a. Introduction
The defendants Blome and Rudolf Brandt were charged with participation in and responsibility for the murder and mistreatment of tens of thousands of Polish Nationals allegedly infected with incurable tuberculosis (par. 8 of the indictment). On this charge both defendants were acquitted.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence and argumentation on this charge is contained in its closing brief against the defendant Blome. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 760 to 763. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense has been selected from the final plea for the defendant Blome. It appears below on pages 763 to 768. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 769 to 794.
b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT BLOME
Personal Participation in Criminal Activities—Murder and Mistreatment of Polish Nationals
By 1941 it was the accepted policy of the Third Reich to exterminate the Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries. (IMT judgment.[[89]]) In pursuance of this policy the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Greiser, obtained permission from Himmler to exterminate the Jewish population in this province. In a letter of 1 May 1942, he informed Himmler that the “special treatment” of about 100,000 Jews would be completed within 2 to 3 months. He stated that as soon as this task was completed, the “existing and efficient special commandos” could be used for the extermination of approximately 35,000 Polish Nationals who suffered from open tuberculosis. These Poles allegedly were a danger to the German officials and their families because they were a possible source of tubercular infection. Greiser went on to say:
“The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Health Leader for Public Health [Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer] Comrade Professor Dr. Blome as well as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.
“Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course, only a Pole should be handed over to such an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.
“Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages.” (NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196.)
In a letter of 27 June 1942 Himmler gave consent in principle to this plan and instructed Greiser to discuss the individual measures in detail with the security police first, in order to assure an inconspicuous accomplishment of the task. (NO-244, Pros. Ex. 201.) On 21 November 1942 Greiser informed Himmler that the examinations which were to be carried out in order to separate the curable and incurable would be executed by Professor Hohlfelder and his X-ray battalion. He estimated that the first utilization of the method would be in approximately six months. He further stated:
“In this stage of the proceedings, Professor Dr. Blome, in his capacity as Deputy Chief of the Public Health Office [Hauptamt fuer Volksgesundheit] of the NSDAP is raising some objections as to its execution, as he states in a letter of 18 November. These objections are expressed only now, although Dr. Blome and Dr. Hohlfelder and myself have spent months of preliminary work on examination, clarification, and straightening out the whole procedure.
“I enclose a copy of Blome’s letter of 18 November for your information * * *.” (NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202.)
In this letter, Blome stated that among the Polish population of the province, at least 35,000 persons were suffering from open tuberculosis, and besides this number, about 120,000 consumptives were in need of treatment. This constituted an enormous danger to the German settlers in all parts of the province. In order to make further German immigration possible, counter measures were to be taken soon. Blome then outlined the three ways for the practical elimination of the danger of infection:
“1. Special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of the seriously ill persons.
“2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.
“3. Creation of a reservation for all tubercular patients.”
As to the first proposal he stated:
“The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be ‘specially treated’. All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.” (NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202.)
Blome pointed out that one of the practical difficulties of outright extermination of all tubercular Poles was that it might provide excellent propaganda material for the enemies of Germany, especially with regard to the strong Catholic feelings of the Italian nation and “all the physicians of the world.” He therefore considered it necessary that Hitler himself personally decide on this step. Should Hitler consider this radical solution as unsuitable, preparations for the execution of the plan as outlined in points 2 and 3 should be made. The exclusive settlement of all tubercular Poles, irrespective of whether they were curable or incurable, would remove the danger of infection for the German settlers. These Poles should be used for labor. Not only the tubercular Poles of the Warthegau, but also those in Danzig-West Prussia, those of the administrative district of Zichenau, and of the Province of Upper Silesia should be isolated in the same settlement. He stated:
“Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments. This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of the sick. With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be somewhat mitigated.” (NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202.)
Finally Blome advocated as the most practicable solution the creation of a reservation similar to the reservation for lepers. Within the reservation, the strict isolation of the strongly contagious could easily be achieved. In this way the danger of infection would be removed and the problem of the German consumptives in the province would be overcome. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) Blome admitted that the expression “special treatment” which he used in the letter meant the killing of the tubercular Poles. (Tr. p. 4791.)
Himmler approved Blome’s plan to create a reservation for tubercular Poles, incurable and curable alike, in a letter to Greiser dated 3 December 1942. It would be possible to exploit this action for propaganda purposes, whereas on the other hand, outright extermination of those inflicted with open tuberculosis would take too long, as the X-ray examinations of the Polish population would require at least six months. (NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204.)
That at least some of the tubercular Poles were exterminated, while the others were taken to death camps where they were left to die, is proved by the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt. (NO-441, Pros. Ex. 205.) Brandt tried to explain, not to say repudiate, this affidavit by testifying that he made the statements on the basis of documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations. He stressed the point, however, that he insisted the wording of one sentence be changed. This sentence originally read: “As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser, 8-10,000 Poles were exterminated”! He changed the expression “8-10,000” to “numerous.” (Tr. pp. 4890, 4953.) This proves in itself that Brandt did not make his statement in exclusive reliance on the contents of the documents shown to him in pretrial interrogations (Tr. p. 4891) but also on the basis of the knowledge he obtained as collaborator of Himmler. The documents do not show the execution of “numerous” Poles. Moreover, Brandt states in these documents that Dr. Blome visited Himmler from time to time and supported Greiser’s suggestions. There is no document in evidence or in the possession of the prosecution which would give the basis for this statement. It is, therefore, clear that Brandt’s statements are founded upon knowledge which he obtained from Himmler.
Without a doubt, Rudolf Brandt is as well advised on the crimes which are the subject of this trial as any man in Germany. There is no reason whatever for refusing to give full weight to the pretrial statements of Brandt. There has been no proof that these statements were obtained by fraud or duress. Brandt’s testimony before the Tribunal can be summed up in one sentence: “I remember nothing.” Aside from a description of Himmler’s personality, he contented himself with giving answers to leading questions by his attorney which were calculated to reveal him as a disembodied stenographic automaton—something in the nature of a proficient half-wit. Surely his pretrial affidavits are entitled to more weight than the blatant nonsense which was his testimony.
Blome denied that he ever planned or suggested that Poles suffering from open tuberculosis should be exterminated and that the remainder should be put in reservations and left there to die (Tr. pp. 4578, 4790-1) but he is contradicted by the proof of his own making.
c. Selection from the Argumentation of the Defense
EXTRACT FROM THE FINAL PLEA FOR THE DEFENDANT
BLOME[[90]]
Probably the most serious accusation against Dr. Blome seemed to be the allegation that he had proposed the murder of 25,000-30,000 tubercular Poles and had taken part in carrying out this plan. The evidence clearly shows, however, that this accusation is quite unfounded. I maintain on the contrary (a) it is not true that Dr. Blome approved or supported this murderous plan, and (b) it is also untrue that this plan was ever carried out. It is true, however, that it was Dr. Blome himself who prevented this devilish plan. It was Dr. Blome who, by his clever intervention saved the lives of the 25,000-30,000 tubercular Poles who were to be “liquidated.”
The documents show that this plan originated with Gauleiter Greiser and Reich Leader SS Himmler. Blome was then assigned to this matter because it was known that he had for many years made the fight against tuberculosis the aim of his life, and because he built his cancer institute in the same Gau which Gauleiter Greiser governed. Blome stated his attitude to this plan clearly at the time in the well-known letter of 18 November 1942. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) He discussed the three possibilities which existed and explained the pro’s and con’s of each of these three possibilities in detail. These three possibilities were either “Liquidation,” i. e., the murder of those Poles suffering from incurable tuberculosis, their internment in isolated institutions, or lastly, their settlement in a reservation. In his letter of 18 November 1942 (Appendix 25) he definitely rejected the first possibility and advocated the latter.
In this, Blome was completely successful. Greiser was so much impressed by Blome’s arguments that he no longer dared to carry out the liquidation of the Poles which had been decided upon. In fact, he submitted Dr. Blome’s memorandum to the Reich Leader SS Himmler, so that he should obtain a decision from Hitler himself. (NO-249, Pros. Ex. 202.) This was already a remarkable success for Blome, because Himmler had already ordered the liquidation of the Poles. Blome’s arguments made such an impression even on the bloodhound Himmler that, contrary to Greiser’s expectations, he cautiously put the matter before Hitler again and obtained his definite ruling. It should be remembered that this in itself would no longer have been necessary, because not only had Conti agreed to the murder, but from Greiser’s covering note of 21 November 1942 it is obvious that Hitler had also given his approval to the extermination of the Poles before.
Thereupon, after a subsequent examination of the matter, Hitler withdrew the extermination order and thus Himmler had no alternative but to do the same. This is clearly proved by Himmler’s letter of 3 December 1942. (NO-251, Pros. Ex. 204.)
The extermination of the Poles did not take place; this is due to Blome.
Although these facts are incontestably proved by the documents presented, the prosecution nevertheless upheld the charge against Blome. This evidently was due to the peculiar wording of Blome’s letter to Greiser of 18 November 1942. The prosecution in their speech of 19 December 1946 described this letter a “devilish masterpiece of murderous intent.” In considering this case, the prevailing conditions should be borne in mind. Dr. Blome knew that the tuberculous Poles were lost, that their murder had been decided upon, unless it was possible on some grounds to change Hitler’s mind at the last moment. The statement of the witness Dr. Gundermann (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8) proved that Blome at that time, as is confirmed by Blome’s own testimony (Tr. pp. 4574-78), strove for days for a successful wording of his letter; he repeatedly drafted the letter, then rejected the wording again, and finally introduced arguments in the letter which he hoped would be successful. From the very beginning he was aware, of course, that his intervention was bound to fail and have no success if he described Hitler’s planned extermination of the Poles as a crime and downright murder and solemnly protested against it. In this way Blome would have achieved nothing for the Poles, but would have had to expect to be brought before a court himself and sentenced for sabotaging an order of the Fuehrer, or to have disappeared in a concentration camp without any legal sentence. With such simple method as entering a solemn protest by calling on the laws of humanity or of justice nothing would have been achieved with Hitler, especially when he had already made up his mind and had decided on a certain matter and had already given the necessary orders for execution; in such cases Hitler was usually inaccessible and would not listen to any counterproposals. Dr. Blome knew this, of course, just as well as, for instance, the Gauleiter of the Lower Danube, who in connection with a similar problem (sterilization), in his letter of 24 August 1942 (NO-039, Pros. Ex. 153) pointed out the importance of “enemy propaganda,” as he considered this most likely to be successful. Dr. Blome therefore looked for reasons which would perhaps have a decisive influence on Hitler and these were either the Church or other nations. It is understandable that Hitler, in view of the tense situation at that time, in the middle of the Second World War, did not want to break completely with the Church, and he also had to consider the opinion of foreign countries so as not to antagonize neutral states. Dr. Blome speculated on these two points. In his letter of 18 November 1942 he emphasized in a skillful manner, and with full determination, these two points of view, and with those two references he achieved full success. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.)
It may now be realized why Blome, in the early part of his letter, tried to give Hitler the impression that he (Blome) fully agreed with the plan as such for the extermination of the Poles, and why he even pretended that everything was already prepared for the execution of this plan. Hitler had, so to speak, only to press the button and 25,000-30,000 Poles would be done away with. This was merely a trick which Blome used in order to ensure a favorable consideration of his second and third proposals (internment or reservation).
If Dr. Blome had written that he declined to approve such an order of the Fuehrer, that, in consequence, no preparations for its execution had been made, and that he would rather resign than become a party to a mass murder, then Hitler would have had his customary outburst, and Blome would have been finished as far as he was concerned; he would, of course, have entirely disregarded the protest of such a “saboteur,” and in the interests of so-called “reasons of State,” the Fuehrer’s orders would have been strictly carried out. To prevent this, Dr. Blome had to pretend for the time being, that he was ready to acknowledge the Fuehrer’s orders as a matter of course and, where possible, to participate personally in their execution, if Hitler, as Head of the State, so desired. However, when weighing the pro’s and con’s, Dr. Blome was able to bring to the foreground points of view against the plan of extermination which conceivably might greatly impress Hitler.
Blome’s letter of 18 November 1942 can only be explained thus, and was intended in this way. (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8.) So Dr. Blome, on the strength of this letter, cannot be convicted. For it is certain that Hitler thereupon dropped his plan and completely rescinded his orders for the murder.
This success, which could hardly have been anticipated because of Hitler’s obstinacy and vainglory, completely justifies the defendant Blome. It proves that Blome’s conception was the right one and that his manipulations saved the lives of the Poles.
Another matter helped Blome considerably, which must not be overlooked here. Shortly before, Hitler had cancelled the continuation of the Euthanasia Program. Apparently he did this under the influence of numerous protests which had been made by the two Christian Churches. The reaction abroad also played a considerable part in this because mass destruction of the insane had been taken up repeatedly by the foreign press with particular reproaches against the Nazi regime. Dr. Blome made use of these points of view which had proved effective in the case of the Euthanasia Program, and they also produced telling effects in the case of the tubercular Poles.
Why did the prosecuting authorities maintain the accusation against. Dr. Blome in spite of all this? Apparently this was solely on account of an affidavit by the codefendant Rudolf Brandt. In his affidavit of 24 October 1946 Rudolf Brandt completely suppresses the letters which cause the complete rescinding of the plan for murder. (NO-441, Pros. Ex. 205.) He is silent about these letters, although it can be proved that they passed through his hands, were initialed, and handed down to lower offices by him.
During his examination by the defense, Rudolf Brandt was charged with untruthfulness. He was unable to offer an explanation, failed to answer, and was forced to submit to the charge of untruthfulness, of deliberate untruthfulness. Altogether, Rudolf Brandt has made an amazing number of affidavits; he has, without scruples, supplied the prosecution with practically every affidavit desired for the incrimination of codefendants, and with equal readiness, he has given affidavits for these same codefendants which directly contradicted his former assertions. What he confirms under oath today, he denies under oath tomorrow, and vice versa. However, it must be stated that the affidavit which Rudolf Brandt made against Dr. Blome, dated 24 October 1946, was the climax of his mendacity. After the experiences in this trial, and after having become acquainted, as we have, with a man like Rudolf Brandt, it would be ridiculous even to consider attaching any weight to the affidavit of a man such as we have got to know in Rudolf Brandt. His affidavit of 24 October 1946 has been entirely refuted by documents introduced by the prosecution. It is unnecessary, therefore, to examine to what extent Rudolf Brandt’s untruthfulness can be traced to his state of mental health.
During the session of 9 December 1946 the prosecuting authorities announced:
“The prosecution will introduce evidence to show that the program was in fact carried out at the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943, and that as a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser, many Poles were ruthlessly exterminated and that others were taken to isolated camps, utterly lacking in medical facilities, where thousands of them died.”
This evidence has not been produced so far by the prosecuting authorities, although the defense, during the session of 17 March 1947, referred in particular to this lack of evidence. The assertions of a Rudolf Brandt in this respect cannot be evaluated as “evidence,” even if it had not been completely retracted and even if it had not already been completely refuted by additional documents submitted by the prosecution. If the prosecuting authorities had succeeded in producing the witness Perwitschky, who had already been proposed in 1946, and who had been approved by the Tribunal, then his testimony would have produced additional clear proof that Blome actually prevented the proposed mass murder.
We know that later fate of these Poles who suffered from incurable open tuberculosis from the affidavit of Dr. Gundermann, the highest medical officer of the Warthegau (the territory in which the tubercular Poles were to be liquidated). (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8.) The fight against tuberculosis was a legal task of the Public Health Offices which were subordinated in the Warthegau to the witness Dr. Gundermann. As a result of difficulties caused by the war, it was not possible to accommodate during the war, either in restricted institutions or in a segregated area, those suffering from tuberculosis; these two possibilities, which had been examined in a letter dated 18 November 1942 from Blome to Greiser were therefore out of the question for the time being. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) Therefore, the tubercular Poles were provided for according to the same legal regulations which applied to tubercular Germans in Germany proper. Legal regulations notwithstanding, a separate Tuberculosis Welfare Office, with Polish physicians and nurses, was established in the various health offices of the Warthegau. (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8.) Therefore, the contention of the prosecution “that the accommodation of sick Poles in restricted institutions resulted in the comparatively rapid death of the sick” or, that the transportation of the sick into a reserved area meant that, “they were left to their fate, provided with few physicians and with few or no nursing personnel,” is devoid of application. (Tr. pp. 757-59.)
It should be observed, however, that these proposals by Blome (for internment or reserved areas) did not originate from him, but had already been discussed during the meeting of the German Tuberculosis Society in 1937, and went back to proposals which had already been worked out years before by English research workers in tuberculosis on instructions from the International Tuberculosis Commission, and which had been generally approved. (Blome 14, Blome Ex. 6.) Therefore, even if the existence of these proposals had been known, it cannot be said that they contradicted in any way the laws of humanity. According to widespread views held by the responsible circles, such measures are necessary if tuberculosis, from which millions die yearly, is to be fought effectively, and if the healthy portion of the population is to be protected effectively against the dangers of infection through incurable tubercular patients. In this case, the protection of the healthy population against infection appears more important than consideration for the unrestricted liberty of incurable patients.
d. Evidence
| Prosecution Documents | |||
| Doc. No. | Pros. Ex. No. | Description of Document | Page |
| NO-247 | 197 | Letter from Koppe to Rudolf Brandt, 3 May 1942, concerning the killing of tubercular Poles. | [769] |
| NO-244 | 201 | Letter from Himmler (signed by Rudolf Brandt) to Greiser, 27 June 1942, concerning the extermination of tubercular Poles. | [770] |
| NO-250 | 203 | Letter from Blome to Greiser, 18 November 1942, concerning the mass extermination of tubercular Poles. | [771] |
| NO-441 | 205 | Affidavit of defendant Rudolf Brandt, 24 October 1946, concerning the plan to exterminate tubercular Polish Nationals. | [775] |
| NO-246 | 196 | Letter from Greiser to Himmler, 1 May 1942, concerning the plan for mass extermination of tubercular Poles. | [776] |
| Defense Documents | |||
| Doc. No. | Def. Ex. No. | Description of Document | Page |
| Blome 14 | Blome Ex. 6 | Extracts from a report on the German Tuberculosis Conference of 18 to 20 March 1937, at Wiesbaden. | [777] |
| Blome 1 | Blome Ex. 8 | Extracts from the affidavit of Dr. Oskar Gundermann, 28 December 1946, stating that Blome opposed the plan to exterminate tubercular Poles and that the plan was never carried out. | [778] |
| Testimony | |||
| Extract from the testimony of defendant Blome. | [780] | ||
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-247
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 197
LETTER FROM KOPPE TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 3 MAY 1942, CONCERNINGTHE KILLING OF TUBERCULAR POLES
The Higher SS and Police Leader on the Staff of the Reich Governor in Poznan,
In Military District XXI [Wehrkreis XXI], Journal No. 132/42 g
Poznan, 3 May 1942
Fritz-Reuter Street, 2a
Tel: 6501-05
Secret
To the Reich Leader SS, Personal Staff,
Attention: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Brandt,
Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Street 8.
Subject: Poles afflicted with TB.
Dear Comrade Brandt,
May I ask that you submit the following matter to the Reich Leader SS:
The Gauleiter will shortly ask the Reich Leader SS for permission to have Poles who have been shown to be afflicted with open TB admitted to the detachment Lange for special treatment. This request is motivated by the Gauleiter’s serious and understandable concern for the physical welfare of the German people here. For there are about 20-25,000 Poles in the Gau who, according to the doctors’ opinion, are afflicted with incurable TB and who will not be fit for assignment to work again. In view of the fact that these Poles live very closely crowded together, particularly in the cities, and that, on the other hand, they come in constant contact with the German population, they constitute a tremendous source of infection which must be checked as quickly as possible. If this is not done, the infection of large numbers of Germans and most serious damage to the health of the German population must be expected. Today already the number of cases of Germans, among them also members of the police force, becoming infected by Poles with TB is increasing.
Under these circumstances, I consider the solution desired by the Gauleiter as the only possible one and ask that you inform the Reich Leader SS accordingly.
With comradely greetings,
Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signature] W. Koppe
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-244
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 201
LETTER FROM HIMMLER (SIGNED BY RUDOLF BRANDT) TO GREISER, 27 JUNE 1942, CONCERNING THE EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES
Top Secret
Reich Leader SS
Journal No. 1247/42
Reference: Yours of 1 May 1942, P 802/42. Bra/V.
[Handwritten] XI 2/97
Fuehrer Headquarters, 27 June 1942
Secret
Reichsstatthalter SS Obergruppenfuehrer Greiser, Poznan
1. Dear Comrade Greiser!
I am sorry that I was not able until today to give a definite answer to your letter of 1 May 1942.
I have no objection to having protectorate people and stateless persons of Polish origin, who live within the territory of the Warthegau and are infected with tuberculosis, handed over for special treatment as you suggest; as long as their disease is incurable according to the diagnosis of an official physician. I would like to request, however, to discuss the individual measures in detail with the security police first, in order to assure inconspicuous accomplishment of the task.
Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signed] H. Himmler
2. SS Obergruppenfuehrer Koppe
3. Reich Security Main Office
Copies for information.
By order:
[Signature] Br.
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer.
[Initialed] M 25/6.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-250
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 203
LETTER FROM BLOME TO GREISER, 18 NOVEMBER 1942, CONCERNING THE MASS EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES
Dr. med. Kurt Blome
Deputy Head
NSDAP Main Office for Public Health
18 November 1942
Berlin, SW 68, Lindenstrasse 42
To the Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter, Party Member Greiser, Poznan
Reference: Tuberculosis action in the Warthegau.
Dear Party Member Greiser,
Today I return to our various conversations concerning the fight against tuberculosis in your Gau, and I will give you—as agreed on the 9th of this month in Munich—a detailed picture of the situation as it appears to me.
Conditions for quickly getting hold of all consumptives in your Gau exist. The total population of your Gau amounts to about 4.5 million people, of which about 835,000 are Germans. According to previous observations, the number of consumptives in the Warthegau is far greater than the average number in the old Reich. It was calculated that in 1939 there were among the Poles about 35,000 persons suffering from open tuberculosis, and besides this number about 120,000 other consumptives in need of treatment. In this connection it must be mentioned that, in spite of the evacuation of part of the Poles further to the east, the number of sick persons is at least as great as in 1939. As, in consequence of the war, living and food conditions have deteriorated steadily, one must expect an even higher number.
With the settlement of Germans in all parts of the Gau an enormous danger has arisen for them. A number of cases of infection of children and adults occur daily.
What goes for the Warthegau must to a certain degree also hold true for the other annexed territories, such as Danzig-West Prussia, the administrative districts of Zichenau and Katowice. There are cases of Germans settled in the Warthegau who refuse to have their families follow because of the danger of infection. If such behavior is imitated, and if our compatriots see that necessary measures for combating tuberculosis among the Poles are not carried out, it is to be expected that the necessary further immigration will come to a halt. In such a way the settlement program for the East might reach an undesired state.
Therefore, something basic must be done soon. One must decide the most efficient way in which this can be done. There are three ways to be taken into consideration:
1. Special treatment of the seriously ill persons.
2. Most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons.
3. Creation of a reservation for all TB patients.
For the planning, attention must be paid to different points of view of a practical, political, and psychological nature. Considering it most soberly, the simplest way would be the following: Aided by the X-ray battalion we could reach the entire population, German and Polish, of the Gau during the first half of 1943. As to the Germans, the treatment and isolation are to be prepared and carried out according to the regulations of tuberculosis relief. The approximately 35,000 Poles who are incurable and infectious will be “specially treated.” All other Polish consumptives will be subjected to an appropriate cure in order to save them for work and to avoid their causing contagion.
According to your request I made arrangements with the offices in question, in order to start and carry out this radical procedure within half a year. You told me that the competent office agreed with you as to this “special treatment” and promised support. Before we definitely start the program, I think it would be correct if you would make sure once more that the Fuehrer will really agree to such a solution.
I could imagine that the Fuehrer, having some time ago stopped the program in the insane asylums, might at this moment consider a “special treatment” of the incurably sick as unsuitable, and irresponsible from a political point of view. As regards the Euthanasia Program it was a question of people of German nationality afflicted with hereditary diseases. Now it is a question of infected sick people of a subjugated nation.
There can be no doubt that the intended program is the most simple and most radical solution. If absolute secrecy could be guaranteed, all scruples—regardless of what nature—could be overcome. But I consider maintaining secrecy impossible. Experience has taught that this assumption is true. Should these sick persons, having been brought, as planned, to the old Reich supposedly to be treated or healed, actually never return, the relatives of these sick persons in spite of the greatest secrecy would some day notice “that something was not quite right”. One must take into consideration that there are many Polish workers in the old Reich who will inquire as to the whereabouts of their relatives; that there are a certain number of Germans related to or allied by marriage with Poles who could in this way learn of the transports of the sick. Very soon more definite news of this program would leak out which would be taken up by enemy propaganda. The Euthanasia Program taught in which manner this was done and which methods were used. This new program could be used better politically, as it concerns persons of a subjugated nation. The Church will not remain silent either. Nor will people stop at discussing this program. Certain interested circles will spread the rumor among the people that similar methods are also to be used in the future for German consumptives—even, that one can count on more or less all incurably ill being done away with in the future. In connection with this I recall the recurring recent foreign broadcast in connection with the appointment of Professor Brandt as commissioner general spreading the news that he was ordered to attend as little as possible to the healing of the seriously sick, but all the more to healing the less sick. And there are more than enough people who listen to illegal broadcasts.
Furthermore, it is to be taken into consideration that the planned proceeding will provide excellent propaganda material for our enemies, not only as regards the Italian physicians and scientists, but also as regards all the Italian people in consequence of their strong Catholic ties. It is also beyond all doubt that the enemy will mobilize all the physicians of the world. And this will be all the more easy as the general age-old conception of medical duty practice is “to keep alive the poor and guiltless patient as long as possible and to allay his suffering.”
Therefore, I think it necessary to explain all these points of view to the Fuehrer before undertaking the program, as, in my opinion, he is the only one able to view the entire complex and to come to a decision.
Should the Fuehrer decline the radical solution, preparations for another way must be made. An exclusive settlement of all Polish consumptives, both incurable and curable, would be one possibility of assuring an isolation of the infected. One could settle with them their immediate relatives, if they so desire, so that nursing and livelihood would be assured. As regards labor commitment, besides agriculture and forestry certain branches of industry could be developed in such territories. I cannot judge whether you can conceive such a possibility within your Gau. I also could imagine the creation of a common area for the settlement of the consumptives not only of your Gau, but also of the districts of Danzig-West Prussia, of the administrative district of Zichenau and of the province of Upper Silesia. In order to avoid unnecessary overtaxing of public means of transport, the transfer could be accomplished by walking. This would be a solution that world propaganda could hardly use against us, and one, on the other hand, that would not arouse any of those stupid rumors in our own country.
Another solution to be taken into consideration would be a strict isolation of all the infectious and incurable consumptives, without exception, in nursing establishments. This solution would lead to the comparatively rapid death of the sick. With the necessary addition of Polish doctors and nursing personnel, the character of a pure death camp would be somewhat mitigated.
The following Polish accommodation possibilities are at present available in your Gau:
| Nursing Home Walrode | 400 beds |
| Nursing Home “Grote Wiese” | 300 beds |
| Smaller establishments | 200 beds |
| Liebstadt barracks, district of Leslau as of 1 Jan 1943 | 1,000 beds |
| ————— | |
| Total | 1,900 beds |
Should the radical solution, i. e., proposal No. 1, be out of question, the necessary conditions for proposals 2 or 3 must be created.
We must keep in mind the conditions of the war deprive us of the possibility of arranging for a fairly adequate treatment of the curable consumptives. To do so would require procuring at least 10,000 more beds. This figure, under the condition that the program is to be carried out within half a year, could not be met.
After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstances, the creation of a reservation, such as the reservations for lepers, seems to be the most practicable solution. Such a reservation should be able to be created in the shortest time by means of the necessary settlement. Within the reservation one could easily set up conditions for the strict isolation of the strongly contagious.
Even the case of the German consumptives represents an extremely difficult problem for the Gau. But this cannot be overcome, unless the problem of the Polish consumptives is solved at the same time.
Heil Hitler!
Yours,
[Signed] Dr. Blome
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-441
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 205
AFFIDAVIT OF DEFENDANT RUDOLF BRANDT, 24 OCTOBER 1946, CONCERNING THE PLAN TO EXTERMINATE TUBERCULAR POLISH NATIONALS
I, Rudolf Emil Hermann Brandt, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I am the same Rudolf Brandt who on 30 August 1946 swore an affidavit concerning certain low-pressure experiments which were also conducted with test subjects of the Dachau concentration camp without their consent.
2. I am entitled by the same reasons as already stated in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of my affidavit of 30 August 1946 to state as follows:
3. In the middle of 1942 the Reich Governor of the Warthegau, Herbert [Arthur(?)] Greiser, suggested to Himmler to annihilate Poles infected with incurable tuberculosis. In submitting this suggestion, Greiser gave as a reason that the Germans in Poland would be exposed to this epidemic. Dr. Kurt Blome, Deputy Chief of the Main Office for Public Health of the NSDAP, and radiologist Dr. Hohlfelder conferred with Greiser about this matter. Dr. Blome was from time to time with Himmler and supported Greiser’s suggestion.
4. The Higher SS and Police Leader, and Chief of the Warthegau, Koppe, further, Mueller of Office IV of the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA), and the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, Heydrich, were involved in this operation. At the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943 Greiser carried out the annihilation of the Jews in the Warthegau, and the rounding up of the tubercular Poles was finished at the same time as the rounding up of the Jews. As a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser numerous Poles were exterminated. Many thousands of tubercular Poles were taken to isolation camps where they had to take care of themselves.
I have read the above affidavit in the German language, consisting of one page, and it is true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. I was given the opportunity to make changes and corrections in the above affidavit. This affidavit was given by me freely and voluntarily without promise of reward, and I was subjected to no threat or duress of any kind.
Nuernberg, 24 October 1946
[Signature] R. Brandt
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-246
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 196
LETTER FROM GREISER TO HIMMLER, 1 MAY 1942, CONCERNING THE PLAN FOR MASS EXTERMINATION OF TUBERCULAR POLES
Reich Governor of the Reichsgau Wartheland.
Poznan, Schlossfreiheit 13, 1 May 1942
Telephone No. 1823 24
[Handwritten note]
P 802/42
Top Secret
Personal.
To the Reich Leader SS Heinrich Himmler,
Fuehrer Headquarters.
Reich Leader,
The special treatment [Sonderbehandlung] of about 100,000 Jews in the territory of my district [Gau], approved by you in agreement with the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office, SS Obergruppenfuehrer Heydrich, can be completed within the next 2-3 months. I ask you for permission to rescue the district immediately after the measures taken against the Jews, from a menace which is increasing week by week, and use the existing and efficient special commandos for that purpose.
There are about 230,000 people of Polish nationality in my district, who were diagnosed to suffer from tuberculosis. The number of persons infected with open tuberculosis is estimated at about 35,000. This fact has led in an increasingly frightening measure to the infection of Germans who came to the Warthegau perfectly healthy. In particular, reports are received with ever-increasing effect of German children in danger of infection. A considerable number of well-known leading men, especially of the police, have been infected lately and are not available for the war effort because of the necessary medical treatment. The ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the deputy of the Reich Leader for Public Health [Reichsgesundheitsfuehrer], Comrade Professor Dr. Blome, as well as by the leader of your X-ray battalion, SS Standartenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hohlfelder.
Though in Germany proper it is not possible to take appropriate draconic steps against this public plague, I think I could take responsibility for my suggestion to have cases of open tuberculosis exterminated among the Polish race here in the Warthegau. Of course only a Pole should be handed over to such an action who is not only suffering from open tuberculosis, but whose incurability is proved and certified by a public health officer.
Considering the urgency of this project I ask for your approval in principle as soon as possible. This would enable us to make the preparations with all necessary precautions now to get the action against the Poles suffering from open tuberculosis under way, while the action against the Jews is in its closing stages.
Heil Hitler!
[Signature] Greiser
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT BLOME 14
BLOME DEFENSE EXHIBIT 6
EXTRACTS FROM A REPORT ON THE GERMAN TUBERCULOSIS CONFERENCE OF 18 TO 20 MARCH 1937, AT WIESBADEN
(Published in Berlin, Publishers: Julius Springer, 1937)
Extract from the report by Dr. Erwin Dorn, chief physician of the Charlottenhoehe Sanatorium, chief physician of the Tuberculosis Welfare Center of the Oberamt Neuenbuerg, Calmbach (Wuerttemberg) concerning Task and Aims of the Method of Treatment and its Application in Consideration of the Awaited Special Laws for the Tubercular Patients
[Page 770]
In former years, particularly at the beginning of this century, every attempt at a labor treatment of tubercular patients was condemned as useless, as only a limited treatment was known. On the other hand, in countries such as Holland, England, and Switzerland, where treatment lasting many months is possible, labor treatment was firmly established. We all know that several months are frequently needed in order to effect a change by the conservative or radical treatment. Our surgical patients (plastics, plugging, bilateral pneumothorax, premicectory) also require a long time until the severe stage of tuberculosis has been alleviated, and until they themselves again reach full working capacity. In a similar manner to those treated conservatively, these patients frequently remain contagious for the rest of their lives. In the sanatorium they are superfluous, in every day life, useless. But they should not be regarded as wholly incapacitated for years.
The aim of the labor treatment for active tubercular people is to fill this gap between the remedial treatment and full working capacity. It should be carried out in a work-sanatorium or a settlement.
Various conditions are necessary to enable tubercular persons with only a limited working capacity to derive satisfaction from their work. The right type of work must be provided for them; the work periods must be graduated according to the amount of work they can handle, and it must be suited to their capabilities and to what they did in their former life.
The place of work and the tools should be satisfactory. At a work-sanatorium, in favorable climatic surroundings, these requirements are best met if the patients are assigned to factory work. * * *
[Page 772]
In my last year’s report on the forced treatment of tuberculosis patients, I showed that a patient suffering from open tuberculosis should remain in a work-sanatorium or settlement until the disease no longer presents a peril to himself and to his fellow men.
PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT BLOME 1
BLOME DEFENSE EXHIBIT 8
EXTRACTS FROM THE AFFIDAVIT OF DR. OSKAR GUNDERMANN, 28 DECEMBER 1946, STATING THAT BLOME OPPOSED THE PLAN TO EXTERMINATE TUBERCULAR POLES AND THAT THE PLAN WAS NEVER CARRIED OUT
From the summer of 1940 on I was chief medical officer in the department of the Reich Governor in Poznan.
The frequency of tuberculosis in the region of the Wartheland, at one time incorporated into the Reich, was, according to statistics recorded before 1939—at the time of the Polish Health Administration—considerably higher than in the German Reich. When the administration was taken over, no modern welfare service for tuberculosis for the whole region existed. Among other things, there were insufficient beds to effect a successful treatment and the isolation of tuberculosis patients. The estimates made from the statistical material of infectious tuberculosis cases amounted to a round figure of 20,000 to 25,000 people of the Polish population. To check this tuberculosis epidemic, the authorities immediately began building 40 health offices with modern welfare centers, as well as sanatoria and isolation homes with approximately 2,500 beds for Germans and Poles (the latter under Polish medical direction with Polish doctors and Polish nursing staff), and these were speedily finished. These measures by the office of the Reich Governor were supported by the superior Reich authority (Health Section of the Reich Ministry of the Interior).
Since the above institutions were able to check the spreading of the tuberculosis epidemic to a certain degree, but particularly owing to the increasing difficulties arising from the war, they were not able to get the urgently needed sanitary measures running effectively, all the medical officers of the Wartheland untiringly continued to warn their superiors and heads of departments urgently of the danger.
The whole affair took an unexpected turn in the autumn of 1942, because the Gauleiter and Reich Governor Greiser supposedly said that in case of necessity he would stop at nothing to check the tuberculosis epidemic effectively in the Wartheland in the interest of the entire population.
I thought it my duty to talk personally to the head of the Department of Health in the Reich Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Health Leader, Dr. Conti, in Berlin, about this matter and the entire tuberculosis problem.
As I was unable to get a clear answer from Dr. Conti and could not be satisfied with such information as I received, I immediately called on the Deputy Reich Health Leader, Dr. Blome. I knew that he dealt with special questions concerning tuberculosis in the Reich Health Leader’s office. From the beginning Blome showed a clearly negative attitude toward any possible solution contrary to humanity or medical ethics. He showed me the draft of a letter addressed to Greiser; I asked him to make a few additions and alterations.
We discussed the formulation of the letter in detail from the point of view of convincing Greiser that an intensive continuation of the health and welfare measures so far taken, and a further extension of the health program set up for the fight against tuberculosis could effectively avert the acute dangers. The suggestion for a large tuberculosis settlement was particularly discussed. This plan was based on smaller examples, and its final aim was the establishment of a widely spread, but nevertheless closed settlement for tuberculosis patients and their families. In this settlement, all modern examination, treatment, isolation, and welfare facilities should be provided for the patients and members of their families who might be in danger.
Dr. Blome and I having agreed on the tactics to be taken toward Greiser and on the contents of the said letter, Dr. Blome began, in my presence, to dictate the draft of a new letter.
I concluded that the letter from Dr. Blome to Gauleiter Greiser was successful, mainly from the development in the fight against tuberculosis in the Wartheland. The regulation about tuberculosis relief having become effective for the whole Reich territory on 1 April 1943, a similar regulation for protection against tuberculosis could be decreed in the Wartheland in favor of the Polish population. A central office for the fight against tuberculosis was established under the management of a specialist. This office gave the same treatment to German and to Polish cases.
During my period in office as chief medical officer in Poznan, until January 1945, no tuberculosis patients were “liquidated” in the Wartheland as far as I know. I never received an order for such a measure, much less brought one about either directly or indirectly. On the contrary, the office always tried to give all tuberculosis patients proper treatment.
EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT BLOME[[91]]
DIRECT EXAMINATION
Dr. Sauter: Now, Witness, I come to a different problem. It is the suggestion made at that time that Poles suffering from incurable contagious tuberculosis should be liquidated. You were interrogated in January 1946 at Oberursel concerning your participation in the plan for the extermination of tubercular Poles, and also on 9 and 22 October 1946 here in the prison. Were the statements you made at that time true?
Defendant Blome: Yes. But I must add that concerning this matter of the tubercular Poles, as far as I recall, I said it was in 1943, while in reality, as the files now show, it took place in 1942. I must also say that my letter to Greiser in November 1942 has been shown to me here. I was asked whether this was my letter, whether I had written this letter. I said “No.” I said that because it was not a photostatic copy of the original, but a photostatic copy of a copy. I objected to several things in the letter and did not acknowledge it at that time. They were external matters which occasioned me to make that statement. Later, however, in December, when you took over my case, you gave me this photostatic copy, and I had an opportunity to study it carefully and reconstruct the conditions which existed at the time and, therefore, I now acknowledge this letter as authentic.
Q. It is true, Dr. Blome, that the prosecution learned for the first time of this plan to exterminate the Poles through you? Dr. Blome, what can you say about that?
A. Yes. The prosecution learned from me for the first time of this plan. In 1942 I told my interrogator Captain Urbach at Oberursel about it, after he had described the details of the atrocities which I had not known up to that time.
Q. You just said 1942.
A. I meant 1945. I meant December 1945. I beg your pardon. I do not believe that the prosecution had any knowledge of this, at least not at Oberursel.
Q. Dr. Blome, this whole matter begins with a letter from the Reich Governor Greiser dated 1 May 1942. (NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196.) Tell us briefly who Greiser was.
A. This was Arthur Greiser, Gauleiter of the Warthegau, the Reich Governor of the Wartheland, and the Reich Defense Commissioner of the Wartheland.
Q. This Gauleiter Greiser, who was a Gauleiter in a district which now belongs to Poland, sent a letter on May 1st to the Reich Leader SS suggesting that Poles suffering from tuberculosis in the Wartheland should be liquidated if the existence of open tuberculosis and the incurability of the patients were established by official doctors. In this connection Greiser writes and (this is what I want to ask you about) I quote, “The increasing dangers were also recognized and appreciated by Deputy Reich Leader of Public Health, Dr. Blome, as well as by the Leader of your X-ray unit, SS Standartenfuehrer, Dr. Hohlfelder.” That is the quotation. What can you tell us today about these apparently early discussions between you and Gauleiter Greiser?
A. I talked to Gauleiter Greiser about three times, concerning the combating of tuberculosis in Wartheland, certainly once in the presence of Professor Hohlfelder. These discussions go back to the year 1941. I can recall Greiser once saying that the simplest thing would be to treat the incurable tubercular Poles exactly like the insane by means of euthanasia. I pointed out that the comparison was not valid. The Poles, I also said, were not German citizens. The plan which Greiser was considering was a radical solution but I could not agree to it. When sometime later I learned of the so-called Fuehrer order, according to which the euthanasia action was stopped and prohibited, I considered this matter and Greiser’s statement as settled. Then the year 1942 was filled with purely organizational preparation for the tuberculosis action. For example, all the population had to be registered in card index files, Germans as well as Poles; preparations had to be made for a series of X-ray examinations. Then these examinations had to be evaluated, and so on. The latter was a matter for the state health offices, that is the National Socialist welfare organization, and the X-ray unit which was to carry out the technical side of these examinations. From time to time I had a report from Professor Hohlfelder about the preparations. Only when all prerequisites were fulfilled, did I give my approval for such large scale action. The execution of this action was dependent upon my personal approval. I only took action in this tuberculosis question in the Warthegau when I received alarming reports about an alleged liquidation order from Himmler. I learned of it because at the beginning of November Sturmbannfuehrer Perwitschky came to my office in Berlin and reported to me that Greiser had an order from Himmler to the effect that incurably sick cases of tuberculosis found during the planned examinations in the Wartheland were to be liquidated. Perwitschky belonged to the X-ray unit and was business manager for the society combating tuberculosis. Then I immediately reached an agreement with Perwitschky that I would meet Professor Hohlfelder at Poznan to discuss the matter and to prevent Himmler’s and Greiser’s plans from being carried out. I went to Poznan and discussed the matter with Hohlfelder. We were both greatly astonished at this order from Himmler. We agreed that this order must not be carried out, and that we as German doctors could not lend our aid to such an action. We discussed the manner in which this Himmler-Greiser plan could be prevented. We decided that I should go to Greiser first of all. I telephoned Greiser from this conference and said that it was very important that I should speak to him. Then I talked to him on the same day, or on the next day. When I asked Greiser whether Himmler’s orders for liquidating were correct, he said “Yes.” He said he had the order in his hands. I said that I was willing to prevent this plan in any case and explained why. I said that in the first place as a doctor I could not participate in this and, in the second place, I pointed out the political danger connected with such a crime.
Then Greiser agreed that I should write a letter for him which he would pass on to Himmler for a decision. As for Greiser’s letter to Himmler of May 1942 (NO-246, Pros. Ex. 196) which you just mentioned, Dr. Sauter, I learned of it for the first time from files here, and Himmler’s opinion concerning my letter of November 1942 I learned of here for the first time too. Up to that time I did not know about Himmler’s letter to Greiser. In the letter of May 1942, from Greiser to Himmler, Greiser writes, I quote, “that Hohlfelder and Blome recognized the ever-increasing risks and appreciated them.” But he does not say that Hohlfelder and I approved liquidation. The letter does not say that. My basic opinion on the problem is the following: Let us suppose that we in Germany had a valid law for the liquidation of incurably sick persons. Assuming that such a law did exist, it would, of course, be out of the question to apply it to non-Germans. Application in this case would be a crime, especially during war. Germany had occupied foreign territory and, as an occupying power, had to observe international law in the treatment given to the occupied territories. As for the problem of tuberculosis, I had dealt with it for some time, especially since 1935 when I had incorporated the tuberculosis question into the post-graduate medical training. In 1937 Professor Janker, Bonn, a well-known X-ray specialist, called upon me for aid in developing a new procedure which, with a minimum of cost, would make it possible to examine large groups of the population. This was the so-called X-ray screen photography which was developed. I shall give you a brief explanation of this. Previously for an X-ray picture of the lungs, a film had been needed of 24 by 30 centimeters. This new procedure required a film of about only 4 by 4 centimeters. That is, the so-called Leica size. The pictures were taken with a Leica. The X-ray screen was photographed. The successful development of this procedure meant that for an X-ray photograph, in place of the price of from twelve to thirteen marks, which the social insurance had paid, it now could be produced for about ten pfennigs: that is, less than one percent.
The further value of the development of this process was that one would no longer need several minutes for an X-ray photograph, but this procedure was developed to such an extent that we could take two hundred to three hundred pictures per minute. I developed this screen picture process together with Janker until we reached the results which I have just described. At the X-ray Congress in May 1938 in Munich I made this process public and I stated that with its aid one could begin a large-scale fight against tuberculosis. Only a few people believed my words at the time, and some smiled pityingly. After this congress, Professor Hohlfelder, who was later commander of the X-ray unit, came to me, and working with X-ray science, the optical industry, the film industry, X-ray industry, screen industry, etc., we developed the process during the course of that same year to such an extent that in a short time we were able to X-ray practically every inhabitant in the whole province of Mecklenburg. The procedure was then gradually developed until we could easily have X-rayed ten million or more in Germany per year. Then, during the war, at my instigation, in 1939 and 1940, we X-rayed the population of the whole province of Westphalia; then in 1941, the whole province of Wuerttemberg, including Hohenzollern. Now there was the plan to X-ray the people of Wartheland. Gauleiter Greiser had approached me, because approval had to be obtained from me, and I gave such approval only if all prerequisites were given, so that the cases which were discovered could be given some medical and clinical attention. It had been our experience in these examinations that one percent new tuberculosis cases were discovered which had hitherto been completely undetected. For the Warthegau alone, with a Polish population of four and one-half millions, that would have meant forty-five thousand new cases of tuberculosis, not counting the ten thousand from among the one million German population. I had withheld my approval for such actions because at that time, with the development of this invention, a plan of irresponsible X-raying was being carried out by various Gauleiters and by large industries. Everyone wanted to take up the battle against tuberculosis but that would have been a disaster unless there had been some check. When whole groups of population were X-rayed, there had to be the necessary preparation of medical supplies from the beginning, otherwise there would have been a catastrophe. Through this action and through these many new cases of tuberculosis which were discovered, I consciously put the state in a difficult situation. I forced the state to issue a new law for the fight against tuberculosis. This law which was issued was the Tuberculosis Aid Law. This law formed the basis for the lung examination of the population of the Wartheland which was actually carried out in 1943-1944. This law, it can be proved, was not only of benefit to the German population in the Warthegau, but also to the Polish population, as is clearly seen from the affidavit of Regierungsdirektor Dr. Gundermann. (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8.) Dr. Gundermann was the chief medical officer of the Wartheland; that is, he had the main responsibility for the fight against tuberculosis in this Gau.
Q. Dr. Blome, before we go into the letter of 18 November 1942, I should like to return to the spring of 1942. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) We just heard of a letter from Gauleiter Greiser dated May 1942, in which he suggests that Poles suffering from tuberculosis should be liquidated. He writes “that the ever-increasing risks were also recognized and appreciated by the Deputy of the Reich Leader for Public Health, Professor Dr. Blome.”
You said that Greiser does not mention that you approved the plan for the liquidation of the Poles. I would be interested to know what your attitude was at that time, in the spring of 1942, towards this plan. Did you approve of the plan to liquidate tubercular Poles? Did you reject it? What did you say about it?
A. In the spring of 1942 I expressed no opinion at all in respect to this plan. The discussions with Greiser, as I said, were in the year 1941, at the time when the euthanasia action was still in operation. In 1942 I did not talk to Greiser about such a plan at all. I did not know that Greiser intended to write this letter in May 1942 to Himmler, or that he did actually write it. I heard about it only here and after Greiser had made his statements in connection with the euthanasia action. But the euthanasia action had been stopped by Hitler’s order, and of course I assumed that such ideas on the part of Greiser were settled too. I did not approve of his ideas, as I said before.
Q. Then, if I understand you correctly, you did not deal with this matter in the fall of 1942 when this Perwitschky brought you alarming news?
A. Yes. That is right.
Q. Can you tell us why Gauleiter Greiser discussed this tuberculosis problem with you particularly?
A. The reason was, as I have already said, that the execution of such an action depended on my approval. If I had said the Warthegau was not to be X-rayed, then it would not have been X-rayed, no matter what the Gauleiter did.
Q. Dr. Blome, Gauleiter Greiser was not thinking apparently of X-raying but of liquidating. The letter of 1 May 1942, where he makes the suggestion, speaks only of liquidation. It says nothing about X-raying. I would like to find out how you became involved in this matter, and when you heard of Greiser’s plan for the first time, the plan to eliminate the tubercular Poles?
A. Of course Gauleiter Greiser was thinking of X-raying; that is essential for detecting incurable cases of tuberculosis.
Q. Then, Witness, on the 18th of November you wrote a letter. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) This is the letter which the prosecution has described as a “masterpiece of murderous intention.” Did you discuss this letter beforehand with the Reich Physician Leader, Dr. Conti?
A. No. After I had talked to Greiser I saw Conti for a short time in Berlin, or I went to see Conti to report to him about the plan and about my talk with Greiser. Dr. Conti said, “What do you want? That’s an order from the Reich Leader, that is, Himmler!” Then I told Conti what I had agreed upon with Greiser, and that I would write a letter to that effect to be sent on to Himmler. This he agreed to and also to my writing this letter. But I did not discuss the contents with Dr. Conti. I did not see any point in doing so. This statement of Conti’s showed that he knew about this plan of liquidation.
Q. Witness, this letter which you wrote to Gauleiter Greiser, in which you opposed liquidation of the Poles, did you write it by yourself or did you discuss the draft of this letter with anyone?
A. First of all I wrote the letter by myself. After I had returned to Berlin from Poznan I had to go to Munich. When I came back from Munich I wrote this letter. I made various rough drafts. It was not easy. I had discussed the general tactics with Hohlfelder according to which we would start right at the beginning of the letter by appearing to agree to the ideas, but then in the second part of the letter we would list all the political factors which might induce Himmler and the others to give up such an action. It was not easy to write such a letter. I worried about this letter a great deal until I thought I finally had a right draft.
In my preliminary interrogation an interrogator asked me something to this effect: “Why did you not simply give up your office and resign when you heard about this plan?” My answer is as follows: It would, of course, have been the simplest thing for me to take advantage of this opportunity to give up my position. Then I would have had nothing more to do with the whole matter; at least 40,000 Poles would have been murdered, and I would not be under indictment today on this charge. Please excuse me for saying this, but I must say it, when such a charge is made against me. I will try to speak as dispassionately as possible. Dr. Sauter had just said that the prosecution considers my letter a “masterpiece of murderous intention”. I now state the following: Apart from this questionable affidavit of Rudolf Brandt, the prosecution has not produced a single document to prove the murder of tubercular Poles by me. On the contrary, the prosecution has submitted Himmler’s reply dated the end of November 1942, according to which Himmler, in answer to my letter, prohibited the liquidation of the tubercular Poles, and this letter expressly says that my suggestion was to be carried out and that this matter was to be used as propaganda. In spite of that, the prosecution makes such charges as these against me. I am accused of being a murderer 10,000 times for a crime which I did not commit but which I prevented, as I can prove. I should like to say something else. The press, of course, has taken up this charge. I cannot hold that against the press. The consequence of this news, however, was that my family, my wife and my little children, are subjected to unpleasantness and even threats. Through this assertion of the prosecution, the name of Blome has been defamed in a way which it does not deserve, especially if it can be proved that I prevented the crime with which I am charged.
Mr. Hardy: If it please your Honor, I object to any further comment of this type from the witness.
Presiding Judge Beals: Objection overruled. Witness may continue.
Defendant Blome: I beg your pardon if I got rather excited. I should like to conclude my statement by saying that I hope that this case will be soon cleared up, and that then the press will be chivalrous enough to state that I not only did not commit this crime, but that I actually prevented it.
Dr. Sauter: Mr. President, I should like to discuss with the witness the letter of 18 November 1942 in which the defendant prevented the murder of the Poles. It will take some time. I believe this would be a good time to take a recess.
Dr. Sauter: Witness, during the morning session you explained to us among other things the new method of X-ray photography, the so-called screen photography; you stated that using this new method one could take 200 to 300 photographs per minute. Were you not wrong, didn’t you mean perhaps per hour and not per minute?
Defendant Blome: Yes, per hour.
Q. I just wanted to correct that so that it does not appear erroneously in the record. We shall continue, Witness, with the letter which we have repeatedly discussed, the letter of 18 November 1942, regarding the extermination of Poles. (NO-250, Pros. Ex. 203.) It is a letter in which you define your attitude towards the proposal made by Greiser, namely to liquidate the tubercular Poles. Do you know the contents of this letter?
A. Yes.
Q. In this letter you made certain proposals. May I ask you to tell us what suggestions you actually made in that letter? Do you need the letter for that purpose?
A. Thank you, I have it. The most suitable suggestion I considered to be my suggestion to create an area in which one could put the tubercular Poles, and I recalled the leper colonies well known throughout the world. I must emphasize that there is a considerable difference between tuberculosis and leprosy.
As I made the last draft of my letter, the leading medical officer of Warthegau was suddenly announced. It was Dr. Gundermann, the highest state medical officer of Warthegau. He reported that he had just come from Dr. Conti, and that he had heard rumors from Warthegau that tubercular Poles were to be liquidated. Dr. Conti had maintained a very evasive attitude toward him, so he had left Dr. Conti without having achieved any results and thereupon he had decided to come to me. I told him that he had come at the most suitable moment, and I explained to him the position as it had developed in the meantime. I told him of my conversation with Hohlfelder and with Greiser, and of the letter which had been decided upon. He was very pleased about it and was also pleased that I shared his attitude of rejection. I showed him my draft letter and he made a few suggestions. The number of geographical details in the letter actually originated from Gundermann. In particular, he emphasized the importance of a special settlement for tubercular Poles and recognized this as the most suitable solution. I had already heard of such suggestions, especially those arising from the tuberculosis meeting in 1937. During that meeting two well-known German tuberculosis experts, Dr. Dorn and Dr. Hein, had lectured on tuberculosis settlements. Very useful experience had been obtained from such tuberculosis settlements, not only in Germany but also in England. When making my suggestion to Himmler I explained in detail how such a suggestion could be realized. In my letter I explained the tactics that were to be used, taking into consideration the mentality of people like Greiser and Himmler, and made it appear as though I wanted to agree with their liquidation program. Afterwards I cited all the political misgivings I had, naming individual examples. Then I said that in one experiment the people who were seriously ill and those who were contagious would be segregated, and that Polish physicians and Polish nursing personnel would be attached to these seriously ill patients in order to avoid the appearance of a death camp. Every physician knows, and it is also known in lay circles, that if one isolates seriously ill people, such an isolation soon comes to be considered as an isolation for death. That is why I said that the necessary Polish physicians and nursing personnel must be attached to these camps. My best suggestion I considered to be the creation of a colony for all tubercular Poles.
In particular I wished to point out the following in my letter, I said, and I quote: “I could imagine that as the Fuehrer stopped the program in the insane asylums sometime ago, he might at this moment consider ’special treatment’ of the incurably sick as unsuitable, and unwise from a political point of view.” I mentioned that because Greiser’s suggestion in the year 1941 pointed to a comparison with the euthanasia action. In order, however, to be quite sure that these political misgivings also reached Hitler and that the decision did not rest mainly in Himmler’s hands, I sent a copy of my letter direct to Martin Bormann.[[92]] I furthermore want to point out the following matter. I said: “I consider any secrecy completely impossible.” In this connection, I should like to refer to a letter concerning a different action, namely the letter from the Deputy Gauleiter of the Lower Danube, dated 1942, which suggests experiments on the sterilization of national groups such as gypsies. In this letter, contrary to my letter, completely different tactics are used. The Deputy Gauleiter of the Lower Danube stated that one must keep such an action very secret, because otherwise it would have serious consequences from the point of view of the state.
Mr. Hardy: Is it the intention of the defendant to put the letter he is referring to in as evidence, or is he merely quoting from his own letter?
Presiding Judge Beals: Can counsel for the defendant Blome advise the Tribunal on that point?
Dr. Sauter: This is a letter which has already been used by the prosecution and thus came to the knowledge of the defendant. Therefore he can quote it. It is certainly not necessary to submit this letter once more.
Presiding Judge Beals: Would counsel please identify the letter, the exhibit number, and where it may be found?
Dr. Sauter: One moment, please. Mr. President, this letter was submitted by the prosecution concerning sterilization experiments. It was submitted as Document NO-039—I repeat NO-039—Prosecution Exhibit 153. It is a letter from the Deputy Gauleiter of the Lower Danube district addressed to Reich Leader SS Himmler dated 24 August 1942. This letter was already submitted by the prosecution.
Dr. Sauter: Doctor, will you please finish your answer?
Defendant Blome: In this letter the Deputy Gauleiter of the Lower Danube district writes to Himmler, and I quote:
“We are quite clear about the fact that such examination must be considered as an absolute state secret.”
That is exactly contrary to the tactics which I used. I say “I think that any secrecy is quite impossible,” and I give detailed reasons for this. I will merely give you a short excerpt from my letter. I point out how many Polish workers there are in the German Reich, and that there would be questions from their relatives about their whereabouts. Then I indicate the number of Germans who are related to these Poles. I also mention that, in the case of the Poles, we are concerned with members of a conquered nation. I further point out that certain circles would spread rumors among the population to the effect that similar methods would be used in the case of German tubercular patients in the future. I further show that in connection with the appointment of Professor Brandt as Commissioner General, foreign broadcasts spread reports that Brandt was no longer concerned with the rehabilitation of seriously wounded people, but only with those people who had been slightly wounded. I refer to the reaction which would result in the case of such a crime on the part of the Italian physicians and scientists as well as the entire Italian population. I furthermore refer to the Church, and I then say and quote: “Therefore, I think it is necessary to explain all these points of view to the Fuehrer before undertaking the program.”
With reference to my suggestion for a kind of reservation, I say in the last paragraph of my letter, and I quote: “After a proper examination of all these considerations and circumstances, the creation of a reservation such as the lepers colonies seems to be the most practical solution.”
Before that I had suggested that these tubercular settlements should be arranged in such a manner that relations who were willing could also be settled there. In this way in addition to the necessary nursing personnel and the necessary Polish physicians, the necessary medical care would be safeguarded.
Q. Witness, you previously referred to your suggestions, and you spoke about a congress on tuberculosis questions in which you participated.
Dr. Sauter: Mr. President, I have an excerpt from the record of this tuberculosis congress. It is a report on the Third International Congress. It is a report on the proceedings of the German Tuberculosis Conference dated 18 to 20 March 1937, which took place at Wiesbaden. Two speeches are reproduced here in excerpt form.
Presiding Judge Beals: Counsel, this document is found in supplemental documents?
Dr. Sauter: Yes, in the supplemental volume. In this report a paper by two well-known German tuberculosis experts is mentioned, a Dr. Erwin Dorn, who was the chief physician of a sanatorium for chest diseases at Charlottenhoehe, and a certain Dr. Joachim Hein, who was the director of a sanatorium for chest diseases in Holstein. I am not going to read these papers in detail, but I beg the Tribunal to take judicial notice of them. I submitted these reports of the conference in order to show that the same suggestions which this defendant, Dr. Blome, made in 1942 when writing to Gauleiter Greiser, are also contained here in the year 1937, and were made during the German Tuberculosis Conference. These proposals did not concern foreign tubercular persons, but German tubercular persons.
Presiding Judge Beals: Does counsel offer this document into evidence?
Dr. Sauter: It will become exhibit 6, Blome Exhibit 6. Witness, in this letter of 18 December 1942, about which we are speaking now, you really dealt with three proposals: (1) special treatment for the seriously ill persons; (2) most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons—that is to say, separation from the outside world; and (3) the creation of a reservation area for all tubercular patients in Poland. Now when reading your letter, one gains the impression—at least one might gain the impression—that you were speaking in favor of your first suggestion in the first part of your letter, namely, the “special treatment” of the seriously ill, which is to say their liquidation as was suggested and desired by Himmler and Greiser.
My question is: Why did you not simply state very frankly in your letter of 18 November 1942 that this liquidation of the incurably ill tubercular Poles, as suggested by Greiser and Himmler, was a crime; that it could under no circumstances be permitted, and that you, Dr. Blome, would have nothing to do with any such proposal? Why did you not write to Greiser on those lines at that time?
Defendant Blome: I think that I already defined my attitude towards that question very briefly this morning, and I state again, I would have preferred merely to have pointed out the criminal aspects of this proposal in my letter, but I knew the mentality of these men, and it was quite clear to me that the expression of any such point of view could only have had a negative result. In doing that I would not have saved myself, and much less 30,000 tubercular Poles—they would actually have then been liquidated. If I had not wanted to present my true point of view frankly, I would not have had to think for days about the letter; it would only have been a matter of five or ten minutes. I would just have had to dictate the letter and mail it. I had, however, realized, and it was also the opinion of Professor Hohlfelder, that I would have to make it appear as if I agreed to the plan if I wanted to have any success with my counterproposals. I was convinced that the mention of all the political aspects which might involve danger would be the only effective weapon. The success of my procedure quite clearly speaks for the correctness of my tactics. Yes, Himmler really wanted to carry out this proposal I had made and he wanted to exploit it as propaganda; that is clearly stated in Himmler’s letter to Greiser, dated the end of November 1942. The documentary value of my letter can be seen only in the following: It shows, firstly, that during that period of brutal thinking, men like Himmler had no time for any considerations of a humane nature; secondly, only by a clear and definite statement on my part could the crime of the murder of 10,000 Poles be prevented, and I was only concerned with that result.
Q. Witness, the suggestion which you made in your letter was that under No. 2: the most rigorous isolation of the seriously ill persons. With reference to this suggestion, the prosecution considers that during the meeting of 19 December you had the idea of sending these tubercular patients to institutions and I quote: “That opinion was voiced because then the comparatively quick death of these patients would ensue in these institutions.”
Was that really your intention, and did you think of any such possibility at that time, that is, when you made the suggestion?
A. On the contrary I cannot recognize the evidence of the prosecution regarding that point as being logical. Had it been my intention to let the patients die, I would not have demanded that they be given the necessary physicians and nursing personnel. In addition, I want to refer to my former testimony on this point.
Q. The other suggestion you made at that time and which is listed under No. 3 of your letter is the creation of a reservation for all tubercular patients. During the same meeting of 19 December the prosecution said with reference to that proposal, and I quote:
“With this plan, that is, to send all patients into a reservation and thereby isolate them from the rest of the population, you, Dr. Blome, wanted to cause these sick Poles to be left to their fate with very few doctors and scanty nursing personnel. The aim of liquidating these Poles was to be realized in this way.”
What do you have to say, Dr. Blome, to this motive which the prosecution imputes to you?
A. This motive is not correct. The contrary can clearly be seen from my letter. In that connection I may refer to my previous explanation regarding my letter. Furthermore, I refer to the affidavit of Dr. Gundermann. (Blome 1, Blome Ex. 8.) My interest was exactly the contrary to what the prosecution tries to impute to me, for I was planning the very same thing for Germany after the war. If I had been able to carry through such an action, and had been able to show success in that action, it would have been easier for me later on to refer to the plans mentioned during the Tuberculosis Congress of 1937 by pointing out the success I had achieved in the Warthegau. Even today I realize that until we are able to bring about really effective medical treatment, or vaccination against the spread of tuberculosis, the only really practicable and effective solution is the creation of such settlement areas or reservations.
Q. Dr. Blome, from your book, entitled “Physician in Combat”, which has been submitted in evidence in its entirety as Blome Exhibit 1, it can be seen that for quite a long time you had waged war against tuberculosis. Can you tell us on the basis of your experiences whether these proposals which you made in your letter of 18 December 1942—that is, either housing the sick in tuberculosis institutions, or placing the consumptives in a reservation area—whether these suggestions were completely different from the manner of combating tuberculosis as practiced in various foreign countries up to that time, or, if not tuberculosis, other infectious diseases of the same importance as tuberculosis?
A. Naturally the plan to set up a tuberculosis settlement on a large scale does not represent anything absolutely new, because, as can be seen from the documents submitted regarding the Tuberculosis Congress, such tuberculosis settlements had existed in England and Holland in addition to Germany, with good results; but, on the other hand, the realization of this settlement idea would make an enormous difference to fight against tuberculosis generally. The war difficulties that existed in 1942 and 1943 did not permit this plan to be realized as suggested by me for the Warthegau. The fight against tuberculosis continued, however, in the usual way, as far as it was possible during the war, and as it was dealt with throughout the Reich for Germans as well.
In other countries, other experiments were made. For instance in the year 1935 certain well-known people in the city of Detroit, in America, made a large-scale experiment for the combat of tuberculosis. After preparations were made the entire population of Detroit was asked, by means of enormous propaganda by press and radio, to submit to an examination for tuberculosis, in order to find out the source of the infection. The city of Detroit had made the necessary facilities available for carrying out the examination and a certain success was obtained. In particular, nearly the whole of the colored population of Detroit reported for these examinations, whereas the American press, on the other hand, complained that this was not fully the case with the white population.
This action started in 1936 and was continued in 1937. I could not hear anything about the ultimate results because the war had started. All actions such as that action in Detroit, and small settlements in the form of little villages for consumptives, will not solve the entire problem unless done on a large scale. There is no doubt that the problem of tuberculosis has not been tackled on a large scale in the world today. The sole reason for that is that tuberculosis cannot be compared with any other contagious disease such as diphtheria, cholera, typhoid. These epidemics have a shorter course and quickly claim their victims. If that had been the case with tuberculosis the fight against it would have progressed much farther throughout the world. The tragic thing in that problem is the manner of the disease itself, the slow tricky course. That is why, in my opinion, there are nowhere in the world laws which definitely secure the isolation of infectious tubercular subjects, although such plans are being considered at all congresses dealing with tuberculosis all over the world. As far as I know nobody has made a decisive step, and I think the sole reason lies in the slow tricky course of tuberculosis, in spite of the fact that tuberculosis is regarded as having the second highest mortality of all diseases.
Q. In addition to that letter of 18 December 1942 about which we are speaking now, did you take any more steps to frustrate the plan of Greiser, namely, to liquidate all tubercular Poles, and in particular did you turn to Hitler or Himmler personally in that matter?
A. No. I did not speak to Hitler at all throughout the entire war.
Q. How about Himmler?
A. I spoke to Himmler on various occasions, but that was about one year later. At that time I had as yet no official relations with Himmler, and I did not know him. Had this happened one year later, when I already had official contact with Himmler, and had I known him better, I would not have written a letter; I would have approached Himmler personally and would have been able to frustrate the action without having to write a letter. Having written this letter I received a report through Greiser very shortly afterwards to the effect that Himmler had withdrawn his order, and that settled the affair as far as I was concerned. I was only informed that everything was handled in an orderly and legal manner in the Warthegau as regards the examination and the registration of tubercular persons.
Q. Who told you that this plan had been withdrawn on the basis of your suggestion?
A. I heard it from Hohlfelder as well as from Perwitschky.
Q. These were the two men—
A. Hohlfelder was the commanding officer of the X-ray unit, and Perwitschky was the business manager of the association for combating tuberculosis.
Q. Did you find out how the rejection of this plan really came about, and, in particular, do you know that when Greiser’s letter was shown to him Himmler said that Hitler himself had to decide, and that Hitler himself actually did decide that this plan was to be rejected for the reasons which you, Dr. Blome, stated in your letter to Greiser? Did you hear about that later?
A. At that time I only learned from Professor Hohlfelder and Perwitschky that the reasons stated in my letter had moved Hitler to withdraw his order. I only heard of Himmler’s letter here in this courtroom, through the documents, and I am, therefore, very grateful to the prosecution for not having withheld this letter from me.
Q. Witness, when you say that this plan of Greiser’s was frustrated because of you, I must remind you of what the prosecution said here on 9 December in this courtroom. The prosecution said at that time, “We shall introduce evidence to show that the program was in fact carried out at the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943 * * *.” And by that, the program for the liquidation of the tubercular Poles was meant. Further, “that as a result of the suggestions made by Blome and Greiser, many Poles were ruthlessly exterminated and that others were taken to isolated camps, utterly lacking in medical facilities where thousands of them died.” These were statements made by prosecution. I must again ask you very definitely, did you at any time later hear that on the basis of these proposals tubercular Poles were, in effect, exterminated?
A. No. The assertions of the prosecution are not true. Nothing happened to one Pole within the framework of this tubercular action in the Warthegau. On the contrary they received decent medical treatment.
[89] Trial of the Major War Criminals, vol. I, pp. 247-253, Nuremberg, 1947.
[90] Final plea is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 16 July 47, pp. 10972-10994.
[91] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 March 1947, pp. 4450-4812.
[92] Defendant (in absentia) before International Military Tribunal. See Trial of the Major War Criminals, Vols. I-XLII, Nuremberg, 1947.