of such experiments. Every circumstance attendant on the quantity and trim of sail, the heeling, the rolling and pitching of the ship, position of the rudder, &c. should be accurately ascertained and tabulated; for it is next to an impossibility and a wilful waste of time to attempt to institute comparisons without pursuing a system of tabulated results, which should be kept in the same form on board each ship.

We must also express our regret that the scientific professor at Portsmouth does not appear to have ascertained the position of the centre of gravity of any of his ships, with regard to height, by the simple and easy experiment long known in principle, and described lately with geometrical rigidity in two or three publications by some of his pupils[12]. The knowledge of the position of this point would have placed him so far above his competitors, in so many important particulars, that we are surprised he should have thrown away his advantage, and descended to a level with his less scientific opponents. We are afraid that, here again, imaginative views have stepped in, and taken the sober mathematician from the only path by which excellence can be attained. We are at a loss to conceive how the stabilities of his ships can be said to be ascertained without the knowledge of the position of this point.

Some of the obscurity which pervades this difficult subject may be overcome, as to broad and general principles, by attentively and coolly observing the progress of marine architecture, since the introduction of cannon into naval warfare, and more particularly during the last century and a half. We shall then clearly perceive that the French, who, as early as the beginning of the reign of Louis XIV., employed men of first-rate talent in their naval arsenals, and neglected no opportunity for the [p031] advancement of science in them, increased and kept increasing the dimensions of their ships, more especially the length, the ratio of which to the breadth has been augmented by them from about 314.1, to 4.1 within the last century. While this principle was acted on, the improvement of their ships was gradual; and by referring to our own progress in the art, in tardy imitation of the practice of the French, we shall likewise conclude that our navy has derived precisely similar advantages from the same causes. Here we have at once two grand but concurring results derived from an experiment, not made on one or half a dozen different vessels, but on the whole navies of the two most powerful maritime states in the world: and if to these we choose to add the result of the practice of the same means on the Spanish and other navies, we might surely be warranted in saying, from this broad but certain analysis of facts, that, in relation to the hull, the general increase of dimensions, with a greater relative length, is one cause of the improvements that have been made in the sea-going qualities of the ships composing the fleets of the present maritime powers: the question therefore that remains to be decided on in relation to this principle is, whether we have arrived at its utmost practicable limits, or rather, whether we have arrived at the maximum of improvement it is capable of producing.

This brings us again to the experimental squadrons, as far as they are connected with, and illustrative of, our observations; and the first question naturally put forward about them is, whether there be any thing very peculiar in the formation or dimensions of the rival vessels? We suspect that the answer cannot otherwise than disclose, that neither in principle, dimensions, nor in the formation, can they be said to differ very materially from each other, or from ships of the common construction: indeed we perceive in some a retrogression of ideas and a violation of the principle, that the increase of the ratio of the length to the breadth, in conjunction with a general increase of dimensions, has been a predominant cause of improvement. The fact also of so immaterial a difference necessarily includes a system of masting and sails equally confined, and totally inadequate to produce any great superiority of sailing over ships to which they are so nearly equal in principal dimensions. [p032]

After so many years of trial with the present nearly invariable set of principal dimensions, during which period it may be said, that every possible contour of hull has been experimented on with them, we are inclined to think that almost all has been done that could be done under such restrictions, and that some great step must be made in one or other of the principal dimensions themselves, with correspondent alterations in the masting, before we can expect to see a decided and great improvement in the sailing of our ships. The depth is an element which has arrived at its limit from very apparent external causes; but the length and breadth remain to the skilful constructor without any such clogs to his endeavours; and he has only to accommodate their relation to each other in the manner most conducive to velocity, which in our opinion is the very capital object of naval construction, both in ships of war and of commerce. That it is so in the former, no one will, we apprehend, on due reflection deny; but there will be many who will assert that it cannot be obtained, in the latter, without a sacrifice of capacity; which will defeat the object of carrying large cargoes: to this we may reply, that if a vessel with an expense of one quarter the capacity can make three voyages instead of two, will not the merchant be still a considerable gainer in capacity, and still more so by a ready return of his capital[13]?

All observations on well-conducted experiments concur in proving that velocity is gained by increasing the length, to a much greater degree in relation to the breadth, than has ever yet been done in ships; and that the increase of the same element contributes to their weathering powers is too obvious to need insisting upon: it is also generally advantageous, when not carried to an extent which would seriously retard the manœuvring of the ship. This limit has not yet by any means been determined; for it must be recollected, that although the additional length increases the resistance to rotation about a vertical axis, yet the power of the sails to give rotation about the same is also increased, although not in so high a ratio. The power of the rudder to produce rotation is also greater in a long ship than in [p033] a short one, not only on account of the greater distance it is from the axis of rotation, but also on account of the greater velocity, and the more direct impulse of the water on it.

The increase of the ratio of the length to the breadth to produce velocity should not interfere with the increase of breadth necessary to produce stability or capacity; for both these qualities, varying as higher powers of the breadth, a very small increase of breadth may be attended with a considerable increase of length. If we compare the Caledonia’s (120 guns) dimensions with those of the Royal George and Queen Charlotte[14], of 1788 and 1789, we shall find, that 13 or 14 times as much length as breadth has been added to the first rates of our navy. If we refer to the dimensions of the Commerce de Marseilles, and those of the next preceding three-decker of the French navy (for instance, the Ville de Paris[15], taken in Lord Rodney’s action), we shall find that the French naval architects gave in her 21 times as much increase to the length as to the breadth. If this could be done with safety in a three-decked ship, with such a vast top weight, much more could it be carried advantageously into effect in ships of two decks, and frigates; but we do not find, in the latter classes of the ships of the French navy, the increase of length to go beyond six times that of the breadth. If we refer to the Old Bellerophon, built in 1772, and the New Bellerophon, built in 1819, we shall find an increase of 24 feet in length, to 1.58 feet increase of breadth; or the former more than 15 times the latter[16].

To those who oppose the objection that a greater length than at present used would make the manœuvring of a ship too slow, we answer, that as the Caledonia and the present first rates of our navy, although from 10 to 15 feet longer than our two-deckers, are found to be capital ships in this respect, there is a sure ground to believe, that the addition of 20 feet in length to the present two-deckers would not render their celerity [p034] of evolution less than that of the three-decker; and since, from the reduction of weight aloft, the centre of gravity would be lowered, and the displacement required to be less, a somewhat smaller breadth might be allowed to a two-decked ship of 206 feet long, than to one of 196 feet (especially since the quantity of sail, remaining the same, is lowered by one whole depth between deck), a smaller midship section would be, cæteris paribus, required; the velocity of this ship might be considerably increased. Nothing however can be precisely determined on, with such a complication of circumstances, beyond a general idea. Calculation and a strict analysis of ships must be resorted to, in order to fill up the outline of our reasoning.

But for the same reason that we imagine that an addition of 20 or perhaps 40 feet would not sensibly injure the celerity of manœuvring of our two-deckers, we should think that the same increase of this dimension might be tried without much risk to our first rates, with an increase of breadth not exceeding 120 part that is given to the length.

We repeat that the very capital object of the science of Naval Construction is velocity, and we are decidedly of opinion that it is attainable in a much higher degree than at present, without compromising other necessary qualities, for which we have the concurrence of facts as far as they go.

The Anglo-Americans, in the last war, took every possible advantage suggested by views similar to those we have been adverting to, in the construction of their large frigates. They had, it may be said, to create a martial navy, and they had to oppose it against fearful odds; but, free from the prejudices and errors so blindly cherished by their opponents, and which constantly oppose reform by always declaring the present practice to be the best, they did not retread the old path, but began at its last step, and boldly advanced on this principle into all the branches of the art. They built vessels upon the most enlarged dimensions, and of a superior weight of metal, and gave an increased ratio of length to the breadth. The result of such a procedure, justified the confidence of the American naval architects in only one maxim, founded upon the scientific observation of facts, and may give us a faint idea of what might be effected by a still more enlarged and mathematical analysis. [p035] Our frigates were so inferior to theirs in every way, that they brought nothing but disasters upon us, excepting in the action between the Shannon and Chesapeake, and one or two others, where, assured by their previous successes, our gallant opponents threw away the advantages possessed by their ships, by coming to close quarters at once, and deciding the contest hand to hand.—Our ships of the line could never bring these frigates to action, and owing alone to their extraordinary sailing, did they evade and mock a large British fleet. We were finally obliged to build 60-gun frigates after their method, but when it was too late for the exigency of the period; and thus it has ever been our fate, for want of science in the constructors of our navy, to follow the steps of our enemies at a humble distance, and to be only then driven out of the old track by a terrible experience of its inefficiency.

Nor have the Americans stopped here;—Mr. Huskisson plainly tells us that “America is, year after year, augmenting its military marine, by building ships of war of the largest class[17].” According to Capt. Brenton, they have built a first-rate[18] of 245 feet length on the gun deck, and 56 feet broad[19], to carry 42-pounders on the lower deck, and 32-pounders on the other decks.

Our small class of 74-gun ships lately converted into frigates carrying fifty 32-pounder guns, we are fearful can only produce disappointment if ever brought against the American frigates (not by conversion, but by construction), which carry sixty-two guns of the same calibre, and are 180 feet long on the gun deck.

We must not forget also that our active neighbours the French have now adopted a most formidable description of [p036] frigates, with curvilinear sterns[20], and many other important improvements. They mount 60 guns and carronades—viz. 24-pounders on the gun deck, and 36-pounder carronades on the flush deck.—The former calibre is equivalent very nearly to 26, and the latter to 39 lbs. avoirdupois.

When we reflect on these circumstances, we cannot but feel surprised that so many frigates of inferior force and dimensions should be building in our dockyards. In time of emergency they will only bring on us a repetition of former disasters and deficiency. We contend that, instead of building ships of only equal force to those of our rivals, and thus waiting for the developement of their designs before we can venture on a single step, we should build beyond them in every respect. It must and ought to be recollected, that peace in these matters produces a contest of intellect, and those will have the advantage in it who attack instead of standing on the defensive. We ought to lead the way, and to be at the head of the maritime world, not in number alone, but also in the individual force and qualities of our ships.

Having expatiated on the advantages of an increased ratio of length to breadth in relation to the hull of a ship, we will just glance at some of the principal effects it would have upon the masting and sails; and here again we conceive that Professor Inman has, in common with many others, relinquished the many good effects resulting from it, for the inadequate one, of being able to carry a somewhat greater quantity of sail, which must necessarily be lofty, and which, (setting aside this detracting circumstance,) as the velocity of a ship varies only as a fractional power of the surface of canvas spread, cannot produce the degree of fast sailing to be wished for, but at an immense and impracticable quantity of sail[21].

A greater proof of the inadequacy of the present system of [p037] lofty sail cannot be cited than the fact of its not procuring, under the most favourable circumstances, a rate of sailing rarely exceeding one-fourth the velocity of the wind.

As the number of masts should be so regulated as to create facility in managing the canvas, which is well known to be at present hardly manageable in a gale of wind, on board large ships, from the enormous size of each individual course and topsail, we should not hesitate, therefore, to have four vertical masts, as recommended by Bouguer, instead of three, in ships built in accordance with the principles we have been discussing. This would, cæteris paribus, require shorter masting and smaller yards, and the sails being much less, individually, would be more easily managed and not so liable to accidents.

From what has been said, and the actual experiments now pending, it is apparent that the theoretic construction of ships is at a very low ebb in this country; yet a fine opportunity now presents itself, if we choose to avail ourselves of it, for rescuing the nation from this generally acknowledged odium. Let a proper use be made of the corps of Naval Architects we have, somehow or other, at last got, and let their exertions, under a degree of encouragement equal to that bestowed on the old ship-builders in vain for so long a period, be directed towards the improvement of their art. If they fail, they cannot claim the excuse of having their endeavours repressed; if they succeed, as no doubt they will, in advancing their profession to something beyond mere carpentry, we shall be enabled to bid adieu to the old and ruinous method of blundering, under the reign of which nothing but disappointment can ever be reasonably expected.

We have seen and do still see the immense advantages derived by our country from the encouragement of those branches of science connected with its manufactures and agriculture; and if we wish to keep our present superiority, we must follow up vigorously this principle in all its universality. To the cavils of ignorance and bigotry against such a mode of proceeding we would answer, in the words of one of the most enlightened members of the present administration, “This country cannot stand still, whilst others are advancing in science, in [p038] industry, in every thing which contributes to increase the power of empires, and to multiply the means of comfort and enjoyment to civilized man.”[22]

It is to be hoped, therefore, that His Royal Highness the Lord High Admiral will extend to this most important national institution, the School of Naval Architecture, the same vigilant and scrutinizing eye that every other branch of our naval system is at this moment experiencing from him, and that he will extend to it that fair play and encouragement which has hitherto been denied to it. As a seaman, he can fully appreciate and understand how much the bad qualities of a ship may neutralize the best exertions of the most experienced and skilful sailor; and, on the contrary, what a degree of confidence may be insured in naval operations with excellent ships. We feel persuaded, therefore, that he will not allow others to think for him in a matter of so much national importance, and thus allow private ends to interpose to the disadvantage of public views; but that he will investigate and judge for himself. We would humbly suggest to His Royal Highness to inquire into the individual acquirements and productions, both of a theoretical and practical nature, of those who have been educated in this establishment, and he would soon be able to decide whether they be fitting or not for the important task of constructing our ships, and for the confidence and protection which we think we have shown has hitherto been ill-advisedly withheld from them. Such a line of conduct would very soon carry our naval architecture to a pitch of excellence worthy of imitation, and instead of being indebted to foreigners for models, we should be able, with just pride, to point to the productions of British science and intellect in this noble art.

[7] By referring to Lloyd’s List, it will appear, upon a moderate average, that three English merchant vessels are lost every two days!

[8] See No. II. of the Naval and Military Magazine, published in June last.

[9] This will be readily acknowledged by those who will choose to read the “Papers on Naval Architecture,” and the “Essays and Gleanings on Naval Architecture,” two periodical works proceeding from the members of this institution.

[10] See the Third Report of the Commissioners of Naval Revision, and the Resolutions of the Society for the Improvement of Naval Architecture, in which the old system of providing ship-builders for the Royal Navy is condemned in the most unqualified terms.

[11] Vide No. 1 of the Papers on Naval Architecture.

[12] Vide Annals of Philosophy, for November, 1826; No. 1 of the Papers on Naval Architecture, and No. 11 of the Essays and Gleanings on Naval Architecture.

[13] Foreign nations, and more particularly the Americans, find their advantage in having swift merchant ships, and therefore our assertion is warranted by facts.

[14] Caledonia, length 205 feet, breadth 53.5; Royal George, length 187 feet, breadth 52.33 feet; Queen Charlotte, length 190 feet, breadth 52.33 feet.

[15] Ville de Paris, length 185.62 feet; breadth 52.7 feet; Commerce de Marseilles, length 208.33 feet, breadth 54.79 feet.

[16] Old Bellerophon, length 168 feet, breadth 47.33 feet; New Bellerophon, length 192 feet, breadth 49 feet.

[17] Vide this gentleman’s speech on the Shipping Interests in the House of Commons, May 1827.

[18] Called by Capt. Brenton the Ohio; but it appears from Lieut. De Roos’ personal narrative, just published, that the Ohio is a two-decker of 102 guns. It is to be supposed, therefore, that the three-decker of 135 guns, called the Pennsylvania by the latter, is the ship alluded to by the former. It is a matter of great regret that Lieut. de Roos has not presented us with the precise dimensions of these ships.

[19] These dimensions carry the ratio of the length to breadth above 413 to 1.

[20] The French Admiral Willaumez, in his “Dictionnaire de Marine,” published in 1820, says under the article Frégate, that as far back as 1804, he had proposed a plan for a frigate of the largest size, with a round stern, wherein the quarter galleries were suppressed: the first frigate upon his plan was built at Brest about 1821.

[21] As the square root, so that to get twice the velocity, four times as much canvas must be spread; and this is the most favourable estimate that can be made.

[22] Vide Mr. Huskisson’s speech on the Shipping Interests.

[p039]

On Malaria. No. II. [◊] [Communicated by J. Mac Culloch, M. D., F. R. S., &c. &c.]

HAVING pointed out, in the former paper on this subject, the nature of the soils or places, of whatever description, by which malaria is generated, it remains to notice a few other circumstances connected with its natural history, a knowledge of which is essential for the purposes of prevention; and finally to describe such modes of prevention, applicable to these several circumstances, as have been found useful in guarding against the attack of diseases from this cause. Under the first head, there remain to be considered, the effects of climate and season; the changes which occur in the production and propagation of malaria, from various natural and artificial causes; and also, the various modes in which it is propagated.

It has already been remarked, that a certain elevation of temperature was necessary to the production of this poison, though what the precise degree is, has not been ascertained; and as this is, chiefly, what distinguishes the regions or periods of the year which generate malaria, I need not make two divisions of season and climate. If, however, this temperature is not fixed, it will perhaps suffice for our present purposes to say that the greater part of Scotland, whether as to climate or season, seems incapable of generating the disease from this cause; though there are exceptions of a permanent nature, or exceptions of climate, as was perennially true of the Carse of Gowrie before its drainage; while there are others which happen when, as in the last year, there has been a peculiarly hot summer, and which are exceptions of season.

And thus it is as to more northern regions; where a hot summer becomes more than an equivalent for an average low temperature; as an example of which, there is no place where intermittents are more severe and abundant than at Stockholm. But the extreme of evil from this cause occurs, as is well known, in the tropical climates; appearing almost proportioned to the heat of the climate, and what is important to observe to the moisture also. The destructive effects of certain parts of Africa, India, America, and so forth, are familiarly known; and [p040] it is in these countries especially, that the diseases from this source constitute nearly the entire mortality of the human race. And thus, for Europe, it is in Spain, Italy, and Greece, and chiefly on their Mediterranean shores, that the activity of malaria scarcely yields to that of the intertropical climates; while in France, Holland, Germany, Hungary, and with us, in a far less degree, the production will be found regulated by the heat of the summers, all other circumstances being the same.

And if we thus account for the variations in the quantity and virulence of diseases in any given country, for noted seasons of epidemic in the countries which I have just named, and for the great prevalence of fevers among ourselves during the last few years, and particularly in the last summer, there is another point of scarcely inferior importance to be taken into the consideration, independently of that which relates to peculiar winds as connected with the propagation of this poison;—and this is, moisture.

I need not repeat that water in some form is necessary to the production of that peculiar vegetable decomposition which is the source of this poison; and so true is this, that even in the tropical regions, the diseases from this cause are nearly unknown in districts of peculiar dryness, as they are in the drier seasons of those countries. Thus, for example, Egypt is free from such fevers, except at the period of the subsidence of the Nile, unless where, as at Damietta, the cultivation of rice is pursued; and the same is true of Mesopotamia very remarkably: and if I dare not extend these illustrations, I must remark that in all these cases, the action of moisture is twofold, inasmuch as it not only accelerates vegetable decomposition, but renders the atmosphere a fitter conductor of this poison.

Taking these two causes of the increase in the quantity and in the action of malaria, we can explain many particulars which relate to its power in producing diseases: and as the knowledge of these is important as far as relates to the main object of this paper, prevention, it becomes necessary to explain them at a little more length.

As to season, the simplest case is that of the intertropical climates; and Africa offers the plainest instance among the [p041] whole. There, the malaria and the fever commence at the moment the rain falls; diminishing as the ground becomes thoroughly wetted, and recommencing as it dries. The explanation of all this ought to be obvious; and the same analogy governs all the hotter climates, as, though less conspicuously, it does our own. Hence we explain, both as to our spring and our autumn, the effects of heat following rain, or the reverse, and the diseases which are consequent on those changes: and thus it is, though more remarkably, in Italy, that a rainy autumn increases the number and severity of fevers; or, if the summer has been unusually dry, that they often do not appear till the commencement of the autumnal, or even the winter rains. And hence, also, even with us, the occurrence of a single rainy day or week, in the midst of the heats, will produce fevers; while the effect of this influence is such, that should there even be an entire rainy summer, and the subsequent one be hot and dry, this will be attended by an unusual production of malaria and disease.

And if I cannot detail all the various modes in which these circumstances may be modified, and how their effects may vary, it will be useful to make one remark on an error as relating to it which is universal among us, and into which even Lind has fallen. The error is, to think that the rain, the moisture, or the cold is itself the cause of the diseases which follow this state of things; while it is obviously a case analogous to that of Africa, if less severe, and the malaria is produced by these circumstances on soils which I formerly pointed out, and which Lind, like every one else, had neglected. But if I must pass over many interesting and useful conclusions to be drawn from these general principles, there is one fact which I must notice, and it is this:—

In spring, the combination of heat and moisture, easily explained, generates, most commonly, intermittents; or the effect of the malaria at this season differs from what it does in autumn: while as the heat advances and the ground dries, this kind of fever ceases to be produced, a new species, or the summer remittent, taking its place when the heat and the moisture of autumn begin to act. But under peculiar seasons of heat and moisture with us, it sometimes occurs, as it has done [p042] within the last years, that the intermittent season runs into the remittent one, or there is no midsummer interval of freedom from disease; while it has also happened, and in some parts of England in this last year, that what would have been intermittent fever in other years has been remittent; or the common fever has occupied the whole summer, continuously, even from March to November, as is the case in the worst regions of southern Europe.

Now, under these exceptions, which I was bound to explain, the commencement of intermittent, or of vernal ague, may be fixed about the middle or end of March, and its termination similarly in May; while that of remittent may be placed in the beginning of August, and its termination with the middle or end of October. How these periods may otherwise be affected by the more or less insalubrious nature of the district or place, will easily be judged of by those who will reflect for themselves on what I dare not explain, lest I should infringe too far on my limits. All else that I can venture on, as to this part of the question in hand, relates to the effects of the different times of the day on the production, propagation, or influence of malaria, and it is one which is of no small importance in a practical view.

Whether the changes as to temperature and moisture which occur within the space of twenty-four hours, affect the production or propagation of malaria, I will not here inquire minutely, from the fear of prolonging this very limited paper; but the general facts, as to its effects, are these: If we commence with the sun on the meridian, there appears, even in the worst climates, very little hazard of fever; while in Italy, it is believed that there is, generally, little or no hazard, except in some peculiarly pestilential places, and under particular kinds of inattention or neglect. Either the malaria is decomposed or destroyed by the heat, or else the air from its dryness ceases to be a conductor; but as evening approaches, its influence becomes powerful and dangerous, being supposed most generally to extend all through the night; while in some parts of that country it is a popular belief that it terminates before midnight, or with the precipitation of the atmospheric moisture. Whether this last opinion is true or not, the general fact explains the popular [p043] belief, and truth, respecting the poisonous effects of dew in the hot climates; the supposed pernicious quality of this depending evidently on the malaria by which its formation is accompanied. And in this case it is probable that the evil arises, not from a fresh or peculiar generation of malaria, but from the mere fact that the moist atmosphere is a better conductor than a dry one.

Not to be unnecessarily minute, we thus also explain the danger of exposure to the morning air in similar situations; the facts, as they relate to the conducting of malaria, being the same, though the meteorological circumstances are somewhat different. Hence, also, we see why the grey mists which hang over wet grounds in the evening in our own climate, are esteemed pernicious; the truth, however, being, that they are perfectly innocent at certain seasons and in certain places—as in the greater part of Scotland, for example, or in those places and at those periods where malaria is not produced. The distinction is valuable, because of the inconvenience of restrictions on this subject, and because to know where the hazard really lies is to reduce those, and also to prevent the infraction of rules by not extending them beyond what is necessary; and thus also by seeing what are the real dangers of what is called night air, we more easily avoid them. Night air is avoided now, under a false philosophy, because it is cold or damp, or for some other vague reason; while the dangers from mere dampness or cold are as nothing compared to those here pointed out; which also occur precisely where they are least feared, namely, in warm summer evenings, after refreshing showers, and so forth. Hence it is that fevers are produced in summer, in rural situations, and especially perhaps amid the most engaging scenery, by evening walks and exposure to what is naturally considered, as it is felt to be, a balmy and refreshing sequel to a hot day. Let this be enjoyed where it can with safety, and as it often may; but such evening walks will not be safe in any of those situations which I need not repeat here; after having detailed them as I have done in the former paper. And lest I should be accused of wishing to excite unnecessary alarm, I consider, on the contrary, that it ought to be diminished by these remarks; because, if we take the whole of [p044] England, there is perhaps not one acre in a hundred thousand where there is danger from night air, or from malaria in any mode; so that to distinguish where that lies, is to have relieved from useless fears all those who may learn to make the distinctions under review.

To pass from what relates to climate and season, and to proceed to the propagation, simply, of malaria, it is almost superfluous to say, that its influence, as to the production of disease, is much regulated by proximity, which implies a state of concentration or accumulation. Hence the danger arising from vicinity; while, as I formerly remarked, where the generating source is small, this becomes necessary to its effect, since dilution may be expected to destroy the power of the poison.

For analogous reasons, its effect in the production of disease is increased by concentration or condensation; and such a state of things takes place in narrow and confined valleys, or in places surrounded by woods, or in woods themselves; in any situation, in short, where the poison is produced, and is so sheltered from winds that ventilation becomes difficult. And if it is probable that this is one chief reason of the peculiarly insalubrious nature of woods and jungles in hot climates, so is it an universal remark in Italy, that the short valleys in which the air cannot circulate are among the most pestilential spots. And if this explains, also, in some measure, the bad effects of calm weather, so does it account for the unusually pestiferous nature of rivers and lakes confined within wood, as are those of the tropical climates, and as there are many also in different parts of Europe. That we ourselves are not exempt from these additional causes of the influence of malaria, would be easily shown by many references, were it not for the reason which has caused me to exclude them.

It is another important question for practice, how far and in what manner malaria can be conveyed by the winds to places where it is not produced, so as to act in exciting disease. That it is conveyed to certain distances by winds is amply proved by an abundant experience, and I may first detail a few of the most useful particulars as to this fact. In Italy and Greece, it is observed, that where long valleys terminate on sea shores, on which the exits of the rivers are swampy, it is an [p045] effect of the sea breeze, by crossing such marshy ground, to convey the malaria up into the interior country, to considerable distances, and to places which are in themselves not insalubrious. Thus, also, does such a breeze, especially when it is a warm wind, convey the poison up the acclivities of hills, even to a considerable range of distance or elevation; a process facilitated by the natural tendency of such winds to ascend. And as a striking proof of this migration of malaria, it appears from Capt. Smyth’s statistical account of the insalubrious villages in Sicily, that out of more than seventy, about one-half are not seated near or on lands producing this substance, but on acclivities, at varying distances—thus receiving it through migration. The same is remarked by Montfalcon of many towns in France; while in some, the place at a distance is even more unhealthy than that which is immediately situated in the marsh itself: and in our own country, this is equally said to be true of the backwater at Weymouth, and of the marshes of St. Blasey in Cornwall, acting more powerfully at some distance than in the immediate spot.

With respect to the absolute distance to which the malaria can be conveyed, it is yet an obscure circumstance, or at least the maximum has not been fixed; but it is at least ascertained that the convent of Camaldoli receives it from the Lake Agnano, at a distance of three miles; while from certain naval reports, a distance of five miles has been proved to permit its transmission,—and from an evidence that cannot be doubted, inasmuch as it was the sudden breaking out of fever in a healthy ship, anchored at that distance from the shore, on the coming off of the land wind, attended by its peculiar and well-known smell.

These facts are satisfactory thus far, and it would be abundantly easy to add to them; but there is reason to suspect that it can be conveyed to far greater distances, in certain favourable circumstances: those reasons, in the first place, being derived from certain meteorological analogies and considerations, and in the next confirmed by experience. It is notorious that the ague appears on our eastern coasts with the first east winds of spring; and while this circumstance is most common on those of England, as for example, in Kent, Essex, Norfolk, [p046] Suffolk, and Lincolnshire, it is not thus limited, since it is known to happen further north, and even in Scotland, where malaria is not indigenous to the soil. It is very true that if we take any inland position in the places thus noted, the natural solution is, that the malaria is generated in the very soil itself of England, and merely propagated, perhaps even to very moderate distances, through those winds. But the occurrence of disease cannot be explained thus, when the place in question is so situated that there is no land to the eastward, or when the breeze is, most literally and rigidly, a sea breeze; while, when ague thus occurs on the east coast of Scotland, where it is not produced by the soil, it must be imported by the east wind.

These are the facts; while as malaria is not produced by the sea itself in any known circumstance, though a vegetating sea beach may give rise to it, we must seek the cause in lands far distant, and consider this as a case of propagation of the poison from the shores of Holland; and those shores are unquestionably competent to that effect: so that the only question that remains, the fact being admitted, is, whether, à priori, or theoretically, such a view is probable, or whether it is consistent with those physical principles that are concerned in the propagation of malaria.

I am aware that such a view will excite the incredulity of those who have not attended to this subject; though it appears to me that it comprises nothing averse to our knowledge of the philosophical circumstances concerned. In the first place, let us remark that the east wind, and particularly the east winds of spring, are notorious for their moisture, and that a moist air is the best conductor of malaria, as moisture in the air, under the form of evening mists, or in other modes, appears even to be its proper vehicle, or residence, if I may use such a term; and though I have not as yet separated the case of a fog, I may now remark, that the effect in question, or the production of agues by fogs arriving from the sea, is even more notorious than their generation by an ordinary clear wind. So notorious and popular, indeed, is this fact, that the fog itself is deemed the source of the disease, as the east wind under any form is, in other circumstances; while I hope it will even now appear, [p047] that the real cause lies in the malaria transported or conveyed by those winds or fogs, and of which they are the true and best repository and vehicle.

And these are the reasons for thinking that the malaria, with the wind, may be transported to a distance as great as that which the present view requires; most easily perhaps in a fog, but without difficulty even in a clear wind. It is remarkable that the east wind, as it is the most persevering, is that one also which preserves the most steady horizontal and linear course. I have also shown, in a former work, that it is a property of winds to travel in distinct lines through a tranquil atmosphere, and often in streams of a very limited breadth; that opposing streams will also move, in absolute contact; and that even rapid streams of wind will cross each other’s courses without difficulty. This proves that, in any such stream, there is a principle of self-preservation or integrity, and renders it probable that the several portions retain the same relative places to each other, at any distance, during the career of the whole; and there is a proof of this afforded in the fact of those columns or streams of insects which are brought over by such winds, and very frequently from those very countries, or from Holland and Flanders, in the most regular order, or without disturbance or dispersion.

Hence it may be argued, that if a malaria, generated any where and conveyed by the winds, can be transported to a distance of three miles, as has been proved, there is no reason why it should not travel much farther, or to any distance that can be assumed: and if this be true of a clear wind, the case of a fog is even a much stronger one; since there is little reason to doubt that the individual parts of such fog, in any assumed mass, will retain their relative places to each other, as perfectly after a journey of any given number of miles, as they did at the point of production; and if a portion of malaria has been united to a portion of fog, in the marsh which produced both, or whence both have come, there is every apparent reason why it should be found in that same portion at any farther or assumed distance, because there is no cause for either its dispersion or its decomposition.

A fog is a cloud, simply; and it is notorious that a single [p048] cloud, and often of very small dimensions, will remain at rest in the atmosphere, or travel very many miles without the loss of its integrity; however we may imagine it assailed by the various meteorological causes of destruction, as well as by mechanical violence. This in itself proves the consistency with which a current of wind preserves the relative positions of its integral parts; because it is plain that a disturbance among these must disturb or destroy the cloud which, in reality, forms a portion of that current, as a gaseous body: and since that cloud is a mist, since it might have been the very evening mist embodying a malaria, and since it is its real vehicle and repository, it is plain that had it, or any individual cloud, contained such a portion of malaria, it must have had the power of transmitting that, and would actually have transported it to any distance to which itself might travel. Thus, it is evident, may a fog, generated in Holland, carry without difficulty to the limits of its range, or to the coast of England, that malaria which became entangled with it at its birth-place or in its passage; and thus, I have little doubt, is the fact of those agues explained, and this transportation to such distances established.

I cannot, at least, conceive any demonstration as to facts of this nature more convincing, nor anything wanting to the proof; while I may proceed to make some remarks on the east wind, and on fogs, simply, because they concern this question.

The proof that it is a malaria in the fog, and not the fog itself, which is the cause of disease, is evinced by the following fact; while it ought surely to be unnecessary to say, that if fog alone could produce such fever, water itself must be the poison: since a fog is a cloud, and its constituents, when pure, are only atmospheric air and water. No intermittents are ever produced on the western or northern shores by the sea fogs, and for the plain reason, that there is no land whence they arrive. The clouds of mountainous regions do not produce fevers, though these also are fogs; and what forms a most absolute proof of this is, that in Flanders, it is the fogs which come with a southwest wind, or the southerly winds themselves, which transport and propagate malaria and disease; while; as soon as the winds shift, and blow from the sea, the fevers [p049] disappear, though those particular winds are so charged with fog, as to darken the whole country for days: and it will be found an invariable rule all over the world, that when a fog is the apparent cause of disease, or when an east wind is such, it is because these have been generated in a land of marshes, or have traversed one; and that, under other circumstances, or where no pernicious land lies in the way, they are as innocent as any other fogs and winds, and that the hazard and the suffering will arise from those, be they whatever they may, which traverse pestilential lands.

But I must defer this particular and interesting subject to another occasion, lest I make this article too long; and proceed to examine some other circumstances connected with the transportation of malaria.

First, however, I must notice one fact as to this transportation from Holland, partly because it is a necessary fact in the history of malaria, and partly because it might be used as an argument against the view which I have just given. The east winds of autumn are not supposed to bring remittents, as those of spring bring agues, though I cannot assert that this is absolutely true. Being assumed, the solution is easy. If the winds of this nature in spring, are notedly moist, and thus vehicles of malaria, the case is exactly the reverse with the east winds of summer and autumn; or as the east wind may be the most moist of winds, so may it be the most dry; while it is a consequence of its extreme dryness, in fact, that it is always the very cause of our burning summers. This is the history of our last summers, and it is invariable, whether as it relates to seasons or single days; and it is plainly owing to its permitting the more ready transmission of the sun’s rays. That it is the very harmattan of Africa, it is almost unnecessary to say; and as dry wind is not a conductor of malaria, as that poison is in fact decomposed or destroyed in these circumstances, daily and invariably, it is easy to see why the remittents of Holland should not be transported, like its intermittents, though even this may possibly happen under particular circumstances.

To proceed; and to the next remarkable facts connected with the propagation of malaria.—The most singular of these is its limitation, or that yet unexplained property by which it is [p050] determined in a particular direction, or confined to a particular spot, while it is a piece of knowledge of some practical value. There is an appearance of incredibility about many of these facts, and, accordingly, they have not only been disbelieved but ridiculed, although nothing in the whole history of this substance is better established.

With respect to direction, in the first place, it is remarked in Italy, currently, that this poison will enter the lower stories of houses, particularly with open windows, when the next above escape; and hence, in many places, no one ventures to sleep on ground floors: and the truth of this was confirmed in the barracks at Jamaica by Dr. Hunter; as the cases of fever occurring among the men in the lower rooms much exceeded those which happened in the upper ones. But I am also informed, that in some places in Norfolk this peculiarity is reversed; or that there are houses where it is remarked that the ground-floors are safe, while no one can sleep in the upper stories without hazard.

That malaria may in some manner be attached to the soil is also well known by its effects, and especially in Italy. There it is remarked that it is extremely hazardous to cut down certain bushy plants which appear to entangle it, and that fevers are a frequent consequence of such carelessness. Thus, also, does fever seize on the labourers who may incautiously sit down on the ground, while they would escape in the erect posture; being thus, indeed, sometimes suddenly struck with apoplexy, which is one of the effects of this poison, or even with death.

It has similarly been observed that it is often retained in the shelter of drains, or in the ditches of fortifications; whence frequent fevers among the sentries on particular guards, when the other soldiers escape. And thus was it even proved at Malta, that it was transported from the sea-shore, and thus lodged in a dry ditch of the works at Valetta; all these facts being possibly to be explained, by supposing it possessed of a greater specific gravity than the atmosphere, or else attached to vapour thus weighty, exhibiting effects analogous to those which carbonic acid displays in the Solfatara.

But the circumstance most difficult of explanation is, that in Rome, and numerous places in Italy, and even where it is [p051] transported from a distance by the winds, not generated on the spot, it is found, perennially, and through the whole course of successive years, to occupy certain places, and to avoid, as constantly, others quite near, and, as far as the eye can judge, equally exposed, and in all respects similar. Thus, one side of a small garden, one side of a street, or one house, will be for ever exposed to disease, or uninhabitable, when, at a few feet or yards distant, the very same places are as constantly free of danger: and thus it was found at the village of Faro, in Sicily, that all the troops of our army quartered on one side of the single street which formed it, were affected by fevers, and suffered great mortality, while those on the other remained in health.

But the most remarkable case of this nature known to me, is a domestic one, and which rests on the testimony of thousands of persons, or of the whole country, however incredible it may appear. It is, that between Chatham and Brighton, including every town and single house, and Sittingbourne among the rest, the ague affects the left hand side of the turnpike road, or the northern side, and does not touch the right side, though the road itself forms the only line of separation.

We cannot as yet conjecture the cause of this very singular circumstance or property, at least in cases of this nature; though, under certain events of this kind, there are some facts in meteorology that may offer a solution. These are the notorious ones, that a hoar frost, or a dew, will sometimes be found most accurately limited, both vertically and horizontally, by a definite line; stopping, for example, at a particular hedge, and reaching to a certain altitude on a tree: but for the other cases, we must yet wait for a period of more accurate knowledge as to this singular substance.

There is now one circumstance of importance, relating to the destruction or decomposition of malaria, which must not be passed over, from the interest of the facts depending on it: this is, that its propagation is checked by the streets of a crowded town, and apparently owing to this very cause, decomposition. Thus it is observed, that the fever never appears in the Judaicum of Rome, and, similarly, that the crowded streets and the poor people escape, when the opulent houses and open [p052] streets are attacked; and hence the Villa Borghese, among many other palaces and opulent houses in Rome, has been abandoned, while such desertion, being limited exclusively to houses where the air is most open and free, naturally excites wonder: the cause, however, is now plain; and thus it now appears why it was that the Penitentiary in Westminster suffered formerly from dysentery, originating in this cause, when no such disease appeared among the neighbouring inhabitants.

And if this fact is of value as it may relate to the erection of open streets in any place of this nature, it is most important to point out what has been the continuous effect at Rome, as the ultimate consequences threaten to be extremely serious.

It appears that from cutting down some forests which many years ago occupied the declivities of the hills to the southward of Rome, the malaria was let in upon that city from the Pontine marshes; and, further, that the extirpation of a similar wood to the eastward had let in the same poison upon another quarter. Thus it has been found to enter the city through the Porta del Popolo, while, for many years past, it has been gradually extending its influence through the streets; leading annually and successively to the abandonment of many houses and palaces, and still annually increasing and extending its ravages; so as, at length, as I understand, to have even become sensible at the Vatican. And the lines which it follows are distinctly traced out by the inhabitants; while, as I have already said, it is only the houses of the opulent which suffer, further than as the abandonment of these may also influence the inferior ones in their neighbourhood.

Whatever the original cause may be, and however the direction, abstractedly, may be regulated by the winds and the forms of the streets, or by local and fixed circumstances, it is plain that the annual extension is the consequence of desertion, and that as the inhabitants retire from before it, it acquires the means of making a new step and a further progress; because thus they withdraw those fires and smoke, or whatever else it be, dependent on human crowds, which decomposes and destroys this substance. And hence it must follow, that as Rome shall become still further abandoned and depopulated, from want of industry, or from political feebleness [p053] added to this cause, the effects must be expected to increase in a sort of geometrical ratio; almost leading to the fear that the whole city itself may, in time, fall a victim to it, or become abandoned to the wolves and mosquitoes.

If I dare not inquire more minutely into the remaining circumstances connected with the propagation of malaria, lest I should extend this article to an inconvenient length, it is necessary now to offer some remarks on prevention, and especially as it relates to this circumstance—the propagation of the poison; since the rules for prevention, as far as this relates to production, may be deduced from what was said in a former paper on this subject, and relate chiefly to the drainage of lands, and to other practices, more or less obvious, which a little reflection will, without much difficulty, deduce from what was there said.

It is plain, in the first place, that as far as the winds are concerned, it is by opposing obstacles to their course that we must attempt to counteract or divert their influence; and that, in this case, it is through the use of trees alone that we possess any power. Thus reversely, as in the case just stated, the cutting down of trees and forests has often been a serious cause of diseases in certain countries, by admitting a malaria to particular spots; though it is easy to see that where any given spot suffers from malaria, through condensation or confinement, the clearing away of these would be the remedy, by attaining a free ventilation. To detail the particular modes in which remedies may be applied through this species of aid, is obviously unnecessary, and not easy, as it must depend on local circumstances, differing for each place; but I may remark, as an example in illustration of my meaning, that where, as in many of the narrow and prolonged valleys of Greece, the sea shore is a marsh, the remedy would be to plant a screen of trees beyond it, and thus to prevent the sea winds from passing into the interior. And thus did the ancient Romans compel the planting of trees on the shores of Latium, to check the current from the Pontine marshes; rendering groves sacred, under heavy penalties, and enacting other laws with the same intentions.

With respect to such temporary precautions in these cases [p054] as may concern armies in the field, or in camps, it is plain that they will depend on attention to the courses and seasons of the winds; while it would be abundantly easy to accumulate, from the histories of campaigns, the most fearful examples of mortality produced by neglect of these and similar precautions, and even down to almost the very date at which I am writing: and there can be no hesitation in saying, that an intimate and accurate knowledge of every thing which concerns the production and propagation of malaria, forms a most important branch in that information necessary to a soldier, and above all to the quarter-master-general’s department and the medical staff: while, did I dare to record but a very small portion of the mortality experienced, not only in our own armies, but in those of Europe at large, during even the last war, from ignorance or neglect on this subject, it would, I believe, be found that it almost equalled the mortality produced by the actual collision of war itself. Walcheren will not soon be forgotten; if we have ceased to think of our mortal Havannah expedition; and if a French army at Naples was diminished by twenty thousand men, out of twenty-four, in four days, from this cause; if Orloff lost nearly his entire army in Paros; if Hungary has more than once destroyed ten times the number of men by fever that it did by the sword,—these are but trifles in the mass of reasons for saying, that no subject can well be more important, and no knowledge much more necessary to the commander of an army.

Some other points relating to prevention may deserve a few words of notice, before I pass from this subject; if here, also, I must be brief. Not to repeat the cautions founded on what relates to the power of evening and morning, it has been asserted that the use of a gauze veil will prevent the effect of malaria; and it is not improbable that the air accumulated within that, may have the power of decomposing the poison: it is an opinion, at least, which is universal among the people in Malta, and very general in Spain and Portugal. It is also found that fires and smoke are useful, and especially on military service; the experiment having been tried on a very large scale by Napoleon before Mantua, and on a smaller one in Africa, with the most perfect success. With respect to [p055] personal precautions, it is universally recommended to use wine and a good diet, and especially never to leave the house in the evening in situations peculiarly insalubrious, without the previous use of wine or spirits; whence the universal practice of Holland in this respect. Thus, also, narcotics prevent its influence; whence the wide use of tobacco, of which the salutary effects appear to be most amply established.

As to the tropical countries, there is here also one important remark, which, from the great neglect of the fact, and its ruinous consequences, appear particularly to demand a statement in this place. It is the universal experience of the inhabitants, that the attack of malaria, or the production of fevers, is aided by the use of a full or animal diet; by the use of some particular articles of food, such as butter; by excess in eating, generally; and, above all, by eating in the heat of the day. This is not merely well known to the negroes, but the fact is distinctly stated to travellers, and the caution urged, however often it has been neglected, and especially by our own countrymen. Of this, in particular, Major Denham is a strong testimony; while he attributes his own exclusive preservation to his having rigidly followed the recommendations of the natives, which were always urged with the greatest earnestness. And if we examine the causes of death, in most cases, of our African travellers especially, I think there will be strong reasons for believing that their lives have often been sacrificed to this very negligence or obstinacy; while it is most evident that Niebuhr’s party, in particular, owed the loss of their lives to what may be safely called gluttony: and it is to be suspected that this will also explain the loss of Captain Tuckey’s party; while, with respect to nations, it has long been known that the English, the Dutch, and the northern voracious people in general, who habitually indulge themselves in the customs of their original country as tropical colonists, have always been greater sufferers from the effects of those climates than the French and the Spaniards, and apparently from this very difference. And there seems little doubt, generally, that the vegetable diet of Africa and Hindostan is the best security against the evil influence of those climates, and that the chief sufferings of our [p056] own colonists arise from transferring to those situations their ancient habits of full and free living.

As I must not prolong this subject much further, I shall now pass to a few remarks, but very brief ones, on the geography of malaria as it relates to those parts of the continent of Europe most frequented by English travellers; not daring to take room for actual and useful information on that head, but wishing to point out merely the importance of such geographical knowledge to those persons, on account of the hazards which they so universally incur from that ignorance or neglect, and of the great mass of suffering, and also of mortality, which has been the lot of persons who had resorted to those climates as travellers, or migrating residents, from various motives, and not unfrequently with views to health. How often health has been lost where it was sought, will be but too apparent to any one who has chanced to possess an extensive acquaintance of this nature.

Of Italy I can but afford to say generally, that except at a very few points where the Alps or Apennines reach the sea, the whole of its shores are pestilential, and often to such a degree as to lead to their entire desertion, more frequently to their abandonment in summer. And to avoid wet lands, or low lands, is not always a sufficient precaution; since the most pestilential parts of the maremma of Tuscany are dry, and since the annual mortality of Sienna from fevers, even without epidemics, is one in ten. In the north of Italy, the great plain is similarly insalubrious; though the more unhealthy district does not commence until we arrive at Mantua, extending thence to the sea. Of the Mediterranean islands, I can only afford room to say, that the same rule holds good as to the sea coasts, while the entire of Greece in the same circumstances is similarly unhealthy, and subject to autumnal fevers in as great a degree as the worst parts of Italy. The same is true of Spain and Portugal, and the same rule also will be a guide; namely, that malaria is to be expected in all the flat grounds, even when under cultivation, and at all the exits of rivers on the sea, even though no marshes should be present: and if I were desirous to name any tract of land in Spain peculiarly [p057] insalubrious, it would be the province of Valencia; while Carthagena is almost invariably fatal even to those who, as labourers, are compelled to resort to it for the needful work of its port, even during a few days.

Of France, little as it has hitherto been suspected by those who, associating the term malaria with Italy, have been accustomed to consider it as peculiar to that country, it would scarcely be untrue to say that it contains as large a portion of insalubrious territory as Italy itself, and produces fever and disease of as great severity and extent, not merely on its sea coasts, but over very extensive tracts in its interior. And this insalubrity may be conjectured, when there are entire districts in which the average of life does not exceed twenty, and in which the entire people are diseased from their births to their graves. Such tracts are found chiefly on the course of the Loire, and some other of the great rivers; and among them, Bresse in the Lyonnais, the plain of Forez, and Sologne in the Orleannais, are of the most notorious; while the coasts of Normandy, and the whole of low Britanny, are similarly subject to eternal intermittents, or to epidemic seasons of autumnal fevers, amounting to absolute pestilences. And how English families have suffered in this country from the incautious choice of residences in such places, will be easily ascertained by whoever shall be at the trouble of making the necessary inquiries.

But as I dare not pursue this extensive subject, I can only suggest to our countrymen the utility of making themselves acquainted with this matter, and with this dangerous geography, before encountering the hazards which await them; while to physicians I need still less name the necessity of that knowledge, since it is so often their duty to choose and recommend for their patients, and since no man can feel much at his ease who finds that he has sent into a land of malaria the patient who has already been suffering from its diseases, or that where he speculates on the cure of a consumption, that cure is attained through the death of the patient, at Avignon, or at Poitiers, or Nantes, or in some or other of the numerous places subject to this most fearful poison.

It remains only to give a brief enumeration of the diseases [p058] which are the produce of malaria, and of the general condition of the inhabitants in the countries subject to it. With respect to this latter, the most remarkable general fact is the contracted duration of life. In England, the average may, if not very accurately, and indeed considerably under the mark, be taken at 50; and when in Holland it is but 25, it follows that the half of human life is at once cut off by this destructive agent. In the parts of France to which I have alluded, it becomes as low as 22 and 20, and Condorcet, indeed, has calculated it as low as 18. With this, very few attain the age of 50; and in appearance and strength, this term is equivalent to 80 in ordinary climates; while 40 forms the general limit of extreme and rare old age. The period of age, indeed, commences after 20; and it is remarked, in particular, that the females become old in appearance immediately after 17, and have, even at 20, the aspect of old women. In many places, even the children are diseased from their birth; while the life which is dragged on by the whole population, is a life of perpetual disease, and most frequently of inveterate and incurable intermittents, or of a constant febrile state, with debility, affections of the stomach, dropsy, and far more than I need here enumerate.

While the countenances of the people in those countries are sallow or yellow, and often livid, they are frequently so emaciated as to appear like walking spectres, though the abdomen is generally enlarged, in consequence either of visceral affections or dropsy. With these, rickets, varices, hernia, and, in females, chlorosis, together with scorbutic diseases, ulcers, and so forth, are common; and it is even to be suspected that the cretinage may depend on this cause, since goitre is also one of the results of malaria, and since, in the Maremma of Tuscany, idiotism is a noted consequence of this pestilential influence.

The general mental condition is no less remarkable; since it consists in an universal apathy, recklessness, indolence, and melancholy, added to a fatalism which prevents them from even desiring to better their condition, or to avoid such portion of the evils around them as care and attention might diminish: and while it is asserted that even the moral character becomes [p059] similarly depraved, I prefer a reference to Montfalcon for a picture which it would not be very agreeable to transcribe.

As to the absolute or positive diseases, besides those which I have already named, I need scarcely say that remittent and intermittent fevers, under endless varieties and types, form the great mass; and next in order to them, may be placed dysentery and cholera, together with diarrhœa. To these I must also add, those painful diseases of the nerves, of which sciatica stands foremost, and the remainder of which may be ranked under the general term of neuralgia; and further, a considerable number of inflammatory diseases of a more or less remittent type, among which rheumatism under various forms is the most general, and the intermittent ophthalmia the most remarkable. Lastly, I must include the various paralytic affections; since apoplexy is one of the primary and direct consequences of malaria, as various paralytic affections are the produce of intermittent, or the consequences of the diseases of the nerves which are associated with it.

It is still a curious and interesting fact, that this poison affects, in an analogous manner, many different animals, and appears, in reality, to be the cause of all the noted endemics and remarkable epidemics which occur in the agricultural animals in particular. This has been noticed even by Livy: and in France and Italy it is equally familiar that the severe seasons of fever among the people are similarly seasons of epidemics to black-cattle and sheep, while the symptoms are as nearly the same as they could be in the circumstances, and the appearances on dissection also correspond. Thus also does it appear probable, that the rot in sheep is actually the produce of malaria, as is indeed the received opinion among French veterinarians; while Mr. Royston has observed that the animals of this class are subject to distinct intermittents.

And while it is not less familiar in the West Indies, and in Dominica particularly, that dogs suffer from a mortal fever in the same seasons and periods as the people, the epidemic always breaking out in them first, I have the most unexceptionable medical evidence of the occurrence of a regular and well-marked tertian in a dog; that evidence consisting in the concurring decision of many surgeons, by whom the case was [p060] frequently examined, during a very long period. But it is time to terminate a paper, which, if it is but a sketch of an important subject, will at least convey to those to whom malaria has not hitherto been an object of attention, a general notion of the leading particulars which appertain to its natural history.J. M.

Elements of Chemistry, including the recent Discoveries and Doctrines of the Science. By Edward Turner, M.D., F.R.S.E., &c., &c. Edinburgh, 1827. [◊]

THIS is a closely-printed octavo of 700 pages, and presents us with something more original, clear, and accurate than we have lately met with in modern chemistry. It comprehends a perspicuous view of the present state of chemical science; and, as far as its limits admit, the theoretical parts are, with some exceptions, well and distinctly worked out; nor are the practical details of manipulation neglected, though they evidently occupy a secondary place in our author’s estimation. To the arrangement we must at once decidedly object—it is indeed evident that Dr. Turner has pitched upon Dr. Thomas Thomson as his magnus Apollo, and here and elsewhere the book is tainted accordingly.

This work is divided into four principal parts;—the first relates to what Dr. Turner, following his prototype, Dr. Thomson, calls imponderables, and a definition of them follows, which leads us to suggest the term inexpressibles, as equally appropriate. But, waiving this objection, the details relating to them are well and clearly given. Thus, after some prefatory remarks upon the subject of caloric or heat, (we prefer the latter term, and cannot allow its ambiguity,) its modes of communication are considered, first, as being conducted through bodies, and then as radiating through free space. In regard to the theories affecting the latter, our author wisely, as we think, prefers that of Prevost to that of Pictet. The effects of heat are next discussed, such as expansion, including an account of the thermometer, and of the relative capacities of bodies for heat; liquefaction, vaporisation, ebullition, evaporation, and the constitution of gases and lastly, the sources of heat are mentioned, but the details are referred to other parts of the work. [p061]

Light is next treated of, but we think too hastily, and too much in the abstract.

Now the subjects of heat and light are obviously of the utmost importance to the chemical philosopher, and they are very extensive, and intricate and difficult to treat of, inasmuch as the writer is necessarily upon the confines of chemical and mechanical philosophy, and should be expert in both. When, therefore, elementary works on chemistry are so written and arranged as to serve as text-books for lectures, and indexes of reference to more accurate information, we can make due allowance for brevity; but when the subject is intended to be formally and completely developed to the student, independent of other ocular and oral aids, much more extensive description and detailed explanation is required, than is to be found either in our author’s “Elements,” or in any other analogous condensation of chemistry. Dr. Henry understands the requisite mode of conveying information in these cases better than most writers; and when he takes pains, and speaks for himself, has the talent of being brief, and at the same time minute, deep, and clear. Dr. Ure, as his dictionary shows, is an eminent example of such a writer—he of course is neglected, where, as with our author, Dr. Thomson is in the ascendant; but the article caloric, in his dictionary, will at once explain and illustrate our meaning, and would furnish an admirable foundation for a detailed essay or treatise upon the subject. So extensive, indeed, are the precincts of chemistry now becoming, that either our systems must become very voluminous, or we must adopt the plan, which to us appears preferable, of distinct treatises upon different branches of the science. Thus, a separate work on heat and light; another on electricity and magnetism; another on attraction and the theory of combination; a fourth on the constitution and properties of the unmetallic elementary bodies; a fifth on the metals and their compounds; a sixth on vegetable, and a seventh on animal chemistry and physiology; an eighth on the chemistry of the arts; and lastly, a treatise on chemical manipulation in general, would include all that appears essentially requisite; and as no one is supposed to be equally well versed in all branches of the science, or in all details of the art, an opportunity of selection would thus be afforded, so that each writer might choose that particular department which he is most accurately acquainted with, or which has formed his favourite study. Mr. Faraday has already, as may be said, led the way in such a plan, by the publication of his Chemical [p062] Manipulation, a work hitherto exceedingly wanted in the laboratory, equally useful to the proficient and to the student, and eminently creditable to the industry and skill of the author, and to the school whence it emanates. We shall of course take an early opportunity of introducing this book in a more formal way to the attention of our chemical readers.

In looking over Dr. Turner’s first and second sections on caloric and light, in the Elements now before us, we find little but brevity to complain of;—there are, however, one or two trifling historical inaccuracies: thus, at page 14, the discovery of invisible heating rays is ascribed to Saussure and Pictet; but it is, in fact, of much more remote origin—it was well known to the Florentine academicians, and we may even trace the idea in Lucretius, (De Rerum Naturâ, lib, v. 1, 609.)

Forsitan et rosea Sol alte lampade lucens

Possideat multum cæcis fervoribus ignem

Circum se, nullo qui sit fulgore notatus, &c.

At page 31 we have an account of Wedgwood’s pyrometer, which is said to be “little employed at present, because its indications cannot be relied on;”—the fact is, that it is never used, and that we owe to Sir James Hall ample reasons for placing no confidence in it.

The subject of specific heat is clearly explained, and so are the phenomena of liquefaction and evaporation. In regard to the constitution of gases, the author remarks, that the experiments of Sir H. Davy and Mr. Faraday on the liquefaction of gaseous substances, appear to justify the opinion that gases are merely the vapours of extremely volatile liquids. Mr. Faraday has proved this in regard to several of the gases, and analogy leads us to apply it to the rest;—but what share Sir H. Davy had in the discovery, we know not; for Mr. Faraday actually condensed chlorine into a liquid before Sir H. had heard or thought about the matter. Light, and its phenomena as connected with chemistry, is superficially passed over in the second section, and the third brings us to the important article “Electricity.”

We are willing to admit that the subject of electricity is a very difficult one for the chemist to deal with—he must necessarily say much upon it, and is equally obliged to omit abstract details which are often necessary to its explanation, and yet too prolix and bulky for an elementary chemical work. So that it requires considerable acquaintance with the subject to give a perspicuous and yet concise abstract, [p063] such as may be useful to the student. Dr. Turner has not been very successful in effecting this desideratum, and has unnecessarily introduced two sections, the one on electricity, the other on galvanism. He also talks of the “science of galvanism,” which is in bad taste, and erroneously asserts that the energy of the pile is proportional to the degree of chemical action which takes place; a statement by no means correct, inasmuch as the energy of De Luc’s column is directly proportional to the number of alternations, and appears entirely independent of chemical action; and again, a series of 2000 plates, arranged in the usual Voltaic apparatus, when perfectly bright and clean, and the cells filled with distilled water only, give a much more powerful shock, and cause a greater divergence of the leaves of the electrometer than when the apparatus is charged with diluted acids. Here, those very singular phenomena, which electricians distinguish by the terms quantity and intensity, appear perfectly distinct; and between these our author does not sufficiently discriminate, but jumbles the whole under the term activity. In describing the chemical energies, too, of the pile, or its decomposing powers, the Doctor entirely overlooks the important and curious influence of water. He says that acids and salts are all decomposed, without exception, one of their elements appearing at one side of the battery, and the other at its opposite extremity; (i. e. we presume, at its positive and negative poles.) But the fact is, that, excepting where it merely acts as a source of heat, nothing is decomposable by electricity without the intervention of water; the hydrogen and oxygen of which respectively accompany the elements of the other compounds. Not an atom of potassium can be obtained unless the potassa be moistened; nor can any salt be decomposed except water be present. Sir Humphry says, it is required, to render the substance a conductor; but its operation is more recondite, and there is something mysterious and still unexplained in the uniform appearance of hydrogen and oxygen at the opposite poles, when far apart in water, and in all other cases of true polar electro-chemical decomposition. At page 86, the unfortunate protectors of ships’ bottoms are introduced—a subject about which the less is said the better;—and, as to electro-magnetism, it is merely mentioned as to its leading phenomena, in the space of three or four pages; nor is anything new suggested upon the “Theory of the Pile,” as it is called, which concludes the subject, and which is dismissed in the brief limit of a page and a half. [p064]

The second part of Dr. Turner’s work is said to comprise “Inorganic Chemistry,” and therefore embraces a very extensive field of inquiry. To the arrangement we have already objected; and many of the typographical and verbal errors that occur, have been noticed in a contemporary Journal, so that we shall chiefly attend to the details of the sections.

Under the head, “Affinity,” some of the leading facts and doctrines of chemical attraction are perspicuously set forth; but we could have wished that a variety of exploded opinions and erroneous notions had been altogether passed over, as they occupy space which might have been better employed, and can never prove of any other use to the student than to show him the errors and fallacies to which acute philosophers are sometimes liable. Of this kind, especially, are Berthollet’s notions upon the subject of affinity. The doctrine of definite proportion is, on the whole, well and clearly explained; but it would have been much better and clearer, had Dr. Turner confined himself to facts, and meddled less with opinions concerning their cause; he is moreover, in many respects, historically inaccurate. He ascribes much to Dalton that honestly belongs to Higgins;—is much too merciful to Berzelius and his CANONS; and lenient beyond all endurance to the plagiarisms of “Dr. Thomson’s admirable Treatise on the first Principles of Chemistry.”

In the third and following sections, the simple non-metallic substances are described in an order of arrangement which must be very perplexing to the student; otherwise the details are well given, except that here and there the line between theory and fact is not sufficiently marked. Thus we are told that “hydrogen is exactly 16 times lighter than oxygen, and therefore that 100 cubic inches must weigh 33.88816, or 2.118. Its specific gravity is consequently 0.0694, as stated some years ago by Dr. Prout.” Now this is a theoretical deduction, founded upon the specific gravity and constitution of ammonia, (and not upon the composition of water,) and probably correct as applied to pure hydrogen;—but if we weigh the gas, as usually obtained, even with the utmost caution, and of the utmost purity, we shall never procure it so light as here stated, notwithstanding all the learning and argument that our worthy friend, Dr. Thomas Thomson, has issued upon the subject in his various essays in the Annals, and in his magnum opus. We also object to the stress which is often laid upon the whims of individuals, and upon [p065] exploded opinions; instances of which will occur to the reader under the subject of the composition of nitrogen, and the constitution of the atmosphere. We further caution our author against admitting hints, allusions, and inuendos as to the possibility of future inventions and discoveries, as claims upon the merits of such discoveries, when they are actually made. Berzelius has talked a vast deal of nonsense about the composition of nitrogen; and should that discovery ever be made, he will doubtlessly assume the credit of having suggested the steps which led to it. Some foolish persons are apt to think that the Marquis of Worcester was the inventor of Watt’s steam-engine, because he said he had means of raising water by steam, in his Century of Inventions; and we have heard that an eminent chemist of the present day considers himself entitled to all the merit that may belong to Mr. Brunel’s carbonic acid engine, because he had previously stated the possibility of such an application of Mr. Faraday’s important discoveries. The fact is, that these are woeful days for science; all the good feeling and free communication that used to exist among its active cultivators in this country, has given way to petty jealousies and quibbling scandal; one person is exalted for the purpose of depreciating another; and those causes of disgust, which some years ago induced one of our most amiable and able men of science to quit the field, and even leave the country, are becoming daily more prevalent. Were it not an invidious task, we could easily explain and unfold the sources of all this mischief, and shall indeed feel it our duty so to do, should not matters in due time take a more favourable turn; but the task is at once serious and disagreeable, and we therefore postpone it, in the hope of more favourable events. We really believe that, had it not been for the scientific conversationes held during the last season at the houses of a few private gentlemen connected with the learned societies, and more especially the weekly meetings at the Royal Institution, which kept up a friendly intercourse among those who were willing to profit by it, that the whole scientific world would have been at loggerheads, and in that state of anarchy of which the evils may be learned by a short residence at a “northern seat of learning.”

The main object of this digression is to deprecate party in science; and we were led to it by observing, or thinking that we observe, something of such a tendency in the writer whose book is before us—we hope we are mistaken.

The next section comprises “the compounds of the simple [p066] non-metallic acidifiable combustibles with each other.” It includes the important subject of ammonia, of the varieties of carburetted hydrogen, sulphuretted and phosphuretted hydrogen, and cyanogen and its compounds. The metals are then treated of, and to these succeed their salts; and though the execution of this part of the work betrays some haste, it shows also considerable reading, and some originality: the general views are well and clearly sketched, but there are many points upon which we are entirely at variance with our author; and we more especially object to his account of the action of chlorides upon water, and to his notions concerning the “muriates of oxides,” a class of compounds of which, with one or two exceptions, we are disinclined to admit the existence. If common salt be a chloride of sodium, and experiment obliges us so to regard it, what is there in its aqueous solution that should lead us to consider it as containing a muriate of soda; what evidence of any new arrangement of elements? Dr. T. is certainly in mistake, when he says, “for all practical purposes, therefore, the solution of a metallic chloride in water may be viewed as the muriate of an oxide, and on this account I shall always regard it as such in the present treatise.” This inconsiderate dogma taints much of the reasoning upon the chlorides, &c., and is manifestly culled in the Thomsonian school, though we have indeed heard that a Professor at Edinburgh thus addresses his pupils upon the above subject: “The elaborate researches of the illustrious Davy have taught us that common salt is a binary compound of chlorine and sodium, a chloride, therefore, or a chloruret of sodium. But it is only chloride of sodium whilst quiescent in the salt-cellar; for no sooner does it come into contact with the salivary humidity of the fauces, than, by the play of affinities, which I have elsewhere explained, the sodium becomes soda, and the chlorine generates muriatic acid;—that, therefore, which upon the table is chloride of sodium, is muriate of soda in the mouth; and this again, when desiccated or deprived of humidity, retrogrades into its former state.”

Dr. Turner again falls into error, as we humbly conceive, in calling certain salts, such, for instance, as those of the peroxide of iron, sesquisalts, a term properly applied in those cases only where one proportional of a protoxide unites with one and a half of an acid, such for instance as the sesquicarbonate of soda, &c., but in the sesquisulphate of iron, one proportional of the peroxide contains 1.5 of oxygen, and [p067] necessarily, therefore, (according to Berzelius’ canon, if the Doctor pleases,) requires 1.5 of acid to convert it into a salt; just as the commonly constituted peroxides (containing two proportionals of oxygen) require two of acid. Dr. Thomson, with all his nomenclatural pretensions, has fallen into the same error.

The part of our author’s work which treats of the chemistry of organic bodies is, upon the whole, an unexceptionable and accurate epitome of that complicated branch of the science. It has its inaccuracies, but they apparently arise out of the difficulty of condensing into the space of a few pages, matter which, as we have elsewhere remarked, would require an ample volume for its extended and perspicuous details.

In our hasty account of this work, we have rather dwelt upon its defects than its merits, in the hope of seeing another and more extended edition, free from what we consider as serious obstacles to the success and usefulness of the present production. We hope that Dr. Turner will not feel offended at the freedom with which our remarks are offered. We are anxious that a writer of such good information should be induced to think for himself; at least, that he should accurately weigh the pretensions, and inquire into the originality of those views and researches upon which he bestows such unqualified and, in our opinion, undeserved praise, and to which he assents with a facility unbecoming one who evidently possesses the means of testing their merits.

Experiments on Audition. [◊] [Communicated by Mr. C. Wheatstone.]

THE recent valuable experiments of Savart[23] and of Dr. Wollaston have added to our stock of information several important and hitherto unnoticed phenomena relating audition; but, notwithstanding the investigations of these distinguished experimentalists, and though the physiology of the ear has been an object of unceasing attention for many centuries, yet we are far from possessing a perfect knowledge of the functions of the various parts of this organ. The description of new facts illustrative of this subject cannot, therefore, be devoid of interest; [p068] and though I do not anticipate that the observations contained in this communication will lead to any important results, their novelty may claim for them some attention from the readers of your Journal.

§ 1.

If the hand be placed so as to cover the ear, or if the entrance of the meatus auditorius be closed by the finger without pressure, the perception of external sounds will be considerably diminished, but the sounds of the voice produced internally will be greatly augmented: the pronunciation of those vowels in which the cavity of the mouth is the most closed, as e ou, &c., produce the strongest effect; on articulating smartly the syllables te and kew, the sound will be painfully loud.

Placing the conducting stem of a sounding tuning-fork[24] on any part of the head, when the ears are closed as above described, a similar augmentation of sound will be observed. When one ear remains open, the sound will always be referred to the closed ear, but when both ears are closed, the sound will appear louder in that ear the nearer to which it is produced. If, therefore, the tuning-fork be applied above the temporal bone near either ear, it will be apparently heard by that ear to which it is adjacent; but on removing the hand from this ear (although the fork remains in the same situation) the sound will appear to be referred immediately to the opposite ear.

In the case of the vocal articulations, the augmentation is accompanied by a reedy sound, occasioned by the strong agitations of the tympanum. When the air in the meatus is compressed against this membrane by pressing the hand close to the ear, or when the eustachian tube is exhausted by the means indicated by Dr. Wollaston, the reedy sound is no longer heard, and the augmentation is considerably diminished. The ringing [p069] noise which simultaneously accompanies a very intense sound, proceeds from the same cause, and may be prevented by the same means. This ringing may be produced by applying the stem of a sounding tuning-fork to the hand when covering the ear, or by whistling when a hearing trumpet is placed to the ear. As a proof that the resulting augmentation, which, when great, excites the vibrations of the tympanum, is owing to the reciprocation of the vibrations by the air contained within the closed cavity, it may be mentioned, that when the entrance of the meatus is closed by a fibrous substance, as wool, &c., no increase is obtained.

If the meatus and the concha of one ear be filled with water, the sounds above-mentioned will be referred to the cavity containing the water in the same way as when it contained air, and was closed by the hand; it will be indifferent whether any partition be interposed between the cavity and the external air; as the water is equally well insulated by a surface of air as by a solid body.

§ 2.

The preceding experiments have shown, that sounds immediately communicated to the closed meatus externus are very greatly augmented; and it is an obvious inference, that if external sounds can be communicated, so as to act on the cavity in a similar manner, they must receive a corresponding augmentation. The great intensity with which sound is transmitted by solid rods, at the same time that its diffusion is prevented, affords a ready means of effecting this purpose, and of constructing an instrument, which, from its rendering audible the weakest sounds, may with propriety be named a Microphone.

Procure two flat pieces of plated metal, each sufficiently large to cover the external ear, to the form also of which they may be adapted; on the outside of each plate directly opposite the meatus, rivet a rod of iron or brass wire about 16 inches in length, and one-eighth of an inch in diameter, and fasten the two rods together at their unfixed extremities, so as to meet in a single point. The rods must be so curved, that when the plates are applied to the ears, each rod may at one end be perpendicularly inserted into its corresponding plate, and at the other end may meet before the head in the plane of the mesial [p070] line. The spring of the rods will be sufficient to fix the plates to the ears, but for greater security ribands may be attached to each rod near its insertion in the plate, and be tied behind the head.

A more simple instrument may be constructed to be applied to one ear only, by inserting a straight rod perpendicularly into a similar plate to those described above.

The Microphone is calculated only for hearing sounds when it is in immediate contact with sonorous bodies; when they are diffused by their transmission through the air, this instrument will not afford the slightest assistance.

It is not my intention in this place to detail all the various experiments which may be made with this instrument, a few will suffice to enable the experimenter to vary them at his pleasure.

1. If a bell be rung in a vessel of water, and the point of the microphone be placed in the water at different distances from the bell, the differences of intensity will be very sensible. 2. If the point of the microphone be applied to the sides of a vessel containing a boiling liquid, or if it be placed in the liquid itself, the various sounds which are rendered may be heard very distinctly. 3. The instrument affords a means of ascertaining, with considerable accuracy, the points of a sonorous body at which the intensity of vibration is the greatest or least; thus, placing its point on different parts of the sounding board of a violin or guitar, whilst one of its strings is in vibration, the points of greatest and least vibration are easily distinguished. 4. If the stem of a sounding tuning-fork be brought in contact with any part of the microphone, and at the same time a musical sound be produced by the voice, the most uninitiated ear [p071] will be able to perceive the consonance or dissonance of the two sounds; the roughness of discords, and the beatings of imperfect consonances, are thereby rendered so extremely disagreeable, and form so evident a contrast to the agreeable harmony and smoothness of two perfectly consonant sounds, that it is impossible that they can be confounded.

§ 3.

Apply the broad sides of two sounding tuning-forks, both being unisons, to the same ear; on removing one fork to the opposite ear, allowing the other to remain, the sensation will be considerably augmented.

It is well known, that when two consonant sounds are heard together, a third sound results from the coincidences of their vibrations; and that this third sound, which is called the grave harmonic, is always equal to unity, when the two primitive sounds are represented by the lowest integral numbers. This being premised, select two tuning-forks, the sounds of which differ by any consonant interval excepting the octave; place the broad sides of their branches, while in vibration, close to one ear, in such a manner that they shall nearly touch at the acoustic axis, the resulting grave harmonic will then be strongly audible, combined with the two other sounds; place afterwards one fork to each ear, and the consonance will be heard much richer in volume, but no audible indications whatever of the third sound will be perceived.

§ 4.

Very acute sounds, such as the chirping of the gryllus campestris, &c., are rendered inaudible by exhausting the air from the Eustachian tube, and thereby producing a tension of the membrane of the tympanum; the different thicknesses or tensions of this membrane may therefore occasion that diversity of the limits of audibility, with regard to the acute sounds which Dr. Wollaston has pointed out as existing in different individuals; if so, it would be desirable to ascertain this limit in individuals in whom the tympanum is perforated, or destroyed.

§ 5.

When the auricula is brought forward, all acute sounds are rendered much more intense, but no sensible difference is [p072] perceived with regard to the grave sounds. The higher tones of glass staccados, or of an octave flute, the ticking of a watch, all kinds of sibilant sounds, &c. are thus greatly augmented: the experiment is easily tried, by whistling very shrill notes. A still greater augmentation of the acute sounds is obtained, by placing the hands formed into a concave behind the ears, and by bending downwards the upper part of the auricula, so as to obtain a more complete cavity.

§ 6.

I will conclude with the following observation: I had, in consequence of a cold, a very slight pain in my left ear; on sounding the regular notes of the piano-forte, C3 and C4 were much louder than the others, and the loudness was much increased, by placing the hand in the manner above described to the left ear. When it was pressed close, or when the Eustachian tube was closed, the intensities of all the notes were equalized. I attribute this affection to the diminished tension of the membrana tympani, which was again increased by the operation described.

[23] Recherches sur les usages de la membrane du tympan et de l’oreille externe; par M. Felix Savart. Annales de Chimie, tom. xxvi. p. 1.

[24] The tuning-fork consists of a four-sided metallic rod, bent so as to form two equal and parallel branches, having a stem connected with the lower curved part of the rod, and contained within the plane of the two branches. The branches are caused to vibrate by striking one end against a hard body, whilst the stem is held in the hand. The sound produced by this instrument when insulated is very weak, and can only be distinctly heard when its branches are brought close to the ear; but instantly its stem is connected with any surface capable of vibrating, a great augmentation of sound ensues from the communicated vibrations. The facility of its insulation and communication renders it a very convenient instrument for a variety of acoustical experiments.

On the Petromyzon Marinus. [◊]

ON entering the harbour of Dublin a few weeks ago, we were becalmed off the Hill of Howth, and to pass the tedious time until a breeze sprung up, we found some lines on board, and began to fish from the quarter-deck. We caught a number of grey gurnet; but our attention was particularly attracted by a pull of uncommon force on one of the lines. Having rendered assistance to the person who held it, we were all astonished to see rise out of the water a large fish, with apparently a double body, which, after floundering on the surface of the water, we pulled on deck. On examining this phenomenon for a short time, we were again surprized to see it separate into two parts; and then found that there were two large fish taken up on the same hook, the head of one having been buried under the throat of the other, to which it had firmly attached itself. When separated by force, it wiggled about on the deck with extraordinary strength and agility, and again darted on its prey, to which [p073] it adhered so firmly, that it required very considerable exertion to detach it; for it suffered itself to be raised up by the tail, and shaken, still holding the other fish suspended from its jaws. When finally separated, it showed great ferocity, darting at every thing near it, and at last seizing the deck, which it held very fast, writhing with its tail and body as if in the act of tearing it to pieces. When detached, its teeth left a deep circular impression on the wood, the fibres of which were drawn into the cavity of its jaws, so as to be raised up in the form of a cone. I now directed, that it should be put into a bucket of sea water, in the hope of preserving it alive until we arrived in Dublin, but it died in a shorter time than could be expected, from the energy and activity it had displayed, long after the other fish was dead. We had handled it very roughly, and so perhaps had mortally hurt an animal otherwise very tenacious of life.

On examining the fishes, I found that which had taken the hook, was the gadus Polachius, or whiting Pollack. It was about two feet long, and it is probable its active enemy had fastened [p074] on it after it had been hooked; if before, it would indicate an extraordinary insensibility to pain in an animal that could attend to the calls of appetite, whilst another was preying on its vitals. The fish which had fastened on the pollack, was the petromyzon marinus, or sea lamprey. It was nearly three feet long, and resembled a large eel in shape. Its general colour was a dull brownish olive variegated with bluish blotches; the back darker, and the belly paler, inclining to yellow. The eyes were small, and the mouth large and oval; but when distended, circular. The inside of the jaws was deeply concave, and studded with circular rows of sharp triangular teeth, that issued from corresponding orange-coloured papular protuberances, which formed the gums; the tongue was short and crescent-shaped, furnished with a row of very small teeth round the edge. On the top of the head was a small orifice, or spout-hole, from whence it discharged the superfluous water taken at the mouth. But the circumstance that more particularly distinguished it, was that which gave rise to the vulgar error that it had sixteen eyes. On either side of the neck, commencing just below the real eyes, was a row of seven equidistant spiracles exactly resembling eyes; they are, however, holes lined with a red membrane, and all opening into the mouth, an apparatus to supply the place of gills, whose functions are to extract oxygen from the water, and so perform the office of lungs in aquatic animals. It had two dorsal fins, one on the lower part of the back, narrow, with a roundish outline; the other commencing where the first terminated. The spine was cartilaginous, without processes. The pericardium, containing a small heart, was a remarkably strong membrane, and the liver was as green as grass.

This fish is not uncommon in the North Seas, though it most abounds in the Mediterranean, where, from earliest times, it was esteemed a luxurious dish. Fish-ponds were purposely constructed to preserve it. On our coast, Pennant observes, that it is found most frequently at the mouth of the Severn, which river it sometimes ascends, where it is occasionally taken, firmly attached to a stone by its mouth, while its tail and body are waving freely to the current. Its adhesion at such times is so strong, that it may be lifted with a stone of twelve pounds weight appended to its mouth. This faculty is owing to its [p075] power of suction; while the circumstance of its circular jaws coming in close contact with the surface of the body excludes the external air within the cavity of the mouth, and so adheres like the hand placed on the cup of an air-pump. It is from this remarkable property, that its scientific name has been imposed[25]. Its vulgar name, lamprey, from lampetra, has a similar derivation. By the Romans it was named muræna. As this fish was well known and highly prized by the ancients, there is none that has been so frequently described and alluded to. Aristotle, Pliny, Tacitus, Columella, Ælian, Seneca, and Oppian, have mentioned its properties and habits, which correspond exactly with those I have described above. Pliny says, in the northern parts of France, and consequently contiguous to the British Isles, the lampreys have seven spots in the jaws, resembling the constellation of the plough, evidently the same as the eyes, which vulgar opinion assigns to the fish[26]. Their extreme voracity was such, that criminals were thrown among them to be devoured. Seneca relates, that Vedius Pollio, a Roman knight, ordered his servant, who had broken a crystal vase, to be thrown into a large pond of lampreys[27]; and Columella writes, that they were sometimes seized with a rabid fury, that resembled canine madness; in the access of which, they seized upon other fish, so that it was impossible to keep them in the same pond[28]; and to account for this extraordinary ferocity, Oppian and others assert, that the lamprey is impregnated by a serpent; the one issuing from the sea, and the other rushing down to the rocks, inflamed with madness, to consummate the impregnation; and adds, that the extraordinary intercourse was effected by the lamprey seizing the serpent’s head in its [p076] mouth[29]. This singular copulation was the reason why the Romans, who were immoderately fond of lampreys, did not wish to eat them, when impregnated by the supposed serpent. Horace, therefore, makes Nasidienus, among the blunders of his supper, serve it in that state[30].

Lampreys were a favourite dish with our own early monarchs. Henry II. died by eating them to excess. The celebrated Pope also owed his death to a surfeit of them. Doctor Johnson remarks in his life of the poet, that he was in the habit of cooking them himself in a silver saucepan. The Corporation of Oxford still make up a periodical pye of this fish for the king, in compliance with ancient usage. But lampreys have lost their rank at corporation feasts, in consequence of the more delicious and wholesome turtle being introduced into modern cookery.

I have never noticed lampreys in the Dublin fish-market; and though they are frequently used in the South of Ireland, I do not know if they have ever been made an article of food in Dublin, or the north, where they are rarely met with.

C.

[25] Petromyzon, a πετρον, saxum, and μυζαω, sugere.

[26] In Gallia septentrionale murænis omnibus dextra in maxilla septenæ maculæ ad formam septentrionis aureo colore fulgent. PLIN. Hist. Nat. lib. ix. cap. 39.

[27] Fregerat unus ex servis crystallinum ejus; rapi eum Vedius jussit, nec vulgari quadam morte periturum, murænis objici jubebatur quas ingens piscina continebat.—SENECA de Irâ, lib. ii. cap. 40.

[28] Commisceri eas cum alterius notæ piscibus non placet, quasi rabie vexantur quod huic generi velut canino solet accidere. Sævitia persequuntur squamosos plurimosque mandendo consumunt. COLUMELLA de Re Rusticâ, lib. ix. cap. 17.

[29]

Αμφι δε μυραινης φατις ερχεται ουκ αιδηλον

Ὥς μεν γαμει τε και εξ ἅλος ερχεται αυτη

Προφρων ἱμειουσα παρ’ ιμειροντι γαμοιο

Ητοι ὁ μέν φλογεῃ τεθοωμενος ενδοθι λυσσῃ

Μαινεται ἔις φιλοτητα και ἔγγυθι συρεται ἅκτης

Πικρος ὄφις. κ.τ.λ.—OPPIAN, Halieut. lib. i. V. 554.

[30]

Adfertur squillas inter muræna natantes,

In patinâ porrecta: “hæc gravida,” inquit,

“Capta est.”—HOR. lib. ii. Sat. 8. lin. 46.

Observations upon the Motion of the Leaves of the Mimosa Pudica. [◊] [To the Editor of the Quarterly Journal of Science.]

Dear Sir,

TOWARDS the latter part of this summer, Mr. Gilbert Burnett and myself made several experiments with a view to ascertain the nature of the movements exhibited by the sensitive plant. We afterwards found that the greater part of the facts which we had observed, had been previously described by Mr. Lindsay [p077] and Dr. Dutrochet. Mr. Lindsay’s observations are to be met with in a MS. preserved in the library of the Royal Society, which is dated July 1790: this essay is alluded to by Dr. Smith in his “Introduction to Botany.” Dr. Dutrochet’s experiments were published in his “Recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur la Structure intime des Animaux et des Végétaux,” which appeared in 1824. With the latter author the reputation of originality is likely to rest: not undeservedly, indeed, as there is no reason to suppose that his experiments were suggested by a knowledge of those performed by Lindsay. It is, however, an act of literary justice to secure to Mr. Lindsay the credit of undoubted priority in describing the phenomena which he noticed in common with Dutrochet. I have drawn up the following remarks partly for this purpose—partly to have an opportunity of mentioning some circumstances which escaped the observation of both experimentalists.

The leaves of the Mimosa Pudica consist either of one or two or three pairs of leaflets, and occasionally terminate by an odd one. Each leaflet bears from twenty to sixty subleaflets, which are disposed in pairs. The petiole or stalk of each leaf, at the extremity which is attached to the branch or stem of the peant, swells into an intumescence varying from three to five in length. A similar intumescence, of proportionate dimensions, is seen upon each subpetiole, where it is articulated with the petiole, and upon the base of the stalk of each subleaflet: the intumescence is the part in which motion takes place.

During the day-time the petioles are observed to have a direction upwards, or rather to form an acute angle with the upper part of the stem or branch, to which they are attached: the subpetioles are divergent: the subleaflets are spread out, so as to lie nearly in one plane. (Fig. 1.)

During the night the petioles are found to be depressed; the subpetioles to be drawn together, the subleaflets folded, the upper or solar surfaces of each pair being brought into contact. (Fig. 2.)

The leaves rise, the leaflets diverge, and open by throwing down their subleaflets, at daybreak: the opposite changes occur about sunset. The experiments that are to be described, are supposed to be performed in the day-time. [p078]

Fig. 1.

Fig. 2.

If a terminal subleaflet be pinched with forceps, or cut with scissors, it rises, together with its fellow; then the next pair rise; then the next; and so on in succession, till all the pairs of subleaflets upon the same subpetiole are folded. In a little time afterwards, the petiole is bent downwards at its intumescence; and in a few seconds more the remaining leaflets upon the same petiole fold their subleaflets in pairs, from the base towards the point of the leaflet.

If a subleaflet be burnt, instead of being cut or pinched, the phenomena above described occur more rapidly: and after they have taken place, the adjoining leaves upon the same branch are bent down in succession, their leaflets brought together, and their subleaflets folded. If the plant be very vigorous and lively, an impression [p079] made upon one leaf affects the rest in succession. It is well known that the stem, branches, flowers, and roots of the sensitive plant have no motion. But M. Desfontaines observed that, on touching the roots with sulphuric acid, the leaves become folded; and M. Dutrochet obtained a similar result on burning either the flower or the stem.

Fig. 3.

Fig. 4.

Fig. 5.

If the plant be shaken, all the leaves are simultaneously thrown down, and their leaflets folded. Mr. Lindsay attempted to elucidate the action of the intumescence in raising and depressing the petiole, in the following manner. He cut out a portion from the upper or solar surface of the intumescence; after which he found that the petiole, upon recovering, rose higher than before, (Fig. 3.) From another leaf he removed the inferior portion of the intumescence: he found, upon this injury, that the leaf declined more than before, and did not again rise, (Fig. 4.) He noticed that a thin slice, pared from either surface of the intumescence, has a like effect, but in a less degree than a deep excision: and he found that when similar experiments are made upon the intumescence of the subpetiole, there is no essential difference in the result.

Thus Mr. Lindsay discovered, that the force which raises the petiole exists in the lower part of the intumescence, and that which depresses it, in the upper. He seems to have considered that the temporary excess of force in either part is produced by an impulsion of the sap from the vessels of the yielding portion into those of the opposite portion. [p080]

Dr. Dutrochet viewed these phenomena in some respects more justly. He remarked, in addition to what Lindsay had observed, that if, instead of the upper and under surface, the lateral part of the intumescence be removed, the petiole becomes not raised or deflected, but inclined towards the side on which it is injured (Fig. 5); and that if longitudinal slices of the upper, or under, or lateral portions of the intumescence are immersed in water, these separate slices immediately become incurvated, that edge being concave which looks towards the axis of the intumescence. From these facts Dutrochet inferred that the texture of the intumescence possesses some modification of irritability; that, when excited, each length of the intumescence (to use a very imperfect expression) forcibly assumes an incurvated figure, like a curved spring returning from a state of temporary extension; that the petiole is raised, when the action of the lower part of the intumescence predominates; is depressed, when the upper portion acts with increased energy.

Mr. Burnett and myself had arrived at very similar conclusions respecting the agency of the intumescence, before we became acquainted with the inquiries of Lindsay and Dutrochet.

In Dutrochet’s able researches, a more exact analysis, however, was obtained of the functions of this part. He discovered that the cortex of the intumescence is the seat of its irritability: for upon wholly removing the bark, so as to expose the ligneous substance, the petiole was found to have been rendered motionless. Nevertheless, the intumescence, thus mutilated, remains capable of transmitting an impression made upon its leaflets to the leaves adjoining, Dutrochet further ascertained, that the ligneous substance alone is fitted to convey the peculiar stimulus, which spreads, from a point of the plant that has been irritated, to the adjoining leaves.

The experiments already mentioned appear to explain the mode in which the elevation and depression of the petiole, and the divergence and approximation of the subpetioles are produced. It is probable that the contrivance for folding and expanding the subleaflets is of a similar nature. Mr. Burnett and myself conjectured that each subleaflet is raised by the under part of the intumescence that exists at its base, and [p081] depressed by some action of the upper portion of the same intumescence. In trying the soundness of this hypothesis, we met with the following evidence in its favour:—

Mr. Lindsay had observed, that at the moment when the petiole is depressed, the under part of its intumescence assumes a deeper colour. But the under part of the intumescence of the petiole is the portion which is shortened during its depression, and which is overcome on this occasion by the superior force of the upper portion.

Now it is to be remarked that in the subleaflets the upper part of the little intumescence belonging to each corresponds, in one respect alluded to, with the lower portion of the intumescence of the petiole; it is the portion shortened when the leaf is folded. And we found, upon examination, that it likewise distinctly changes colour at the moment when the subleaflet rises, while the under surface of the intumescence of the subleaflet does not change its hue.

In pursuing this inquiry, another point of correspondence between the mechanism which depresses the petiole, and that which raises the subleaflets, was stated, which has yet additional interest.

Fig. 6.

Fig. 7.

Fig. 8.

When the plant is not in its most lively state, the under surface of the intumescence of the subleaflet (b, Fig. 2,) and the upper surface of the intumescence of the petiole (a, Fig. 6,) may be pricked with a needle, without producing action. But if the opposite surfaces, those namely, which change colour and are shortened when the petiole is depressed and the subleaflets folded, are touched with the point of the needle these actions are instantaneously produced. Here the [p082] subleaflet is most delicately sensible; a slight touch with the point of a needle upon the upper surface of the intumescence of the subleaflet (c, Fig. 1,) causes the single subleaflet so stimulated to rise; and in this manner all the subleaflets upon one side of a leaflet may be raised, their fellows remaining expanded: if the touch be something sharper, the fellow subleaflet rises at the same time; if ruder still, the next pair of leaflets fold directly afterwards, and the irritation then proceeds entirely through the leaflet. But the most satisfactory and curious results are obtained on stimulating the extension surface of the intumescence of the petiole. The needle may be applied to every point upon the upper or solar half of the intumescence of the petiole (a, Fig. 6,) without producing any visible effect; but if the irritation be applied upon the under half, (d, Fig. 6,) either quite below or laterally, the petiole is immediately depressed. The transition is abrupt from the surface against which the needle may be made to prick, without exciting action, to one which, when the needle reaches it, causes the petiole to be instantaneously thrown down.

It appears, therefore, that each intumescence has a surface especially adapted to receive mechanical impressions; which surface is placed on the side of the intumescence opposite to that, by which the consequent motion is produced. A curious but vague analogy may be traced between these surfaces of the sensitive plant and the organs of sense in animals.

We painted with a thick layer of lamp-black in oil the intumescence of different petioles in different ways; the upper surface of one, the under surface of another, the side of a third. The experiment was followed by no sensible effect. After a few minutes the petioles, which had been thrown down by the operation, rose again in each case, and fell again as readily as before upon being stimulated afresh.

We tried what result would ensue upon slitting the intumescence of the petiole horizontally. The petiole, after this injury, did not recover its usual direction; the intumescence appeared to have wholly lost its properties; the leaf seemed to depress the petiole by its weight alone, yet the leaflets expanded, and exhibited their usual irritability, upon the depending stalk. The same effect, however, was observed, when the [p083] intumescence was divided by a longitudinal incision, made vertically instead of horizontally.

I have already mentioned that Dutrochet discovered that the ligneous fibre is the channel, along which an impression is conveyed from one part to another. Mr. Burnett and myself had made one or two experiments upon the course which the irritation follows when spreading from leaflet to leaflet, where several are placed upon the same petiole.

If the upper third of a petiole bearing four leaflets be divided longitudinally, the irritability of the leaflets remains for many days unimpaired; upon cutting with scissors one subleaflet after the plant has recovered itself, the irritation is observed to descend the wounded leaflet, and then to pass to that adjoining upon the same side of the petiole: afterwards the petiole falls, but there the effect stops; it does not extend to the two other leaflets; the direct route is cut through, and the irritation seems to find no circuitous way, as might have been expected, perhaps through the intumescence of the petiole back again to the leaflets, on its summit. If on a petiole, bearing four leaflets, a lateral incision be made, cutting the petiole half through it at a point between the two leaflets which are situated on one side, upon irritating either of the leaflets, between which the incision has been made, it folds its subleaflets; then the two opposite leaflets fold their subleaflets; and last of all, the leaflet next adjoining that first irritated, but isolated from it by the incision, becomes folded.

In the few remarks which I have thus put together, I have quoted Lindsay and Dutrochet only as far as their researches anticipated my own: I leave unnoticed many experiments, in several of which these authors are again found to have accidentally coincided. The experiments to which I allude do not, however, serve to illustrate the nature of the motion exhibited by the sensitive plant, to the examination of which subject alone my attention was, in the present instance, directed, in the expectation that it might throw light upon the obscure and interesting subject of muscular action.

I remain, my dear Sir, Your’s truly,

HERBERT MAYO.

19, George Street, Hanover Square,

August 29, 1827.

[p084]

Experiments on the Nature of Labarraque’s disinfecting Soda Liquid. By M. Faraday, F.R.S., Corr. Mem. R. Acad. Sciences, Paris, &c. &c. [◊]

1. THE following experimental investigations relate to the nature of that medicinal preparation which M. Labarraque has lately introduced to the world, and named Chloride of oxide of Sodium. They were occasioned by the accounts which were given of this and other substances of similar power, to the members of the Royal Institution, at two of their Friday evening meetings[31]; the value of the preparation, the uncertainty of its nature, and the inaccuracy of its name, all urging the inquiry.

2. In the first instance the inquiry was directed to the nature of the action exerted by chlorine gas upon a solution of carbonate of soda, questions having arisen in the minds of many, whether it was or was not identical with the action exerted by the same gas on a solution of the caustic alkali, and whether carbonic acid was evolved during the operation or not. Chlorine gas was therefore carefully prepared, and after being washed was sent into a solution of carbonate of soda, in the proportions directed by M. Labarraque; i. e. 2800 grains of crystallized carbonate of soda were dissolved in 1.28 pints of water; and being put into a Woulfe’s apparatus, two-thirds of the chlorine evolved from a mixture of 967 grains of salt with 750 grains of oxide of manganese, when acted upon by 967 grains of oil of vitriol, previously diluted with 750 grains of water, were passed into it; the remaining third being partly dissolved in the washing water, and partly retained in the open space of the retort and washing vessel. The operation was conducted slowly, that as little muriatic acid as possible might be carried over into the alkali. The common air ejected from the bottle containing the solution was collected and examined; but from the beginning to the end of the operation not a particle of carbonic acid was disengaged from the solution, although the chlorine was readily absorbed. Ultimately a liquid of a very pale [p085] yellow colour was obtained, being the same as M. Labarraque’s soda liquor, and with which the investigations were made that will hereafter be described.

3. An experiment was then instituted, in which the effect of excess of chlorine, upon a solution of carbonate of soda of the same strength as the former, was rendered evident. The solution was put into two Woulfe’s bottles, the chlorine well washed and passed through, until ultimately it bubbled through both portions without absorption of any appreciable quantity. As soon as the common air was expelled, the absorption of the chlorine was so complete in the first bottle, that no air or gas of any kind passed into the second, a proof that carbonic acid was not liberated in that stage of the experiment. Continuing the introduction of the chlorine, the solution in the first bottle gradually became yellow, the gas not being yet visible by its colour in the atmosphere above the solution, although chlorine could be detected there by litmus paper. Up to this time no carbonic acid gas had been evolved; but the first alkaline solution soon acquired a brighter colour, and now carbonic acid gas began to separate from all parts of it, and passing over into the second bottle, carried a little chlorine with it. The soda solution in the first bottle still continued to absorb chlorine, whilst the evolution of carbonic acid increased, and the colour became heightened. After some time the evolution of carbonic acid diminished, smaller quantities of the chlorine were absorbed by the solution, and the rest passing into the atmosphere in the bottle, went from thence into the second vessel, and there caused the same series of changes and actions that had occurred in the first. The solution in the first bottle was now of a bright chlorine yellow colour, and the gas bubbled up through it as it would through saturated water.

4. When the chlorine had saturated the soda solution in the second bottle, and an excess of gas sufficient to fill several large jars had been passed through the whole apparatus, the latter was dismounted, the solutions put into bottles and distinguished as the saturated solutions of carbonated soda; they were of a bright greenish-yellow colour, and had an insupportable odour of chlorine.

5. The saturated solution (4) was then examined as to the [p086] change which had been occasioned by the action of the chlorine. It bleached powerfully, and apparently contained no carbonated alkali: but when a glass rod was dipped into it and dried in a warm current of air, the saline matter left, when applied to moistened turmeric paper, reddened it considerably at first, and then bleached it; and this piece of paper being dried and afterwards moistened upon the bleached part, gave indications of alkali to fresh turmeric paper.

6. A portion of the saturated solution (4) being warmed, instantly evolved chlorine gas, then assumed a dingy appearance, and ultimately became nearly colourless; after which it had an astringent and saline taste. Being evaporated to dryness at a very moderate temperature, it left a saline mass, consisting of much common salt, a considerable quantity of chlorate of soda, and a trace of carbonate of soda. This mixture had no bleaching powers. The dingy appearance, assumed in the first instance, was found to be occasioned by a little manganese which had passed over into the solutions, notwithstanding the care taken in evolving and washing the gas.

7. From these experiments it was evident that when chlorine was passed in excess into a solution of carbonate of soda (3), the carbonic acid was expelled, and the soda acted upon as if it were caustic, a mixture of chloride of sodium and chlorate of soda being produced; with the exception of the small portion of carbonate of soda which, it appears, may remain for some time in the solution in contact with the excess of chlorine at common temperatures, without undergoing this change. The quantities of chloride of sodium and chlorate of soda were not ascertained, no doubt being entertained that they were in the well-known proportions which occur when caustic soda is used.

8. The Labarraque’s soda liquor which had been prepared as described (2), was now examined relative to the part the chlorine played in it, or the change the alkali had undergone, and was soon found to be very different to that which has been described, as indeed the experiments I had seen made by Mr. Phillips[32] led me to expect. The solution had but little odour of chlorine, its taste was at first sharp, saline, scarcely at [p087] all alkaline, but with a persisting astringent biting effect upon the tongue. When applied to turmeric paper, it first reddened and then bleached it.

9. A portion of the solution (2) being boiled, gave out no chlorine; it seemed but little changed by the operation, having the same peculiar taste, and nearly the same bleaching power as before. This is a sufficient proof that the chlorine, though in a state ready to bleach or disinfect, must not be considered as in the ordinary state of solution, either in water or a saline fluid; for ebullition will freely carry off the chlorine under the latter circumstances.

10. A portion evaporated on the sandbath rather hastily, gave a dry saline mass, quite unlike that left by the saturated solution already described (6); and which, when dissolved, had the same astringent taste as before, and bleached solution of indigo very powerfully: when compared with an equal portion of the unevaporated solution, which had been placed in the mean time in the dark, its bleaching power upon diluted sulphate of indigo was 30, that of the former being 76. Another portion, evaporated in a still more careful manner, gave a mass of damp crystals, which, when dissolved, had the taste, smell, and bleaching power of the original solution, with almost equal strength.

11. These experiments shewed sufficiently that the whole of the chlorine had not acted upon the carbonate of soda to produce chloride of sodium, and chlorate of soda; that much was in a peculiar state of solution or union which enabled it to withstand ebullition, and yet to act freely as a bleaching or disinfecting agent; and that probably little or none had combined with the sodium, or been converted into chloric acid. To put these ideas to the test, two equal portions of the Labarraque solution were taken; one was put into a large tube, closed at one extremity, diluted sulphuric acid was added till in excess, and then air blown through the mixture by a long small open tube, proceeding from the mouth, for the purpose of carrying off the chlorine; the contents of the tube were then heated nearly to the boiling point, air being continually passed through. In this way all the chlorine which had combined with the carbonated alkali without decomposing it, was set free by the sulphuric acid, and carried off by the current of air and vapour, whilst any which had acted chemically upon the alkali would, [p088] after the action of the sulphuric acid, be contained in solution as muriatic and chloric acids, and from the diluted state of the whole, would not be removed by the after-process, but remain to be rendered evident by tests. The other portion being diluted, had sulphuric acid added also in excess, but no attempt was made to remove the chlorine. Equal quantities of these two portions in the same state of dilution were then examined by nitrate of silver for the quantities of chlorine sensible in them, and it was found that the latter portion, or that which retained the whole of the chlorine thrown into it, contained above sixty times as much as the former.

12. Now although it may be supposed that in the former portion that part of the chlorine, which, in acting energetically, had produced chloric acid, could not be detected by the nitrate of silver, yet more than a sixth of the small portion which remains cannot be thus hidden; and even that quantity is diminished by the sulphuric acid present in excess, which tends to make the chlorine in the chlorate sensible to nitrate of silver: so that the experiment shews that nearly 59 parts out of 60 of the chlorine in M. Labarraque’s liquid are in a state of weak combination with the carbonated alkali, and may be separated by acids in its original condition; that this quantity is probably wholly available in the liquid when used as a bleaching or disinfecting agent; that little, if any, of the chlorine forms chloride of sodium and chlorate of soda with the alkali of the solution; and that the portion of chlorine used in preparing the substance which is brought into an inactive state, is almost insensible in quantity.

13. The peculiar nature of this compound or solution, with the results Mr. Phillips had shewn me (8), obtained by evaporation of a similar preparation to dryness, induced me to try the effects of slow evaporation, crystallization, heat, and air upon it. In the first place five equal portions of the solution prepared by myself were measured out: two were put into stoppered bottles, two were put into basins and covered over with bibulous paper, and one was put into a basin which was left open; all were set aside in an obscure place, and remained from July 16th to August 28th. Being then examined, the portions in the basins were found crystallized and dry; the crystals were large and flat, striated and imperfect, resembling those formed [p089] in a similar way from carbonate of soda. They were not small and acicular, were nearly alike in the three basins, and had effloresced only on a few minute points. A part of one portion, when dissolved, gave a solution, having an alkaline taste, without any of the pungency of Labarraque’s liquid; and which, when tested by turmeric paper, reddened, but did not bleach it.

14. One of these portions that had effloresced least was selected, and being dissolved, was compared in bleaching power upon diluted sulphate of indigo, with one of the portions of solution that had been preserved in bottles. The former had scarcely any visible effect, though sulphuric acid was added to assist the action; a single measure of the indigo liquor coloured the solution permanently blue, whereas seventy-seven such measures were bleached by the portion from the bottle. Hence the process of slow crystallization had either almost entirely expelled the chlorine, or else had caused it to react upon the alkali, and by entering into strong chemical combination as chloride and chlorate, had rendered it inert as a bleaching or disinfecting agent.

15. From the appearance of the crystals there was no reason to expect the latter effect; but to put the question to the proof, one of the evaporated portions, and one of the fluid portions contained in the bottles, were acted upon by sulphuric acid, heat, and a current of air, in the manner already described (11), to separate the chlorine that had not combined as chloride or chlorate. They were then compared with an equal portion of the solution, which retained all its chlorine, nitrate of silver being used as before: the quantity of chloride indicated for the latter portion was 60 parts; whilst that of the fluid portion deprived of as much free chlorine as could be, by sulphuric acid and blowing, was 6 parts; and for the evaporated and crystallized portion, similarly cleared of free chlorine, only 1.5 parts.

16. This result, as compared with the former experiment of a similar kind (11), shewed, that though reaction of the chlorine on the carbonate had taken place in the evaporated portion, it was only to a very slight extent, since the chlorine was almost as much separated from it by the process altogether, as it had been from the recent preparation by sulphuric acid, blowing, and heat. The experiment shewed also that there [p090] was a gradual reaction of the chlorine and alkali in the fluid preparation, proceeding to a greater extent than in the evaporated portion; for chlorine, equal to five parts, was found by the nitrate of silver to remain. Hence this preparation is one which deteriorates even in the small space of forty-three days. Whether the effect will proceed to any great extent, prolonged experiments only can shew.

17. From an experiment made upon larger quantities of the Labarraque liquor, it would appear that the force of crystallization alone is sufficient to exclude the chlorine. A quantity was put into an evaporating basin, and left covered over with paper from July 16th to August 28th. Being then examined, a few large crystals were found covered over with a dense solution; the whole had the innocuous odour of Labarraque’s fluid, and the fluid the usual acrid, biting taste. The crystals being separated, one of the largest and most perfect was chosen, and being well wiped on the exterior, and pressed between folds of bibulous paper, was rubbed down in water, so as to make a saturated solution. This had no astringent taste like that of Labarraque’s fluid, or the mother-liquor, but one purely alkaline; and when applied to turmeric paper, reddened, but did not bleach it. Equal portions of this saturated solution and of the mother-liquor were then compared in bleaching power, acid being added to the former to assist the effect: it was found, notwithstanding that portions of mother-liquor must have adhered to the crystal, that its solution had not 121 part the power of the mother-liquor. This, in conjunction with the other experiments, is a striking instance of the manner in which the carbonate of soda acts, as a simple substance, with the chlorine in the solution. The crystal itself had never been in contact with the air: but whether it should be considered as the excess of carbonate of soda only which crystallized; or whether it is essential to the formation of these crystals that chlorine should simultaneously be given off into the air; or what would take place, if the water were abstracted without the evolution of chlorine, I have not determined.

18. Notwithstanding the perfect manner in which the chlorine may be thus separated by crystallization and slow evaporation to dryness, yet it is certain that by quick evaporation a [p091] substance apparently quite dry may be obtained, which yet possesses strong bleaching power. In one experiment, where, of two equal portions, one had been evaporated in the course of twenty-four hours to dryness upon the warm part of a sandbath, when compared with the former, it had not lost more than one-third of its bleaching power.

19. With the desire of knowing what effect carbonic acid would have on Labarraque’s fluid, and whether it possessed in a greater or smaller degree the power of ordinary acids to expel the chlorine, portions of the solution were put into two Woulfe’s bottles, and a current of carbonic acid gas passed through them. The gas was obtained from sulphuric acid and whitening in a soda-water apparatus, and was well washed in water. The stream of gas brought away small portions of chlorine with it, but they were not sensible to the smell, and could only be detected by putting litmus paper into the current. An immense quantity of gas, equal to nearly 1300 times the volume of the fluid, was sent through; but yet very little chlorine was removed, and the bleaching powers of the fluid were but little diminished, though it no longer appeared alkaline to turmeric paper. Air was then passed through the solution in large quantity; it also removed chlorine, but apparently not quite so much as carbonic acid.

20. One other experiment was made upon the degree in which the carbonate of soda in Labarraque’s liquor resisted decomposition by the chlorine, even at high temperature. Two equal portions of the fluid were taken, and one of them boiled rapidly for fifteen minutes; both were then acted upon by sulphuric acid, blowing, and heat, as described (11), and the two were then tested by nitrate of silver, to ascertain the quantity of chlorine remaining: it was nearly three times as much in the boiled as in the unboiled portion; and by comparing this with the results before obtained (11), it will be seen that, after boiling for a quarter of an hour, not more than a twentieth part of the chlorine had acted upon the alkali, to form chloride and chlorate.

21. It would seem as if I were unacquainted with Dr. Granville’s paper upon this subject, published in the last volume of this Journal, p. 371, were I to close my remarks without taking [p092] any notice of it. Unfortunately, Dr. Granville has mistaken M. Labarraque’s direction, and by passing chlorine, to “complete saturation,” through the carbonate, instead of using the quantities directed, has failed in obtaining Labarraque’s really curious and very important liquid; to which, in consequence, not one of his observations or experiments applies, although the latter are quite correct in themselves.

Royal Institution, Sept. 3, 1827.

[31] See the last volume of this Journal, pp. 211, 460.

[32] See Vol. I. of this Journal, p. 461; and Phil. Mag. N. S., I. 376.

HIEROGLYPHICAL FRAGMENTS; with some Remarks on ENGLISH GRAMMAR. In a Letter to the Baron William Von HUMBOLDT. By a Correspondent. [◊]

My dear Sir,

I AM happy to tell you that our prospects of new documents from Egypt are very rapidly increasing: Mr. BURTON has had the good fortune to discover at length, in a mosque, the triple inscription for which he has been some years in search; and he has been negotiating with the Pacha for its removal. From its magnitude and state of preservation, there is every reason to believe that it will rival the pillar of Rosetta in its importance, and I sincerely hope that it will tend to check the wildness of conjecture, which has been rioting without bounds in the regions of Egyptian literature. Mr. Tattam is printing a Coptic grammar, and I am preparing an Appendix, which is to contain the rudiments of an Enchorial Lexicon: I ardently wish that Mr. Burton’s inscriptions may come to my assistance before I complete it. I have received nothing from France or from Germany for these four years past: even what is published seems by some fatality to have been withheld from me; and the booksellers send no answers to my commissions. I trust your brother will not forget his kind promise to think of me at Berlin.

I have to thank him and you for your obliging present of your Letter to Abel Remusat on the Genius of the Chinese Language, which has greatly interested me: the best return that I can make will be to give you some remarks which have occurred to me on the language of hieroglyphics in general, [p093] and on the character of the English language, which seems to approach, in its simplicity, as you have yourself observed, to the natural structure of the oldest languages, immediately related to the hieroglyphical form of representation. I fear, however, that I must apologize to you for the want of method with which I shall be obliged at present to throw my fragments together: but it may be allowable to make some difference between a letter and a finished essay.

Hieroglyphics, in their primitive form, are scarcely to be considered in any case as simply a mode of expressing an oral language: they may be a direct and independent representation of our thoughts, that is, of recollections, or sentiments, or intentions, collateral to the representation of the same thoughts by the language of sounds. We find, in many of the Egyptian monuments, a double expression of the same sense: first, a simple picture, for instance, of a votary presenting a vase to a sitting deity; each characterized by some peculiarity of form, and each distinguished also by a name written over him; and this may be called a pure hieroglyphical representation, though it scarcely amounts to a language, any more than the look of love is a language of a lover. But we universally find that the tablet is accompanied by a greater variety of characters which certainly do constitute a language, although we know little or nothing of the sounds of that language; but its import is, that “such a king offers a vase to the deity;” and on the other side, that “the deity grants to the king health and strength, and beauty and riches, and dominion and power.” It is common to see, in these inscriptions, a number of characters introduced, which are evidently identical with some of those in the tablets: and however some of them may occasionally have been employed phonetically, there can be no question of the nature of the changes which their employment must have gone through before they assumed the character of sounds: but this is altogether a separate consideration, and foreign to the present purpose.

Now it is obvious that objects, delineated with the intention of representing the originals to the eye by their form, must necessarily be nouns substantive; and that the picture, containing no verb whatever, can scarcely be said to constitute [p094] either a positive or a negative assertion. At the same time, it must be allowed that a picture of King George the Fourth’s coronation, with the date 19 July 1821, could scarcely be considered otherwise than as asserting a historical truth; and if any emblem of Truth were attached to it, or if it were deposited among the records of other historical facts, it would be equivalent to the expression, “George IV. crowned in July 1821,” which scarcely wants the verb was to convert it into a positive assertion of a fact.

Strictly speaking, however, there seems to be no direct mode of supplying the want of the verb is or was in pure hieroglyphical writing; and if any such sign was employed in the Egyptian or the old Chinese hieroglyphics, its introduction must have been arbitrary or conventional; like the employment of a postulate in mathematics. Every other part of a language appears capable of being reduced, with more or less circumlocution, to the form of a noun substantive; and the English language appears to approach to the Chinese in the facility with which all the forms of grammar may be shaken off.

There is, however, often occasion, in such cases, for a certain degree of metaphor approaching to poetical latitude; and hence it may happen that the least literary nations are sometimes the most poetical. It is, in fact, impossible to exclude metaphor altogether from the most prosaic language; and it is frequently difficult to say where metaphor ends and strict logical prose begins; but by degrees the metaphor drops, and the simple figurative sense is retained. Thus we may say liquid ruby with the same exact meaning as crimson wine; and yet ruby would never be called an adjective, though employed merely to express the colour: in coral lips, however, the coral, first used metaphorically, is converted by habit into an adjective, and the expression is considered as synonymous with labri corallini.

The general custom in English is to place the figurative substantive, used as an adjective by comparison, or by abstraction, before the name which retains its proper sense: thus a chestnut horse is a chestnut like or chestnut coloured horse; a horse chestnut is a coarse kind of chestnut: and in this manner we are enabled to use almost every English noun substantive as an adjective, by an ellipsis of the word like, which, [p095] if inserted entire or abridged, would make a real adjective of the word, as warlike, friendly. But this omission of the termination, like other figures of speech, is easily forgotten in the ordinary forms of language; and the Germans, as well as the English, make use of almost all their substantives in the place of adjectives, though they are more in the habit of continuing them into single long words. When, however, the substantives are so used, they generally become by abstraction real adjectives: for we seldom think of a chestnut, in speaking of the colour of a horse; but the idea of a light brown coat, with an ugly pale-red mane and tail, and a fidgety temper, is very likely to occur to us: and in a horse chestnut the idea of a horse is out of the question; we only think of a coarse fruit which a man cannot eat: so that the true sense, in both these instances, is that of a quality; but coral lips and ivory hands are rather elliptical expressions, composed of two substantives, which might fairly be represented hieroglyphically by the assistance of a branch of coral and an elephant’s tusk. But to describe an abstract quality by any hieroglyphic character, representative of form only, would be generally impossible: colours might be imitated, if we supposed coloured figures to be employed; but other simple ideas, such as those of sound or touch, could never be immediately presented to the eye; and some circuitous invention would always be required for their representation.

Horne Tooke has shewn, with considerable felicity of illustration, that all the parts of speech may be resolved into the noun and the verb; but he has not pointed out so clearly that every verb may be resolved into a noun and the single primitive verb is or was, which, in this sense, may be said to be the only essential verb in any language; as we find, indeed, in the Coptic, that almost every noun becomes a verb, either by the addition of PE, or sometimes even without it. Thus, the morning BLUSHES is synonymous with the morning IS red; he loves justice, with he IS a lover of justice; and I AM an Englishman, with the person now speaking IS an Englishman. But this must be understood of is, was, or will be, in all its tenses; the idea of time, if expressed, being an essential part of the verbal sense.

I confess that some of these reflections have occurred to me in looking over a very singular work, which I had the curiosity [p096] to take up, in order to see what kind of information could be possessed by a person notoriously and professedly ignorant of the origin and relations of the language which he attempts to teach; and, in short, what kind of light could be diffused by an apostle of darkness. Blunders, and some of them ridiculous enough, must, of course, be found in the works of such a person, but most of them are such as every schoolboy might correct; and there really is so much of sagacity in some of Mr. Cobbett’s remarks on the errors of others, that they well deserve the attention of such as are ambitious to write or speak with perfect accuracy.

I shall not attempt to enter into a regular criticism of this Grammar; I shall merely make a few miscellaneous observations, as they have occurred to me in reading it, several of which would be equally applicable to the best of the existing works of a similar nature.

In Letter III we are told that long and short, though adjectives, do not express qualities, but merely dimension or duration; from a singular misconception of the proper sense of the word quality. We find, in Letter IV, the rule given by most grammarians, though not by all, that the article A becomes AN, when it is followed by any word beginning with a vowel; but it is surely more natural to follow the sound than the spelling, and, as we should never think of saying an youthful bride, it seems equally incorrect to say an useful piece of furniture; for the initial sound is precisely the same. In the same manner A unit and A European, seems to sound more agreeable than AN; and the best speakers appear to adopt this custom.

Letter VIII gives us a rule for doubling the last letter of a verb in the participle if an accent is on the last syllable: but it should be observed that the L is doubled, whether accented or not, as in caballing, travelled, levelled, cavilled, controlled. The same letter contains a “List of verbs, which, by some persons, are erroneously deemed irregular,” and which have been so deemed from the time of our German and Saxon ancestors, though Mr. Cobbett thinks it would be more philosophical to conjugate them regularly. Thus we may see at once that freeze may as well give us frozen, as frieren gives the Germans gefroren; that hang may make hung or hanged, according [p097] to its sense, as in German we have hienge from hangen, and hängte from hängen, to execute. For sling and slung, we have authority in schlingen, geschlungen, for spring and sprung in springen and gesprungen; for swollen, swam or swum, and swung, in geschwollen, geschwommen, and geschwungen. And it is quite clear from these examples that “the bad practice of abbreviating, or shortening,” has nothing to do with the matter.

In Letter XIV we have a very distinct examination of a rule in punctuation which has been commonly adopted by good printers, without so distinct a description of its foundation. “Commas are made use of when phrases, that is to say ‘portions’ of words, are ‘throwed’ into a sentence, and which are not absolutely necessary to assist in its grammatical construction.” In a word, two commas are very nearly equivalent to the old fashioned parenthesis. Again, “the apostrophe ought to be called the mark not of elision, but of laziness and vulgarity;” a remark made in truly classical taste, which might have been extended with perfect propriety to the subject of the next paragraph, the Hyphen, the insertion of which is, to make it uncertain whether the words united by it are one word or two. He goes on admirably in the next page. “Notes, like parentheses, are interrupters, and much more troublesome interrupters, because they generally tell a much longer story. The employing of them arises, in almost all cases, from confusion in the mind of the writer. He finds the matter too much for him. He has not the talent to work it all up into one lucid whole; and, therefore, he puts part of it into Notes” . . . . . “Instead of the word and, you often see people put &. For what reason I should like to know. But to this & is sometimes added a c; thus, &c. And is, in Latin, et, and c is the first letter of the Latin word caetera, which means the like, or so on. This abbreviation of a foreign word is a most convenient thing for such writers as have too much indolence or too little sense to say fully and clearly what they ought to say. If you mean to say and the like, or, and so on, why not say it? . . . The abbreviation is very frequently made use of without the writer having any idea of its import.” But it is surely a mischievous maxim, never to “think of mending what you write. Let it go. No [p098] patching; no after painting.” On the other hand he is right in protesting “against the use of what, by some, is called the dash. Who is to know what is intended by the use of these dashes? . . . . It is a cover for ignorance as to the use of points; and it can answer no other purpose.”

In Letter XV, there is a singular conceit with regard to the keeping up a distinction between a and an, where it is insisted that we must not say “a dog, cat, owl, and sparrow,” because owl requires an; “and that it should be, a dog, a cat, an owl, and a sparrow;” which is certainly better, and would be so, even if there were no owl in the question.

Letter XVII. The criticism on Milton’s “than whom none higher sat,” is perfectly correct. Than is never a preposition, and is simply a variation from the older then, both in English and in German. John is better than James means simply John is good first, then James: er is eher or e’er. Who would sound awkwardly, but would be more grammatical.

Letter XIX gives a definition of the ellipsis, which would be a lesson to Apollonius himself: the compasses, it seems, “do not take their sweep all round, but leave out parts of the area or surface.” The objection to Blackstone’s language is very questionable. “The very scheme and model WAS settled,” may, perhaps, be defended, because scheme and model are considered as one thing, the words being intended to illustrate each other, but not to point out different attributes of the administration of justice; and both words may be admitted, as a collective term, to govern a singular rather than a plural verb. It seems also to be an error to make with a conjunction rather than a preposition, and to say “The bag, with the guineas and dollars in it were stolen,” or “zeal, with discretion, do much.” “I expected to have seen,” is justly noticed as a common error for “I expected to see.” The meaning of an active verb is erroneously confounded with that of a transitive verb, in the remarks on the word elope, which means to go off, or to run off, and we should naturally say was gone off, but had run off.

The nature of the subjunctive mood is dismissed in the same Letter without better success than has been obtained by former grammarians. An essay was published about thirty years ago in a periodical work, which brings the subject into a small compass; [p099] suggesting that the subjunctive mood ought always to be considered as a conditional future. The examples given are, “If the Elbe is now open, we shall soon have the mails, and then, if there be any news from the army, I will send it you immediately.” “If Catiline was generous, it was in order to serve his ambition.” The subjunctive past, if I were, becomes present, by being the future of the past; going back to the time when the present was future, and therefore contingent; and this conditional sense involves no difficulty, except when a mistaken adherence to the fancied rules of grammar forces it in where it has no business: thus the rules of some grammarians would lead us to say, if Catiline were ambitious; which is totally contrary to the true sense of the subjunctive. Mr. Cobbett seems to have some such distinctions in view when he says that “if has nothing at all to do with the government of the verb. It is the sense which governs.” By this he means that if does not require a subjunctive unless is relates to a future contingency. He is right in saying “Though her chastity is becoming, it gives her no claim to praise”: but most decidedly wrong in adding “she would be criminal if she was not chaste”; for was is here used as relating to the present circumstances, which are the future of the past, and therefore require the subjunctive were to denote the condition intended. He has, however, done signal justice to the cause of this injured verb, by introducing it for was, in his sixth lesson, where he says it should have been “Your Lordship were apprized of every important circumstance.”

Such errors as this, however, are easily corrected, and many of the acute remarks which have been here copied are well worthy the attention of practical grammarians; at the same time enough has been said, without any disparagement of Cobbett’s talents, to show that a man cannot be well qualified to teach that which he has not had the means of properly learning. For although the English language appears at first sight to be extremely simple and philosophical in its structure, it has, in fact, been derived from a variety of heterogeneous sources; it has undergone a variety of vicissitudes, and has served for the expression of a multiplicity of discussions on the most refined subjects in literature and history and science, for [p100] the feelings of oratory, and the passions of poetry, and it has been worn away by degrees, as the crystal in the stream is worn to a pebble, till it has returned to a simplicity which wears the aspect of the immediate offspring of the Chinese or Egyptian or Mexican Hieroglyphics. But with all this, it has still some spots, some idioms, which invariable custom obliges us to retain; and which can only be distinguished from corruptions and vulgarisms by tracing their history through the different stages of its progress, including, of necessity, the corresponding idioms in the parent languages out of which it has arisen.

Believe me always, my dear Sir,

Your’s very sincerely,

* * * *

Malaria: an Essay on the Production and Propagation of this Poison, and of the Nature and Localities of the Places by which it is produced, with an Enumeration of the Diseases caused by it, and of the Means of diminishing and preventing them, both at Home and in the Naval and Military Service. By J. Mac Culloch, M.D., F.R.S., &c. &c. Longman and Co. 1827. [◊]

THOUGH we have given a place in our Journal to two articles on Malaria from Dr. Mac Culloch, we have thought it expedient to take some notice of his book under the form of a review; particularly as some matters have come under our cognizance, which may add some illustrations to this subject where the author appears to have been in a state of deficient information, or to have shunned the question for reasons which appear to us somewhat over refined.

We allude principally here to the localities and the facts, as they are now before us; circumstances and events which seem to us of the greatest importance, as enforcing the value of the details which he has collected, and as holding out warnings to the people respecting the preservation of their healths, in addition to those which the work before us has given in describing the soils or characters of ground in England from which this destructive poison is generated. And before we proceed to the analysis of his book, we shall state what those are, or at least a few of them, while wondering that he should have overlooked them, or regretting that any fancies should have prevented him from stating what would have been of so much utility. [p101]

It is notorious that, in the last autumn, the remittent fevers in various parts of the country amounted to a species of pestilence, such as has scarcely been known in England from this cause, or we might almost indeed say, from any other disease since the days of Sydenham. Wherever ague had ever existed, or even been supposed possible, in those places was this fever found: so that in all the well-known tracts in Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Kent, Essex, Sussex, Hampshire, and so forth, there was scarcely a house without one or more inhabitants under fever, while the event, as might be suspected, was a considerable mortality. In the parish of Marston, in Lincolnshire, for example, it amounted to 25 in 300 inhabitants; in some other places, it reached one in sixteen, one in thirteen, one in nine. And so extensive was its range, that even Hastings did not escape; while it should be almost superfluous to say that every other town on the sea-coast was so much infested by it, that they who resorted to them for bathing, as usual, found themselves most awkwardly situated, and also suffered in considerable numbers.

To come nearer home, and to what must interest us of the metropolis more, the same fevers were extremely abundant in various parts of the outskirts of London, as also in the villages or towns which are connected with it, within a range of from six to ten miles. Not to enumerate all these, this was the case throughout the range of streets or houses which extends from Buckingham Gate to Chelsea; in which long line, it is said, that almost every house had a patient or more under this fever; though, as the author has truly observed, these were mistaken for typhus, or at least thus misnamed. Thus it was also about Vauxhall and Lambeth; and to a great extent among all that scattered mixture of town and country which follows from Whitechapel, from Bishopsgate, and so forth, and very particularly along Ratcliffe Highway, and so on, to an indefinite range along the river, not only on this side but on the opposite one, so as to include Rotherhithe, and then proceeding onward to Deptford, Greenwich, Woolwich, Plumstead, so as to carry us beyond the boundary which we proposed to notice.

And in addition to the towns or villages which we have just named, we may enumerate Lewisham, in which we knew one house in which there were nine patients under this fever, which proved mortal to one. Dulwich, especially subject to this disorder, Fulham, Ealing, and the several other villages along the Thames, as far as Chertsey; and even Richmond, [p102] where, as at Lewisham, there was one house known to us, inasmuch as being intimate friends, where ten individuals at one time were suffering under this disease.

We must not prolong this enumeration, since we might easily occupy a dozen of our pages with similar details, ranging, in fact, all over England; but we must still observe, that whatever was the pestilence last year, it promises to be much greater in the present one. This is easily judged from the manner in which the season has set in; but still more decidedly from the extraordinary prevalence of ague in the spring; since that which is intermittent fever then, will be remittent in the autumn, or rather, as the author has justly remarked, there will scarcely be a definite season of vernal intermittent, but the remittent will commence immediately, increasing in extent and severity as the summer advances, and promising to become, in the autumn, the greatest season of disease that England has known for this century.

As an example of this, it must suffice to enumerate two or three facts, while these are as satisfactory for our purpose as a thousand would be. The most general of these is, that ague is at this moment extremely abundant where it was formerly so little known as not to be noticed, and that where single cases used to occur, there are now hundreds. Thus has it prevailed at Fulham and Ealing, and in the outskirts of London, and even in the town itself; and thus does it so prevail at Greenwich, Deptford, and in the associated vicinity, that a medical friend informs us, that it comprises more than two-thirds of his entire practice, which is very extensive; whereas a few years ago he had rarely a patient in a year. Thus also in the Military Hospital at Woolwich, there were in the spring three hundred patients with this disease; while in former times, we are assured, that an ague was scarcely known once in five or six years.

These are a few of the facts within our knowledge, but not one in a thousand, which evince the necessity of the publication before us; a book which seems to have been singularly well-timed, in as far as its purpose is, by a dissection of the sources of malaria, to diminish the ravages of both these kinds of fevers. And in this view we consider it a work of very considerable utility, inasmuch as it points out all the needful circumstances, as to prevention, in great detail; while these seemed particularly called for in England, from the entire and not less singular neglect which this subject has experienced, not only from the people at large, but from the medical profession. Beyond this, all that we need say of [p103] the character of the work is, that it contains the only regular and complete attempt at the natural history of Malaria that has been executed; since the several foreign writings on this subject are partial, or imperfect, or local in their investigations; and having said thus much, we shall proceed to give a brief analysis of its form and matter. And this analysis may be truly brief, without inconvenience; since the two Essays from the pen of the author, to which we have given a place in our Journal, will supersede the necessity of making that useful and practical abstract which we should otherwise have felt ourselves bound to give.

To pass over an introductory chapter of the usual necessity, the author commences by pointing out the several disorders, in a general way, which are produced by malaria, for the purpose of proving the sources of this poison; and as we are of those who take the facts as already proved, we need not notice it further.

The third chapter details the characters of those soils or situations which are most commonly or generally admitted to produce this poison: and though it contains some facts not very universally known, we shall also pass it over as of less moment than that which follows.

This is the fourth chapter, containing the details of the circumstances producing malaria, which have been either denied or overlooked; and it is one of the most important practical chapters in the book, inasmuch as it is to the popular ignorance of these that we must attribute a large proportion of the cases of fever occurring in common life. These, therefore, we shall mark briefly; and even the briefest notice will be of use in the way of precaution, while we must refer to the book itself for those proofs of the truth of the several views, which we could not take room to give. Generally, however, we may state this leading argument of the author, because it is brief, and, to us, appears satisfactory. It is this: that as the quantity of the poison which any person can inspire is necessarily small, and as this small quantity can be produced by a small marshy spot as well as a large one, it is the same as to the production of disease, whether the marsh is a foot square or a mile, provided the exposure be complete: while also, any piece of ground where vegetables decompose under the action of water, is virtually a marsh, or must produce malaria.

This enumeration, therefore, under that view, comprises, in addition to marshes, whether fresh or salt, all the cases where water is present in such a manner as to act upon vegetables; and the chief are the following. [p104]

It is shown, and by facts, that the rushy swamps of high moorlands, however small the extent, do produce this disease; and we must not here forget to name what, however, belongs to the preceding chapter, woods and coppices, little suspected in England, yet shown to be the cause of fevers in Wales, and also in Sussex; very probably, every where else. It is also shown that meadows and moist pastures, whether in flat lands or on elevations, generate fevers; and very particularly, should they have been affected by inundation or unusual moisture, and if that should be followed by heat. And while it is also specifically shown how, in all cases, it is the produce of the drains or ditches required in meadow lands, it is distinctly proved that, even without these, malaria is produced, or that it is generated by the meadow or moist pasture itself.

It is also shown that this poison is produced by rivers, by all flat rivers at least, or those of which the progress is slow and through meadow lands; while this is pointed out as one of the causes, especially, which is not suspected or not believed in England. And here we can add a fact to our author’s statement, which is decisive: this is the case of the barracks at Morne Bruce, in Dominica, situated on a steep and rocky hill, perfectly dry, and free from all other causes of suspicion, while eternally subject to the most severe fevers. And the cause is, a mountain stream, about 300 yards below this building, in the valley, always covered by a mist in the evenings, and ascertained, by direct experience, to be the very cause of the diseases in question.

Our author also notices canals, mill-ponds, ornamental waters, and all other pools and ponds, even to so small a dimension as those formed in gravel-pits; pointing out those, in particular, as common causes of fever about London, and apparently much inclined to pass a very severe judgment on the canal in St. James’s Park, and also on the pond in St. James’s Square, while apparently restrained by his prudential reasons, which appear to us sufficiently misplaced, or, as we should fairly call them, somewhat absurd. But as we must not affront a writer whose papers we have admitted, we shall say no more on this matter. In noticing drains, he also speaks of moats and modern fortifications; attempting to show that the fevers so common in the sieges of ancient castles were produced by their moats, and noticing the familiar fact of the frequency of fevers in fortified towns. Lakes also are pointed out as situations generating this poison: and it is here especially noticed that if, in those and other cases, malaria is produced by the vegetable growth and decomposition, [p105] so is it the consequence of the exposure of the mud of such receptacles of water; a cause which is again treated of at greater length in the subsequent chapter.

This chapter relates to what the author calls obscure and disputed cases. We shall pass over these, which, as not implying precautionary measures, are of the least interest, and commence by noticing the case of vegetable putrefaction. It is attempted to show, that the vegetable need not be living to produce malaria, but that, even if utterly decomposed, its elements, acting on water, can generate this poison. Among the cases under this head, are flax and hemp ponds, common sewers and drains, dunghills, and tide harbours; and the evidences under each are sufficient to make good the assertion. But the most important of all, in our view at least, is bilge-water: since our author has pretty clearly shown that all the fevers of ships (excepting, of course, a few casual instances of contagion) arise from this cause, and that if ships were kept clean, fever or sickness would be nearly unknown at sea. This we do indeed conceive one of the most important points in the work before us; and if the author has referred to Sir Henry Baynton, as a stranger, we can quote him, as a friend, that warrants for all that is here asserted, and for far more; since his collection of facts on this subject is most important, and we think him almost culpable in not having long ago given them to the public. If the Leviathan was always the healthiest ship in the navy; if she even left the West Indies, after a long anchorage and service, with a crew of 500 men, and not one sick, it is a case in the navy which never occurred before, nor since, and which arose entirely from the knowledge of this able and careful officer respecting the subject that we are discussing.

A sixth chapter explains, under the head of revolutions in the production of malaria, a variety of circumstances not easily admitting of abridgment. The chief of these are, the effects produced by drainages, and reversely, those which arise from inundations or other incidental causes affecting the state of the soil. But the most important view which it contains is that which relates to the effect of embankment in rivers, and to the geological changes produced by the distribution of alluvia. As, however, we cannot well state this in a small space, we shall pass to the chapter on the Propagation of Malaria.

This is the largest, and, as it strikes us, the most interesting of the whole; while the author has made it the depository of a variety of remarks and recommendations on this [p106] subject, very particularly as it relates to the army. If he is correct,—and we see no reason to doubt it, from the nature of the statements,—the ignorance of this subject, even among the medical department of the army, has been most extraordinary and most unaccountable; while if Walcheren is proof enough of this, the writer before us has pointed out facts enough to show that it was not a solitary case, while evidently restrained by fear of some sort—we are almost inclined to call it cowardice—from telling all that he might have told. And we do think it wrong to retain or suppress that which is important to the public safety, under a fear that the feelings of individuals may be hurt; since the business of a writer is with justice and utility, and the security or welfare of thousands is of infinitely greater moment than the comforts of a few, and those also culpable.

Under this head, propagation, the author describes how this poison is conveyed by the winds, while the facts add much to the number and variety of the precautionary measures. And here also we find a speculation of no small curiosity, respecting the East wind, attempting to prove that wherever this is insalubrious or pernicious, it arises from its being the vehicle of malaria; while attempting also to prove that this substance can be conveyed from Holland to the coasts of England in that wind. We shall not pretend to give an opinion on this subject; and since the author himself has noticed it in the paper printed in our present number, we shall suffer our readers to form their own judgments respecting it.

One also of the most curious facts mentioned in this chapter, is the singular limitation of malaria; and we must admit that the instance quoted as to the Chatham road is so remarkable as to be almost incredible; though, as we find that all the people agree in it, we cannot pretend to say it is not a fact. Indeed the facts of this nature, so familiar at Rome, are fully as inexplicable; so that all we can conclude is, that we are ignorant of the philosophy of this subject: no very great cause of surprise, unless it were proved that we could explain every thing else which belongs to meteorology.

In the eighth chapter we have an explanation of the effects of climate and seasons in the production of malaria; and while we need not analyse the facts which it contains, we may introduce in lieu of this, the explanations which its statements afford as to that recent increase of the diseases of malaria which we noticed at the commencement of this article. The last few years have been distinguished for an [p107] uncommon prevalence of East winds, and to such a degree indeed, that we can find no meteorological records at all to be compared with the history of these years. And while the history of the intermittent and remittent, in London at least, from the time of Morton and Sydenham downwards, shows that all its periods of such diseases have been periods of East winds, it is not difficult to see how it acts as to both classes of marsh fever. To London, in particular, it is the best conductor, propagating the malaria from all the moist lands to the eastward. To the East coast, if our author’s theory is valid, it brings the malaria from Holland; and, moreover, as it forms our hottest summers, it causes our own climate to approximate more to the southern ones, and thus enables our lands to produce a greater quantity of malaria than in ordinary summers.

To pass from the eighth chapter, the ninth is a partial sketch of the geography of malaria; a chapter for which the author apologises, but which is nevertheless a very interesting collection of facts on a subject where a volume is, doubtless, a desideratum. And it would require a volume; while, in spite of our author’s fears, we can really see no reason why such a statistical account of health should not be drawn up for England, when the utility of it is unquestionable. It is true that people cannot abandon their homes or change their residences, because their lots happen to be cast in an insalubrious country. But it is not less important to know what and where these dangers are; because, though the inhabitants may be compelled to abide, they can still correct much of the evil by the various modes pointed out, or avoid much of the hazard by resorting to the obvious precautions. To be ignorant, is to be exposed to the full evil: to know where it lies, is to know how and where to avoid it in numerous ways; since it will be found that by far the greater number of diseases occurring, were not necessary or unavoidable, but have been the result of ignorance as to the precise fact or spot which did produce the effect in question. And this we conceive to be the great use of the book before us; and that if ever it, or a code of rules founded on it, shall become popular, or form a vade mecum, particularly in the country, the effect will be to reduce most materially the quantity of disease, and very particularly that which is by far the most serious, the summer and autumnal fevers. On this around, we should be glad to see a geography of malaria for England; and we do hope that it will be undertaken by some person of sufficient industry, and of more [p108] courage than our author; while we cannot doubt that whoever attempts it would at least find it a profitable speculation. With these remarks we must pass over this chapter, as we could take no statement from it which would serve any useful purpose; though, as far as it goes, it will form a very useful guide to travellers on the continent of Europe, or to those who, as emigrants, are in search of a residence abroad.

The tenth chapter examines the inquiries which have been instituted into the chemical nature of malaria, leaving the question just where it was. In fact we, as chemists, do not believe that this science is yet in possession of the means required for analyses of this delicate nature; but we see no reason whatever why it should be despaired of, when chemistry has already, within a very few years, effected things which seemed far more impracticable and hopeless.

The eleventh and last chapter contains an enumeration of the diseases produced by malaria, presenting a most formidable list, and absolutely making us shudder in some of the details which relate to the worst parts of France and Italy. The representation here given of the average of life in these districts is particularly striking; while of the truth of all the facts, we can speak from personal knowledge. Our author has also noticed the effect of this poison on animals; showing that it is the cause of the noted epidemics in cattle, and also of the rot in sheep. If he will look into Livy, he will find a confirmation, which he appears to have passed by when quoting that author for epidemic seasons: this being, that in the same years in which epidemic “pestilences” appeared among the people, there was also a great mortality among the cattle.

We do not know what his own profession will say of his attempt, or rather proposal, to prove that the celebrated disease of the nerves called Tic Douleureux is the produce of malaria and a mode of intermittent fever; nor how they will receive his proposal to arrange Sciatica and Rheumatic pains, with many other local diseases, under this head. But this is not our affair: and as he has promised us two other volumes, on all the diseases which are produced by malaria, including these, we must wait with patience; knowing at least that he is a dealer in facts and not in hypotheses, and expecting, that even if he should fail to establish his point, he will try to do it, as he has been used to do in the other sciences which he has attempted, through the road of facts and evidence. [p109]

An Account of a new Genus of Plants called REEVESIA. By John Lindley, Esq., F.L.S., &c. &c. [◊]

IN a collection of dried specimens of plants sent to the Horticultural Society from China, by Mr. Reeves, are a few branches, with flowers, of a remarkable genus which is at present undescribed, but which is of so curious a nature, and of such importance with reference to the determination of some natural affinities, that I have thought it deserving immediate record; especially as drawings of the fruit, which have been subsequently obtained from the same indefatigable correspondent of the Society, render its history tolerably complete.

The branches appear to be fragments of an evergreen tree; they are slender, rounded, and smooth. The nascent gemmæ are covered with a dense rufous pubescence. The leaves are alternate, becoming, towards the extremities of the branches, opposite by approximation; their form is ovate-lanceolate acuminate, and in size they vary from three inches to nearly six in length; the surface, even of the youngest, is perfectly smooth on each side; their veins are inconspicuous, the lowest pair of venæ primariæ being divergent at an angle of about 40°, while the others spread outwards at an angle of 55° or 60°; the venæ arcuatæ and externæ are obscurely seen, but form together a number of rhomboidal spaces, equal in diameter to nearly one third of each side of the leaf; the proportion borne by the petiole to the lamina is variable, sometimes equalling one-fourth of the length of the latter, and not unfrequently being less than one-sixth of its length: this proportion not depending upon the station of the leaves; the petiole is smooth, half-round, and thickened at the extremity, where it unites with the lamina. Stipulæ are none. The flowers are greenish-white, in terminal thyrsoid compound racemes; the upper part of the rachis, and of its branches, is slightly protected by stellate pubescence; the pedicles are closely covered with pubescence of the same nature, and have one subulate downy deciduous bracteola at the base, and another towards the apex. The calyx is inferior, campanulate, tapering a little towards the base, densely clothed with stellate pubescence, bursting irregularly at the apex into [p110] four or five ovate teeth, which are somewhat imbricated during æstivation, but which are separated by the growth of the petals long before the expansion of the flower; the veins of the calyx are remarkably reticulated, and when cut, a considerable quantity of mucilaginous viscid fluid is exuded. The petals are whitish-green, hypogynous, with a convolute æstivation; their ungues are spatulate, and as long as the calyx; their laminæ oblong, spreading flat, and then overlapping each other at the base; at the point of separation of the unguis and lamina is a small callus, and on each side a notch upon the margin. The stamens are seated upon a long, filiform, subclavate, smooth torus; the filaments are consolidated into a capitate five-toothed cup, nearly closed at the orifice, and on the outside of this cup are placed the antheræ, three to each tooth; the latter are two-celled, with divaricating cells, which open longitudinally, and are so entangled with each other that the whole surface of the cup appears, when the antheræ have burst, to consist of a single many-celled anthera. The pollen is spherical and smooth. he ovarium is seated within the cup of stamens, and is so entirely concealed that it cannot be discovered till some part of the cup is removed by violence; it is ovate, smooth, and formed of five inseparable cells, each of which has two ovula placed one above the other, and attached to their placenta by their inner margin; the stigma is sessile, with five radiating lobes. From the Chinese drawing, the half-ripe fruit appears to be fleshy, with five deep angles, and five cells, without any remains of calyx, and with a slight appearance of separation between the lobes. The ripe fruit is an obovate, five-angled, five-celled, five-valved, retuse, woody capsule, with a loculicidal dehiscence, and no separable axis. The seeds are attached one to each side of the valves, and are expanded at their lower end into a wing.

From this description it is obvious that, with the single exception of the contents of the seed, we are in possession of all that it is essential to know of the structure of this plant. The next subject of consideration is its affinity.

The stellate pubescence, the thickening of the petiole at the point where it expands into the lamina, the station of the stamens upon a long, filiform torus, the external position of the [p111] antheræ, and the union of the filaments by threes into a cup surrounding the ovarium, are all characters that forcibly call to recollection the genus Sterculia. The calyx, indeed, in that genus is generally divided much more deeply than in the plant now under consideration, and the antheræ are usually seated at the base of the ovarium; but, on the other hand, in Sterculia colorata of Roxburgh, which, if a distinct genus, (ERYTHROPSIS) as I am inclined to believe; is nevertheless next of kin to Sterculia, the calyx is of the same figure and divided in the same degree, and the antheræ are also combined in a capitate cup inclosing the ovarium. If, however, we pursue this comparison further we find that, with the characters now adverted to, the similarity ceases; in Sterculia there are no petals, the calyx has a valvular not imbricate æstivation, the cells of the fruit separate into distinct folliculi, and do not combine into a solid woody capsule, and the seeds are destitute of wings.

The fruit suggests so obviously some affinity with Pterospermum, that it is next necessary to institute a comparison with that genus. Stellate pubescence, a calyx divided into five portions, five hypogynous unguiculate petals, and fifteen fertile stamens united into a cup, seated on a stipitiform torus, and surrounding the ovarium, a five-celled ovarium, a woody five-celled capsule, with a loculicidal dehiscence, no axis, and winged seeds; all these characters are common to Pterospermum and our plant; but on the other hand the points in which they differ are of much importance. The æstivation of Pterospermum is valvate recurved not imbricate; its calyx is five-parted, not four—five-toothed; its anthers have parallel not divaricating cells, and are seated upon long distinct filaments, not sessile, upon the outside of a capituliform cup; and finally the petioles of the leaves are not connected with the lamina by a thickened space. The seeds are also winged at the apex, not at the base, but upon this point it is not my wish to insist.

If the comparison thus instituted with Pterospermum and Sterculia be attentively considered, we cannot fail to remark that the subject of these observations is nearly equally related to both; to Pterospermum in its petals and fruit, to Sterculia in its calyx and stamens. It must, therefore, be stationed between those two genera, thus confirming the propriety of M. [p112] Kunth’s combination of the Sterculiaceæ of Ventenat with the Byttneriaceæ of Mr. Brown; and, in fact, breaking down every barrier between them.

There are many other points that will suggest themselves to the Botanist, in which this plant is highly worthy of consideration, but for the present it will be enough to give the botanical characters with which it may stand recorded. It is named in honour of John Reeves, Esq., now resident at Canton, to whom we are indebted for our knowledge of it, from whose unwearied exertions in the cause of science the botany of China has received material assistance, and to whom our gardens are indebted for many of the fairest ornaments they contain.

REEVESIA.

Ord. Nat. BYTTNERIACEÆ; Sterculiam (Erythropsin) inter et terospermum.

Calyx campanulatus, 5-dentatus, æstivatione imbricatâ, pube stellatâ tomentosus, bracteolatus. Petala 5, hypogyna, unguiculata, æstivatione convoluta, callo inter unguem et laminam. Stamina in toro longo filiformi insidentia. Antheræ 15, sessiles, in cyatho capituliformi, apice tantum pervio, obsoletè 5-dentato connatæ, extrorsæ, biloculares, loculis divaricatis intricatis, longitudinaliter dehiscentibus. Pollen sphæricum glabrum. Ovarium sessile, intrà cyathum antheriferum, ovatum, glabrum, 5-angulare, 5-loculare, loculis dispermis. Ovula margini loculorum unum super alterum affixa, superiore basi concavo in inferiorem incumbente. Stigma 5-lobum, simplicissimum, sessile. Capsula stipitata, lignosa, obovata, 5-angularis, 5-locularis, loculicidò 5-valvis, axi nullo. Semina cuique loculo duo basi alata.——Arbor (Chinæ) foliis alternis exstipulatis, racemis terminalibus compositis, floribus albis.

1. Reevesia thyrsoidea.

Habitat in China (v. s. sp. in Herb. et iconem in Bibliotheca Soc. Hort.)

[p113]