a. Introduction

The defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Schroeder, Gebhardt, Rudolf Brandt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Sievers, Becker-Freyseng, and Weltz were charged with special responsibility for and participation in criminal conduct involving freezing experiments (par. 6 (B) of the indictment). On this charge the defendants Handloser, Schroeder, Rudolf Brandt, and Sievers were convicted. The defendants Karl Brandt, Gebhardt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Becker-Freyseng, and Weltz were acquitted.

The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the freezing experiments is contained in its final brief against the defendant Sievers. An extract from this brief is set forth below on pages 199 to 206. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing briefs for the defendants Sievers and Weltz. It appears below on pages 207 to 217. This argumentation is followed by selections from the evidence on pages 219 to 278.

b. Selection from the Argumentation of the Prosecution

EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST DEFENDANT SIEVERS

Freezing Experiments

Before the high-altitude experiments had actually been completed, the freezing experiments were ordered to be performed by the defendant Weltz and his subordinate Rascher. This can be seen from a letter of 20 May 1942 from Milch to Karl Wolff. (343-A-PS, Pros. Ex. 62.) A short time later, Rascher had a conference with Hippke and the experimental team was changed to include Jarisch, Holzloehner, and Singer. Rascher reported these orders to Himmler on 15 June 1942, and passed on Hippke’s request to have the experiments conducted in Dachau. He stated: “It was also decided that the inspector [Hippke] would issue orders to me at all times during the experiments.” (NO-283, Pros. Ex. 82.) The research assignment was issued by the Department for Aviation Medicine (2 II B) under Anthony, with the defendant Becker-Freyseng as his deputy. (NO-286, Pros. Ex. 88.)

The cold-water freezing experiments began on 15 August 1942 and continued until the early part of 1943. They were performed by Holzloehner, Finke, and Rascher, all of whom were officers in the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe. Holzloehner and Finke collaborated with Rascher until December 1942. As Rascher said in a paper on his medical training: “By order of the Reich Leader SS and Generaloberstabsarzt Professor Dr. Hippke, I conducted ‘Experiments for the Rescue of Frozen Persons’ (started on 15 August 1942), in cooperation—for 4 months—with the Professor Dr. Holzloehner and Dr. Finke both of Kiel University.” (NO-230, Pros. Ex. 115.) Rascher also said that: “Since May 1939 till today I have been in military service with the Air Force.” The memorandum was dated 17 May 1943. It should therefore be borne in mind that during all of the high-altitude and substantially all of the freezing experiments, Rascher was on active duty with the Luftwaffe, not the SS. It was not until after May 1943 that he went on active duty with the Waffen SS. He was of course supported by both the Luftwaffe and the SS in these experiments.

The witness Neff, who was an inmate assistant in the experiments, testified that freezing experiments in the concentration camp Dachau started at the end of July or in August 1942. They were conducted by Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke. In October, Holzloehner and Finke left and Rascher proceeded alone to conduct freezing experiments until May 1943. Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke used ice-cold water for their freezing experiments. The experimental basin had been built 2 meters long and 2 meters high in Rascher’s experimental station, Block 5. (Tr. pp. 626-8.) The experiments were carried out in the following manner: The basin was filled with water and ice was added until the water measured 3° C. The experimental subjects, either dressed in a flying suit or naked, were placed into the ice water. Narcotics were frequently not used. It always took a certain time until so-called “freezing narcosis” made the experimental subjects unconscious, and the subjects suffered terribly. The temperature of the victims was measured rectally and through the stomach by galvanometer. They lost consciousness at a body temperature of approximately 33° C. The experiments actually progressed until the experimental persons were chilled down to 25° C. body temperature. An experiment on two Russian officers who were exposed naked to the ice-cold water in the basin was particularly brutal. These two Russians were still conscious after 2 hours. Rascher refused to administer an injection. When one of the inmates who attended the experiment tried to administer an anaesthetic to these two victims, Rascher threatened him with a pistol. Both experimental subjects died after having been exposed at least 5 hours to the terrible cold. (Tr. pp. 629-631.) Approximately 280 to 300 experimental subjects were used for this type of freezing experiment, but in reality, 360 to 400 experiments were conducted since many experimental subjects were used two or three times for experiments. Approximately 80 to 90 experimental subjects died. About 50 to 60 inmates were used in the Holzloehner-Finke-Rascher experiments and approximately 15 to 18 of them died. Political prisoners, non-German nationals, and prisoners of war were used for these experiments. Many of the inmates used had not been “condemned to death.” The subjects did not volunteer for the experiments. (Tr. pp. 627-8.)

Even though one assumes that prisoners condemned to death were used in all of the experiments, which is not true, the “defense” that they volunteered on the agreement that their sentences would be commuted to life imprisonment is invalid. During the high-altitude experiments, Himmler had directed that in further experiments where the long continued heart activity of subjects who were killed was observed, criminals condemned to death should be used and, if they were revived, they should be “pardoned” to concentration camp for life. (1971-B-PS, Pros. Ex. 51.) Rascher apparently construed this order to apply to the freezing experiments also. On 20 October 1942, Rascher advised Rudolf Brandt that until then only Poles and Russians had been used for such experiments and that only some of these persons had been condemned to death. He inquired whether Himmler’s “amnesty” applied to Russians and Poles. (1971-D-PS, Pros. Ex. 52.) Brandt told him that it did not apply. (1971-E-PS, Pros. Ex. 53.)

Dry-freezing experiments were carried out by Rascher in January, February, and March 1943. One experimental subject was placed on a stretcher at night and exposed to the cold outdoors. He was covered with a linen sheet, but a bucket of cold water was poured over him every hour. He remained outdoors until the morning and then his temperature was taken with a thermometer. In the next series the experimental plan was changed, and experimental persons had to remain naked outdoors for long hours without being covered up at all. One series was carried out on 10 prisoners who had to remain outdoors overnight. Rascher himself was present during approximately 18 to 20 experiments of that type. Approximately three experimental subjects died as a result of the dry-freezing experiments. (Tr. pp. 636-7.)

On the order of Grawitz and Rascher, a mass experiment on 100 experimental subjects was to be carried out. As Rascher was not present, Neff was in the position to frustrate the experiment by taking the experimental subjects indoors, and therefore no deaths occurred during this experimental series. The longest period that experimental subjects were kept outdoors in the cold was from 6 p. m. of one day to 9 a. m. of the following morning. The lowest temperature Neff can recollect during the dry-freezing experiments was 25° body temperature. As Rascher had prohibited that experiments were to be carried out under anaesthetics, the experimental subjects suffered great pain and screamed to such an extent that it was impossible to carry out further experiments. Rascher therefore requested Himmler’s permission to carry out such experiments in the future in the Auschwitz concentration camp. Non-German nationals and political prisoners were among the experimental subjects. None of them was sentenced to death. They had not volunteered for the experiments. (Tr. pp. 637-9.)

In connection with the freezing experiments, Neff further testified that in September 1942 he received orders from Sievers to take the hearts and lungs of five experimental subjects who had been killed in the experiments to Professor Hirt in Strasbourg for further scientific study. The travel warrant for Neff had been made out by Sievers, and the Ahnenerbe Society paid the expenses for the transfer of the bodies. One of the five experimental subjects killed had been a Dutch citizen. (Tr. p. 633.) Sievers visited the experimental station quite frequently during the freezing experiments. (Tr. p. 635.)

Neff’s testimony is corroborated by the affidavits of the defendants Rudolf Brandt and Becker-Freyseng (NO-242, Pros. Ex. 80; NO-448, Pros. Ex. 81) and the testimony of the witness Lutz (Tr. pp. 266-76), Vieweg (Tr. p. 431), and Michalowsky (Tr. pp. 878-83), and by the documentary evidence in the record.

On 15 June 1942, Rascher informed Himmler that the Inspector of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe, Hippke, sought permission for cold experiments to be conducted by Rascher and Holzloehner in the Dachau concentration camp. (NO-283, Pros. Ex. 82.) On 10 September 1942, Rascher submitted his first intermediary report on the freezing experiments to Himmler. In the covering letter Rascher stated that Holzloehner, who participated in the execution of the experiments on behalf of the Luftwaffe, intended to lecture on the subject of freezing in the “cold conference” of the Luftwaffe on 26-27 October in Nuernberg. Rascher informed Himmler that “Sievers, who surveyed the experiments in Dachau last week, believed that if any report was to be made at a meeting, I should be called upon to submit the report.” (NO-234, Pros. Ex. 83.) The intermediary report itself shows on its face that fatalities occurred as a result of the Rascher-Holzloehner-Finke experiments and advocated rapid rewarming of severely chilled persons. Rascher considered that rewarming with animal heat would be too slow, and that experiments in this respect would be unnecessary. He voiced a similar opinion as to the use of drugs for the purpose of rewarming. (1618-PS, Pros. Ex. 34.) Himmler, when acknowledging the receipt of Rascher’s report on 22 September, directed nevertheless that the experiment with rewarming by means of drugs and body heat should be made. A copy of this order of Himmler’s was forwarded to Sievers on 25 September. (1611-PS, Pros. Ex. 85.)

On the basis of this order Rascher approached Sievers to make arrangements for four female gypsies to be procured at once for the purpose of rewarming experimental subjects. (NO-285, Pros. Ex. 86.) It was apparently Sievers’ effort in this regard which resulted in a series of telegrams to transfer these women from the Ravensbrueck concentration camp to Dachau. Rudolf Brandt actually directed the transfer. (1619-PS, Pros. Ex. 87.) The four women arrived in November 1942 in Dachau. Three of them were used for rewarming of frozen experimental subjects, one being excluded because she was a “Nordic” type. That the experimental subjects were not volunteers is plain from a remark of one of these women. “Rather half a year in the brothel than half a year in the concentration camp.” (NO-323, Pros. Ex. 94.) This series of experiments, which was not only murderous but obscene, was carried out by Rascher between November 1942 and February 1943. His report to Himmler reveals that one of the experimental subjects died as a result of this series of experiments. (1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105.)

On 8 October 1942, Stabsarzt Professor Anthony of the Medical Inspectorate of the Luftwaffe approached Himmler with the information that the results of the wet-freezing experiments carried out by Rascher in cooperation with Holzloehner and Finke were to be lectured upon by Holzloehner during the “cold conference” on 26-27 October in Nuernberg. (NO-286, Pros. Ex. 88, compare NO-234, Pros. Ex. 83.) On 16 October Rascher also asked Himmler’s permission to release the results of the freezing experiments during these “cold conferences.” (NO-225, Pros. Ex. 89.) On the same day Rascher submitted to Himmler his final report on the freezing experiments as far as they had been carried out in collaboration with Holzloehner and Finke. This report did not include experiments for rewarming by means of drugs and of animal body heat, which at that time were still in progress. (1613-PS, Pros. Ex. 90.)

This report on “Cooling Experiments on Human Beings” by Holzloehner, Rascher, and Finke, corroborates fully the testimony of Neff concerning this series of the wet-freezing experiments and proves that many fatalities occurred. It shows that some of the experimental subjects were exposed to this terrible type of experimentation without receiving anesthetics, which would have alleviated their pain considerably. The sufferings of the experimental subjects were vividly described. Foam appeared round the mouths of the experimental subjects, and breathing difficulties and lung oedema resulted. The cooling of the neck and back of the head of the experimental subjects caused especially painful sensations. Progressive rigor, which developed very strongly in the arm muscles, cyanosis, and total irregularity of the heart activity were the symptoms observed by the experimenters. Hot baths were advocated as the best treatment for severely chilled persons. Fatalities resulted from heart failure and brain oedema, and measures for protection against such results were discussed at great length. (NO-428, Pros. Ex. 91.)

Sievers denied that Rascher reported to him on the freezing experiments but admitted that he received occasionally Rascher’s reports from Himmler. (Tr. pp. 5684-5.) But by the testimony of the witness Neff it is not only proved that Rascher submitted to the Ahnenerbe monthly, quarterly, and semi-annual reports, describing in detail the nature and status of his experimental research (Tr. p. 635), but also that the final report of Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke (NO-1428, Pros. Ex. 91) was forwarded to him. (Tr. p. 681.)

On 24 October Himmler acknowledged the receipt of this report which he had read “with great interest” and charged Sievers with arrangements for “the possibility of evaluation at institutes which are connected with us.” (1609-PS, Pros. Ex. 92.)

On 26 and 27 October 1942, the conference on “Medical Problems Arising from Distress at Sea and Winter Hardships,” sponsored by the Inspector of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe, Hippke, under the chairmanship of Anthony and with the assistance of Becker-Freyseng, took place in Nuernberg. At this conference Holzloehner delivered his lecture on the freezing experiments under the title “Prophylaxis and Treatment of Freezing in Water.” The very detailed clinical observations described by him excluded the possibility that only observations on human beings who were rescued had been made, and made it clear that experiments on human beings had been conducted. (NO-401, Pros. Ex. 93.) Moreover, Rascher made a statement following Holzloehner’s lecture, which clearly revealed that the experiments had been carried out on concentration camp inmates. This report caused a sensation among the officials present at the lecture. It was made clear that deaths had occurred. (Tr. p. 272.) Sievers has denied having received a report on this conference (Tr. p. 5689), but the entry of 12 January in his diary for the year 1943 shows that he discussed with Rascher the “procurement of memoranda on the conference concerning the effects of cold in Nuernberg.” (NO-538, Pros. Ex. 122.)

On 6 November 1942, Rascher forwarded a memorandum to Himmler’s personal staff, the office of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, regarding cooperation with Dr. Craemer of the Medical Research Station for Mountain Medical Troops at St. Johann. This was a school subordinated to Handloser as Army Medical Inspector. In this memorandum Rascher advocated dry-freezing experiments on concentration camp inmates in the mountain region of Bayrischzell. The purpose was to investigate whether injuries of the extremities due to freezing would have a better prognosis on persons accustomed to cold than on persons unaccustomed to it. Rascher said that Craemer had heard the report in Nuernberg and was very enthusiastic about the experiments. He requested to see some in progress. (NO-319, Pros. Ex. 96; 1579-PS, Pros. Ex. 97.) Himmler gave his permission for this type of dry-freezing experiment in an order dated 13 December 1942, in which he lists Rascher’s assignment for the execution of high-altitude and three different types of freezing experiments. Copies of this order were submitted to various SS agencies and to the Ahnenerbe Society. (1612-PS, Pros. Ex. 79.) Himmler’s letter contained the following directive:

“5. The procurement of the apparatus needed for all the experiments should be discussed in detail with the offices of the Reichsarzt SS, of the Main Office for Economic Administration, and with the Ahnenerbe. * * *”

The evidence proves that prior to 21 October 1943, Rascher received an assignment from Blome of the Reich Research Council to conduct open-air freezing experiments. (NO-432, Pros. Ex. 119.) Sievers aided Rascher in the matter of obtaining the location and personnel for these experiments. (3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123.)

On 13 January 1943, Rascher had a conference with Grawitz and the defendant Poppendick concerning the freezing experiments. In this conference Rascher’s freezing experiments were discussed in detail. He stressed the point that he was working with the Ahnenerbe and that he reported to the Ahnenerbe. The documentary note of Rascher’s on this conference shows on its face that wet-freezing experiments had been conducted by him and that Grawitz requested him to carry out further freezing experiments with dry cold until he would “have a few hundred cases.” This documentary note was forwarded by Sievers to the defendant Rudolf Brandt on 28 January. (NO-320, Pros. Ex. 103.) In his covering letter Sievers requested Brandt’s opinion as to what attitude he and Rascher were to take in respect of their position to Grawitz, with the implied request that Brandt should strengthen his position with Grawitz, who considered it “an unbearable situation to have a non-physician give information on medical matters.” What Sievers wanted to achieve was an intervention of Brandt with Himmler on his behalf and, therefore, he stressed his personal importance by saying:

“My duty merely consists in smoothing the way for the research men and seeing that the tasks ordered by the Reich Leader SS are carried out in the quickest possible way. On one thing I certainly can form an opinion—that is, on who is doing the quickest job.

“If things are to go on in the future as SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz desires, I am afraid that Dr. Rascher’s work will not continue to advance as fast and unhampered as hitherto.” (NO-320, Pros. Ex. 103.)

On 17 February, Rascher forwarded his report on the results of the experiment in which animal warmth was used for the rewarming of severely chilled persons. (1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105.) In his accompanying letter to Himmler, he informed him that he was conducting dry-cold experiments in Dachau. Thirty experimental subjects had been experimented upon and had been exposed to cold out of doors from 9-14 hours, thereby reducing their body temperature to 27°-29° C. The extremities of the experimental subjects were frozen white. Rascher suggested a large series of experiments in the Auschwitz concentration camp. This place would be suitable for such experimentation because it was colder there, and the spacious open country within the camp “would make the experiments less conspicuous, as the experimental subjects yell when they freeze severely.” [Emphasis supplied.] (1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105.) Himmler gave Rascher permission to carry out additional freezing experiments in the concentration camps Auschwitz and Lublin. (1615-PS, Pros. Ex. 109.)

Rascher’s letter to the defendant Rudolf Brandt, dated 4 April 1943, reveals that another series of dry-freezing experiments had been carried out on inmates of the Dachau concentration camp during a period of heavy frost weather. Some of the experimental subjects were exposed to cold of -6° C. in the open air for 14 hours and had reached an internal temperature of 25° C. (NO-292, Pros. Ex. 111.) The three fatalities which, according to Neff’s testimony, resulted from the dry-freezing experiments, apparently occurred during this series of experiments. (Tr. pp. 637-8.)

On 11 April 1943, Rascher submitted to Himmler a brief report concerning “freezing experiments on human beings exposed to the open air.” (NO-240, Pros. Ex. 112.) The report itself is not available, but the letter of the defendant Rudolf Brandt of 16 April to Rascher proves that the defendant Gebhardt received it from Himmler for study. (NO-241, Pros. Ex. 113.) A conference between Rascher and the defendant Gebhardt took place in Hohenlychen on 14 May in the presence of the defendant Fischer. Gebhardt discussed with Rascher the freezing experiments and other experimentation carried out in the Dachau concentration camp and invited Rascher to collaborate with him. Rascher feared to lose his independence and turned to Sievers to settle this affair in a tactful way as Gebhardt was a very close friend of Himmler, and Rascher, therefore, feared his eventual enmity. (NO-231, Pros. Ex. 116.) Sievers, in turn, approached Brandt in this matter on 22 May and requested information whether Himmler had given any definite directive to Gebhardt in regard to Rascher’s sphere of action and work. He further asked Brandt’s intervention on behalf of Rascher by saying:

“I entrust you with this affair and ask you particularly to use it only for your strict personal information so that Dr. Rascher does not encounter any difficulties with SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt.” (NO-267, Pros. Ex. 117.)

When Rascher visited Gebhardt in Hohenlychen, the latter encouraged him to embark upon a career of university lecturer. (NO-231, Pros. Ex. 116.) Rascher followed this suggestion and Sievers supported him wholeheartedly and collaborated with the defendants Brandt and Blome to have Rascher appointed university lecturer. (NO-229, Pros. Ex. 118; NO-290, Pros. Ex. 121.) That Rascher’s thesis for habilitation was based on the freezing and high-altitude experiments is proved by Rascher’s memorandum on his medical training which he wrote for the purpose of his habilitation (NO-230, Pros. Ex. 115) and other evidence in the record. (NO-240, Pros. Ex. 112.)

c. Selections from the Argumentation of the Defense

EXTRACTS FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT SIEVERS

The Freezing Experiments

Freezing experiments on human beings were carried out in Dachau concentration camp from the end of 1942 on.

It cannot be denied that a ruthless carrying-out of these experiments was liable to inflict torture and death upon the persons experimented on. Here, too, it seems necessary to distinguish between two groups of experiments. One group comprises the experiments carried out by Professor Holzloehner, Dr. Rascher, and Dr. Finke, and the other one, those carried out by Rascher alone. The first group of experiments easily permits the assumption that the possible effects of the experiments on the persons subjected to them were taken into consideration. After all that has become known about Rascher by now, the assumption is justified that, during the experiments carried out by Rascher alone, considerations of the effect on life and health of the persons used were not of primary importance. The only exceptions were probably the experiments Rascher carried out in the presence of third persons who were not involved.

On the occasion of administrative conferences he had to attend in Dachau, Sievers met Professor Holzloehner, Dr. Finke, and Rascher who had just finished a freezing experiment. The person experimented on was placed under an arc of light [Lichtbogen]. That is all Sievers saw of this experiment. (German Tr. p. 5684.)

Then Sievers watched a second freezing experiment. Himmler had instructed Professor Hirt of Strasbourg to have a look at Rascher’s work on freezing, since he (Himmler) obviously had come to the conclusion that Rascher alone was not sufficient for the clarification of these scientifically extensive and difficult questions. For this experiment a professional criminal was introduced whom a regular court had sentenced to death for robbery and murder. Sievers and Dr. Hirt made sure about this by examining the files of the criminal police department of the Dachau concentration camp. Dr. Hirt then asked the person to be experimented on whether he realized that the experiment might prove fatal to him. The person to be experimented on answered in the affirmative.

By personally questioning the person to be experimented on, Sievers then made sure that he agreed to the experiment. The person in question answered in the affirmative and added: “If it does not hurt.” This assurance could be given since the experiment was carried out under full narcosis. Sievers did not take part in the entire experiment, but he saw that it was carried out under full narcosis. (German Tr. pp. 5685-86.)

The witness Dr. Punzengruber, at that time an inmate of the Dachau concentration camp and from 1942-1943 assigned to Dr. Rascher’s station as a chemist, confirms that the person used had been condemned to death.

The same witness confirms that Sievers was not present during other freezing experiments. Dr. Punzengruber could establish this because his laboratory was located next to the room where Dr. Rascher carried out his experiments. (Affidavit of Dr. Punzengruber, 14 March 1947.)

A further presence of Sievers at freezing experiments has not occurred and has not been claimed from any side.

In order to prove Sievers’ participation in the freezing experiments, the prosecution pointed out the following documents:

Rascher’s letter of 10 September 1942 to Himmler. “SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers, who observed the experiments in Dachau last week, is of the opinion that if during a convention there would be a report at all, I, too, would have to be called in for reporting.” (NO-234, Pros. Ex. 83.)

Himmler’s letter of 22 September 1942 to Rascher in which the former instructs Rascher to carry out experiments in quick increase of body temperature and increase of body temperature through medicaments and animal heat [medikamentanimalische Erwaermung], Sievers received a copy of this letter for information on 25 September 1942. (1611-PS, Pros. Ex. 85.)

Rascher’s letter of 3 October 1942 to Dr. R. Brandt which contains the information that he (Rascher) had asked Sievers to transmit at once a teletype communication to the camp commander stating that four female gypsies from another camp must be procured immediately; that furthermore he had asked Sievers to take steps to have the low-pressure chamber put at his disposal; he finally mentioned that he informed Sievers about the failure of the planned report to Field Marshal Milch. (NO-285, Pros. Ex. 86.)

Sievers’ note of 6 November 1942 concerning Rascher’s transfer to the SS. (NO-288, Pros. Ex. 95.)

Letter, dated 12 January 1943, from the Reich Chief Manager [Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer] of Ahnenerbe to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff, concerning Rascher’s transfer to the Waffen SS. (NO-236, Pros. Ex. 101.)

Letter, dated 28 January 1943, from the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS concerning the taking of Dr. Rascher’s work under the protection of Ahnenerbe in pursuance of Dr. Rascher’s conversation on 13 January 1943 with the Chief Reich Physician [Reichsarzt] of the SS, Dr. Grawitz. (NO-320, Pros. Ex. 103.)

Note, dated 4 February 1943, of the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe concerning Dr. Rascher’s report to the medical inspection [Sanitaetsinspekteur] of the Luftwaffe on his activities since he was declared unassigned [zur Disposition]. Furthermore Rascher should go to SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Professor Dr. Pfannenstiel on 7 February 1943. (NO-238, Pros. Ex. 104.)

Letter, dated 17 May 1943, from Dr. Rascher to the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe concerning Rascher’s statement on his report to SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt on 14 May 1943. (NO-231, Pros. Ex. 116.)

Letter, dated 22 May 1943, from the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe to Dr. R. Brandt concerning Rascher’s statement on his report to SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt. (NO-267, Pros. Ex. 117.)

Letter, dated 27 September 1943, from the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe to Dr. Brandt concerning Dr. Rascher’s establishment as a college professor (Habilitation). (NO-229, Pros. Ex. 118.)

Letter, dated 21 March 1944, from the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe to Dr. R. Brandt concerning the establishment of Dr. Rascher as a college professor. (NO-290, Pros. Ex. 121.)

The prosecution furthermore refers to the testimony given on 17 and 18 December 1946 by witness Neff. Neff testified that Sievers frequently was at the experimental station; that during experiments he was present several times; that, however, he could not remember whether Sievers had been present during experiments which ended fatally.

The prosecution furthermore accuses Sievers of having procured female concentration camp inmates to be used in the rewarming experiments [Wiedererwaermungsversuche]. In this connection the following was submitted:

Letter, dated 3 October 1942, from Dr. Rascher to Dr. Brandt:
“* * * Today I asked Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers to pass on immediately a teletype communication to the camp commander in which is stated that four female gypsies must be procured from another camp at once.” (NO-285, Pros. Ex. 86.)

Telephone call [Fernspruch] of 7 October 1942 from camp commander Weiss to Dr. Brandt, concerning the putting at the disposal of staff physician [Stabsarzt] Dr. Rascher “of the four women for experimental purposes as ordered by the Reich Leader SS”. (1619-PS, Pros. Ex. 87.)

Teletype communication, dated 8 October 1942, to SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks, concerning the departure from their original station of “the four women ordered by the Reich Leader SS”.

Dr. Rascher’s report of 5 November 1942 on concentration camp prostitutes [KL-Dirnen]. Refusal, on account of her Nordic racial characteristics, to use one of those women, and corresponding report to the camp commander and to the adjutant of the Reich Leader SS. (NO-323, Pros. Ex. 94.)

Witness Neff estimates that 10 women from the Ravensbrueck concentration camp were put at disposal for experiments with body heat [animalische Waerme]. (German Tr. p. 632.)

The following is to be said to the prosecution’s accusation that Sievers played an important part in procuring female concentration camp inmates to be used for the rewarming of persons used in experiments:

Nowhere, except in the letter, dated 3 October 1942, from Dr. Rascher to Dr. Brandt does there exist any indication that such an assumption might be justified. But this letter only states that Dr. Rascher had asked Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers immediately to pass on to the camp commander a teletype communication reporting that four female gypsies must be procured from another camp at once. (NO-285, Pros. Ex. 86.)

The fact that the order to carry out experiments concerning the increase of temperature through medicaments and body heat [medikamentanimalische Erwaermung] was given by Himmler is proved beyond doubt by 1611-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 85.

Furthermore, I point to the interrogation of Dr. Romberg. (German Tr. pp. 6864-65.)

Sievers claims not to have done anything in this connection since the orders originated with Himmler himself. Consequently there was nothing caused by his own initiative. (German Tr. pp. 5685-86.)

At that time Rascher was at Dachau concentration camp most of the time, while Sievers came there very rarely. Therefore it was much easier for Rascher than for Sievers to inform the camp commander of his wishes.

Rascher refused to use one of the four women for experiments in rewarming through body heat because this woman possessed beyond doubt the characteristics of the Nordic race. Rascher reported this to the camp commander and to the adjutant of the Reich Leader SS. (NO-323, Pros. Ex. 94.) In this connection, too, Sievers did not play any part.

The prosecution furthermore accuses Sievers of taking part in Dr. Rascher’s dry-freezing experiments [Trockenkaelteversuche].

Sievers is not mentioned in the following documents submitted in this connection: NO-319, Pros. Ex. 96; 1579-PS, Pros. Ex. 97; NO-431, Pros. Ex. 99; 1580-PS, Pros. Ex. 107; 1615-PS, Pros. Ex. 109; NO-292, Pros. Ex. 111; NO-240, Pros. Ex. 112; NO-241, Pros. Ex. 113; NO-432, Pros. Ex. 119.

These letters are neither addressed to him nor signed by him. Neither have copies of them reached him nor have they passed through his hands.

The letter, dated 12 January 1943, from the Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer of Ahnenerbe to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff, contains the following passage: “Since the freezing experiments depend on the season, valuable time is lost as long as Dr. Rascher is not available.” (NO-236, Pros. Ex. 101.)

The witness Neff did not testify that Sievers knew of the dry-freezing experiments [Trockenkaelteversuche].

Sievers knew through Himmler’s order of 13 December 1942, that Rascher was supposed to carry out dry-freezing experiments. (1612-PS, Pros. Ex. 79.) Only during this trial did Sievers come to know that Rascher carried out such experiments in Dachau. Himmler had ordered these experiments to be carried out on the terrain of Berghaus Sudelfeld. They were planned for the winter of 1943-44. Sievers faked inquiries as a result of which the terrain at Sudelfeld was supposed to be unsuited and by this he succeeded in not having the dry-freezing experiments carried out during the winter of 1943-44. The experiments, which Himmler then ordered for the winter of 1944-45, did not take place because Rascher was arrested in the spring of 1944. (German Tr. pp. 5689-90.)

Since the dry-freezing experiments in the mountains, ordered by Himmler, did not take place at all, Sievers can rightfully claim to have helped to prevent them.

The freezing experiments which, beginning at the end of August 1942, were carried out in Dachau concentration camp, originated from a scientific research order the medical inspector [Inspekteur des Sanitaetswesens] of the Luftwaffe had given Stabsarzt Professor Dr. Holzloehner on 24 February 1942. At Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher’s suggestion, corresponding experiments were carried out on human beings. For this research work an experimental group “Seenot” (“Hardships at sea”), consisting of Professor Dr. Holzloehner as chief, and Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher and Dr. Finke, was organized. (NO-286, Pros. Ex. 88; NO-268, Pros. Ex. 106; NO-230, Pros. Ex. 115.) The freezing experiments were carried out in agreement with the Reich Leader SS. (NO-286, Pros. Ex. 88.) In his letter, dated 19 February 1943, the medical inspector of the Luftwaffe thanks the Reich Leader SS for the great help which the cooperation with the SS afforded in carrying out the research work. (NO-268, Pros. Ex. 106.) On 6 March 1943 the medical inspector of the Luftwaffe confirmed in a letter to Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff that he had at once agreed to freezing experiments on human beings. (NO-262, Pros. Ex. 108.)

The prosecution argues that Sievers gave special support to Rascher as a person and thus he revealed that he also wanted to support Rascher’s experiments. Therefore reason exists for comment on Rascher’s personality and Sievers’ attitude toward him.

Dr. Rascher was staff physician (Stabsarzt [Captain, M. C.]) of the Luftwaffe reserve and at the same time a member of the general SS, holding the rank of an SS Hauptsturmfuehrer. In a well-planned scheme he always put this last mentioned position and his direct connection with Himmler in the foreground. Orally or in writing he submitted all his wishes to Himmler; to him directly did he send the reports on his work. He referred to Himmler whenever he wanted to assert himself and his work before other official agencies such as, for example, the Luftwaffe. He appealed to Himmler when the chief physician of the SS [Reichsarzt SS] Dr. Grawitz, and Professor Dr. Gebhardt, did not give him the recognition and the support he believed were due him. Through Himmler he tried to effect his establishment as a university lecturer. (NO-283, Pros. Ex. 82; NO-234., Pros. Ex. 83; NO-320, Pros. Ex. 103; 1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105; 1580-PS, Pros. Ex. 107; NO-270, Pros. Ex. 110; NO-240, Pros. Ex. 112.)

There can be no doubt that on account of his protection by Himmler he showed an autocratic mind toward his surroundings and also toward his military superiors, brutality toward his inferiors, and disgusting servility toward his protector, Himmler. (German Tr. p. 674.)

In the Dachau concentration camp he was able to move without restrictions and without control by accompanying guards. This was impossible for occasional visitors like Sievers. (German Tr. p. 5672; German Tr. p. 5320; German Tr. pp. 6542-43; German Tr. p. 8620; German Tr. pp. 8697 and 8887-88; Beiglboeck 31, Beiglboeck Ex. 12.)

Holding the rank of a commanding general, the medical inspector of the Luftwaffe deemed it advisable to assure SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff in his letter of 6 March 1943 that he “would discuss the entire problem in old comradeship with Rascher personally.” (NO-262, Pros. Ex. 108.)

A commanding general deemed it advisable to adopt this attitude, contrary to all military customs, toward a staff physician because by this conciliatory attitude, inconceivable under other circumstances, he wanted to avoid a controversy with the latter on account of the latter’s connections with Himmler.

What Rascher thought of Medical Inspector Dr. Hippke’s attitude is revealed in the letter of 14 March 1943 to Dr. Rudolf Brandt in which he states:

“I would like to point out the extraordinary amiability of the inspector and his carefulness in all remarks relating to the SS.” (NO-270, Pros. Ex. 110.)

To make sure that Himmler would under all circumstances be informed about Rascher’s conference with Medical Inspector Hippke, he continues:

“May I respectfully ask to inform, wherever that seems necessary to you, the Reich Leader SS of my report.” (NO-270, Pros. Ex. 110.)

The statement that Witness Dr. Punzengruber made about Rascher is very characteristic:

“His (Rascher’s) connections were so strong that practically every important superior trembled in fear of the intriguing Rascher, who consequently held a position of enormous power.” (Sievers 44, Sievers Ex. 45.)

Rascher’s servility toward Himmler is already revealed by the bombastic phrases with which he closes his letters to Himmler. To give a few examples only:

Letter dated 17 February 1943, from Rascher to Himmler: “With most obedient regards I remain in honest gratitude with Heil Hitler your very devoted S. Rascher.” (1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105.)

Letter, dated 11 April 1943, from Rascher to Himmler: “With most obedient regards and Heil Hitler I remain always, devoted to you in gratitude, your S. Rascher.” (NO-240, Pros. Ex. 112.)

Letter, dated 10 September 1942, from Rascher to Himmler: “In grateful admiration with Heil Hitler your very devoted S. Rascher.” (NO-234, Pros. Ex. 83.)

The picture of Rascher is completed by the testimony that personally he went to the highest authorities only. (German Tr. p. 7966.)

Sievers is also brought into connection with Dr. Rascher’s attempt to establish himself as a university lecturer.

In his “educational history” [“Ausbildungsverlauf”] Rascher mentions that the Reich Leader SS (Himmler) ordered him to establish himself as a university lecturer with one of his two papers: “Attempts at Rescue from High Altitude” [“Versuche zur Rettung aus grossen Hoehen”] and “Attempts at the Saving of Frozen Humans” [“Versuche zur Rettung ausgekuehlter Menschen”]. (NO-230, Pros. Ex. 115.)

By a letter, dated 12 August 1943, from Dr. Rudolf Brandt of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS, Sievers is entrusted with this affair. This letter is not at our disposal. On 27 September 1943, that is after more than 6 weeks, Sievers answers that he introduced Rascher to Professor Dr. Blome and SS Brigadefuehrer Mentzel. The former had talked to Professor Dr. Pfannenstiel of Marburg. On 21 March 1944, that is almost 6 months after the letter just mentioned, Sievers reports to Dr. Brandt on the further development of the case of Dr. Rascher’s establishment as a university lecturer. The attempt in Marburg had failed and consequently they would have to try to establish Rascher as a lecturer at Strasbourg University. (NO-290, Pros. Ex. 121.)

Rascher’s arrest freed Sievers from the necessity of taking any further action. The fact that Sievers was involved, as far as the establishment as a university lecturer is concerned, not only in Rascher’s case, is revealed, for example, by Sievers’ 1943 diary, entry of 9 February 1943 concerning the establishment as a lecturer of Dr. Schuetrumpf (NO-538, Pros. Ex. 122); furthermore, entry of 22 February 1943 concerning the establishment as a lecturer of Dr. Rudolph; furthermore, Sievers’ 1944 diary, entry of 22 February 1944, concerning the establishment as a lecturer of Dr. Schmidt-Rohr. (3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123.)

If, in case of Rascher’s establishment as a lecturer, Sievers was acting only as in other similar cases of members of Ahnenerbe, then this was one of his tasks as Reich manager [Reichsgeschaeftsfuehrer] of Ahnenerbe and he cannot be charged with special activity on Rascher’s behalf.

There is no indication that Sievers had known, before the experiments started, that they could become immoderate or inhuman. Neither as far as planning nor as far as the direction was concerned nor in any other way had Sievers anything to do with the carrying out of the experiments.

Furthermore the question must be answered whether Sievers did not gain knowledge through Rascher’s reports, which he received while the experiments were carried out, of the criminal character of Rascher’s experiments.

The prosecution submitted the following reports of Dr. Rascher: Final report, dated 10 October 1942, of Professor Dr. Holzloehner, Dr. Finke, Dr. Rascher (NO-428, Pros. Ex. 91.) Interim report, dated 15 August 1942, of Dr. Rascher. (1618-PS, Pros. Ex. 84.) Report, dated 17 February 1943, of Dr. Rascher. (1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105.) These reports were sent by Rascher directly to Himmler as can be ascertained from the documents themselves or from the accompanying letters. None of the documents indicates that a copy of the reports went to the Ahnenerbe or that they came to Sievers’ knowledge in some other way. Sievers denies that he obtained knowledge of these reports.

Sievers did not take part in the conference of 26-27 October 1942, as can be clearly seen from the list of those present. (NO-401, Pros. Ex. 93.) Sievers, also, never received a written report on the conference. Also the secretary of many years’ standing of the Ahnenerbe, the witness, Dr. Gisela Schmitz, has stated that she never saw reports about experiments of Rascher. Since all the incoming mail was delivered first to her she would necessarily have seen any such reports. (Sievers 45, Sievers Ex. 46.) Even if Sievers—as he did not—should have obtained knowledge of one or another of the reports, he cannot be expected to have formed an independent opinion on the permissibility of human experiments from the point of view of medical professional ethics.

Sievers had neither the power nor the opportunity to interfere with the sub-chilling experiments, or to prevent them or bring them to a stop. It must be pointed out again and again that Sievers was competent only for administrative affairs.

Everything that Sievers could do for the prevention of the experiments was done. In the cases of the experiments at Dachau, Sievers’ influence was nil. On the other hand he was able to prevent some experimental activity on Rascher’s part by procrastinating the dry-cold experiments [Trockenkaelteversuche] which should have been carried out in the mountains.

EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT WELTZ

Document 343-A-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 62, is the only document submitted in this connection [freezing experiments] and mentioning the name of Professor Weltz. It is a letter by Field Marshal Milch, dated 20 May 1942, to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff, Chief of the Personal Staff, Reich Leader SS. In this letter Field Marshal Milch says that the high-altitude experiments were completed and that there was no real reason for their continuation. The letter continues: “The carrying out of experiments concerning the problem of distress at sea, on the other hand, is important; they were prepared in direct agreement with the authorities. Oberstabsarzt Weltz is instructed to carry them through and Stabsarzt Rascher is also made available for them until further notice.”

Obviously, the prosecution intends to take this letter as basis for the assertion that Professor Weltz participated in the planning and the carrying out of the experiments. At the session of 8 May 1947, (Tr. p. 7237) the prosecutor referred to this letter and drew the conclusion therefrom that Field Marshal Milch, pursuant to the information he had obtained from Professor Hippke on 20 May, thought that Rascher still belonged to the office of Weltz in Munich and that Professor Weltz was entrusted with the carrying out of the freezing experiments for this reason. If and to what extent Field Marshal Milch was informed about the actual events may be left undecided. It is merely established that Professor Hippke already knew at that time that Stabsarzt Rascher no longer belonged to the office of Weltz. This appears with certainty from NO-296, Prosecution Exhibit 58, which is the letter of the Medical Inspector of the Luftwaffe of 27 April 1942 to the Chief of the Personal Staff of the Reich Leader SS, from the reply to Wolff’s application to Hippke of 16 April 1942, in which Wolff asks for the extension of Stabsarzt Rascher’s assignment to the DVL (German Research Institute for Aviation), Dachau Branch. There is, therefore, no doubt that on 20 May 1942, Hippke knew that at that time Rascher no longer belonged to Weltz’ office. How it happened that the name of Professor Weltz was mentioned in this document was established by Professor Hippke’s testimony as witness in the trial against Erhard Milch. (Weltz 3, Weltz Ex. 7.) Professor Hippke testified in this connection that in a discussion at the beginning of June 1942 he was informed by Rascher that the latter had received orders from the Reich Leader SS (Himmler) to carry out freezing experiments. A report on this conference is contained in NO-283, Prosecution Exhibit 82. Supplementing this report, Rascher’s report on his conference with Professor Hippke, Hippke himself testified that he was thinking of Professor Weltz because he knew that Professor Weltz—in his institute in Munich—had been working on problems of freezing with animal experiments. Later, he had abandoned this plan to ask Professor Weltz to cooperate in the carrying out of these experiments because he had become convinced that the theoretical work was not the point but the practical experience on freezing problems and that not Professor Weltz but Professor Holzloehner had the greater practical experience.

However, it has been established that Professor Weltz never received such an order and also that he was not otherwise concerned in any way with the carrying out of the freezing experiments. This is proved by the testimony of the defendant Weltz in his own case, (Tr. 7108-09), and by the affidavit of Professor Weltz’ co-worker Dr. Wendt. (Weltz 23, Weltz Ex. 21.)

For the rest, Weltz’ name does not appear in any connection in any of the numerous documents relating to the problem of freezing experiments submitted by the prosecution. On the contrary, these documents show clearly who from the Luftwaffe was actually ordered to carry out these experiments and who carried them out in Dachau.

The fact that Professor Weltz was not even requested to participate in the planning of the freezing experiments, appears clearly from Document NO-283, Prosecution Exhibit 82, already discussed, and above all without objection.

That Professor Weltz refused to participate in the experiments after he learned about them was firmly established on the other hand by the evidence submitted by the defense which in turn is supported by the documents submitted by the prosecution. Document 1610-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 73, submitted by the prosecution appears to have special weight as evidence in this connection. It is Rascher’s letter to Himmler of 9 October 1942. In this letter Rascher asks Himmler to see to it that the apparatus necessary for chemical analysis be put at his disposal by laboratories not working to full capacity. He points to the fact that the Weltz Institute does not make apparatus available to him, as it was allegedly used there for freezing experiments with shaved cats, and the institute needed these apparatus for its own use. Moreover, the affidavit of the witness Dr. v. Werz (Weltz 4, Weltz Ex. 11) according to which Professor Weltz refused to furnish apparatus for freezing experiments at Dachau, further proves this disapproval on the part of Professor Weltz of the freezing experiments carried out at Dachau. Moreover, it appears also from NO-3674, Prosecution Exhibit 549. Here, an attempt is made to procure the apparatus (colorimeter) which was not delivered by Weltz from somewhere else. From 1609-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 92, it becomes apparent to what danger Professor Weltz exposed himself by his attitude against Rascher. It is a letter of the Reich Leader SS of 24 October 1942 to Rascher. In it Himmler acknowledges the receipt of Rascher’s letter, dated 9 October 1942, (1610-PS, Pros. Ex. 73) mentioned above in which Rascher complains about Professor Weltz’ attitude. In reply to this complaint Himmler writes:

“People who today still disapprove of human experiments and would rather have German soldiers die of the consequences of freezing I consider to be guilty of treason and high treason, and I shall have no compunction to report the names of these gentlemen to the authorities concerned. You are authorized by me to inform the offices concerned of this of my opinion.”

From Sievers’ testimony in direct interrogation it appears, unequivocally, that this referred to Professor Weltz. In this regard Sievers declared the following: “I can only say this in respect to Weltz himself, for Herr Rascher, as I already stated in reply to your question, mentioned in this connection Weltz as a participant.”

The defendant Sievers also declared that in view of Rascher’s character, as known to him, it could be expected that Rascher would make use of the powers given him with respect to “those guilty of treason and high treason,” among others also against Professor Weltz.

In the course of the cross-examination of Weltz the prosecution intimated in a veiled manner that Professor Weltz might have moved objects and files or might have put apparatus at the disposal of the Dachau experiments.

Since the prosecution could not submit evidence of any weight in this respect it is unnecessary to go into this. In the cross-examination itself it became apparent that all the files and apparatus were in existence at the end of the war and that Weltz himself had made suggestions to hand over his institute in an orderly manner to the Americans. (Tr. pp. 7241-7242.)

d. Evidence

Prosecution Documents
Pros.
Doc. No.Ex. No.Description of DocumentPage
NO-234 83Letter from Rascher to Himmler, 10 September 1942, transmitting intermediate report on freezing experiments (1618-PS).[219]
1618-PS 84Intermediate report, 10 September 1942, on intense chilling experiments in Dachau concentration camp.[220]
1611-PS 85Letter from Himmler to Rascher and Sievers, 22 September 1942, ordering rewarming in freezing experiments through physical warmth.[221]
NO-285 86Letter from Rascher to Rudolf Brandt, 3 October 1942, stating that Sievers would obtain four gypsy women for rewarming through body warmth.[221]
1619-PS 87Teletype from commandant of Dachau concentration camp to Rudolf Brandt, 7 October 1942, stating that four women would be available from Ravensbrueck concentration camp for Rascher’s experiments.[223]
NO-286 88Letter from Goering’s office to Himmler, 8 October 1942, with attached invitation to the conference on “Medical Problems Arising from Hardships of Sea and Winter.”[223]
1613-PS 90Letter from Rascher to Himmler, 16 October 1942, transmitting report on cooling experiments on human beings (NO-428).[225]
NO-428 91Report of 10 October 1942, on cooling experiments on human beings.[226]
1609-PS 92Letter from Himmler to Rascher, 24 October 1942, and note by Rudolf Brandt.[244]
NO-323 94Memorandum of Rascher on women used for rewarming warming in freezing experiments, 5 November, 1942.[245]
NO-320103Letter from Sievers to Brandt, 28 January 1943, and Rascher’s report on his discussions with Grawitz and Poppendick.[246]
1616-PS105Letter from Rascher to Himmler, 17 February 1943, and summary of experiments for rewarming of chilled human beings by animal warmth, 12 February 1943.[249]
NO-268106Letter from Hippke to Himmler, 19 February 1943, on freezing experiments in Dachau.[252]
1580-PS107Letter from Himmler to Rascher, 26 February 1943, on freezing experiments in the concentration camps Auschwitz and Lublin.[253]
NO-292111Letter from Rascher to Rudolf Brandt, 4 April 1943, reporting on dry-freezing experiments in Dachau.[253]
NO-322114Letter from Rascher to Keindl, 28 April 1943, about previous freezing experiments conducted at Sachsenhausen.[254]
NO-231116Letter from Rascher to Sievers, 17 May 1943, concerning a conference with Gebhardt on freezing experiments.[255]
NO-432119Letter from Rascher to Neff, 21 October 1943, concerning dry-freezing experiments.[258]
NO-690120List of research projects from the files of the Reich Research Council.[259]
Testimony
Extracts from the testimony of Tribunal witness Walter Neff[260]
Extract from the testimony of defendant Handloser[265]
Extract from the testimony of defendant Schroeder[269]
Extracts from the testimony of defendant Sievers[274]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-234

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 83

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO HIMMLER, 10 SEPTEMBER 1942, TRANSMITTING INTERMEDIATE REPORT ON FREEZING EXPERIMENTS (1618-PS)

Dr. med. Sigmund Rascher Munich, Trogerstr. 56

at present Berlin, 10 Sep 1942

My dear Reich Leader,

May I submit in the enclosure the first intermediary report about the freezing experiments?

In the beginning of October, a meeting on the subject of freezing experiments is to take place. Professor Dr. Holzloehner, participating in our Dachau experiments on behalf of the Luftwaffe, wants to give on this occasion an account of the results of our experiments. SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers, who surveyed the experiments in Dachau last week, believes that if any report was to be made at a meeting, I should be called upon to submit the report. A discussion with other experts on freezing experiments would surely be very valuable. I therefore request your decision.

1. Can a report be made elsewhere before the oral report has been submitted to you, my Reich Leader?

2. Is my participation in the conference on the subject of the freezing experiments of the Luftwaffe ordered by you, my Reich Leader?

I will take care that the report is submitted in the manner appropriate for top secret matter.

Yours gratefully and respectfully

Heil Hitler!

[Signed] Yours very devotedly, S. Rascher

1 enclosure

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1618-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 84

INTERMEDIATE REPORT, 10 SEPTEMBER 1942, ON INTENSE CHILLING EXPERIMENTS IN DACHAU CONCENTRATION CAMP

S. Rascher

Intermediate report on intense chilling experiments in the Dachau Camp, started on 15 August 1942

Experimental procedure

The experimental subjects (VP) were placed in the water, dressed in complete flying uniform, winter or summer combination, and with an aviator’s helmet. A life jacket made of rubber or kapok was to prevent submerging. The experiments were carried out at water temperatures varying from 2.5° to 12°. In one experimental series, the occiput (brain stem) protruded above the water, while in another series of experiments the occiput (brain stem) and back of the head were submerged in water.

Electrical measurements gave low temperature readings of 26.4° in the stomach and 26.5° in the rectum. Fatalities occurred only when the brain stem and the back of the head were also chilled. Autopsies of such fatal cases always revealed large amounts of free blood, up to one-half liter, in the cranial cavity. The heart invariably showed extreme dilation of the right chamber. As soon as the temperature in these experiments reached 28°, the experimental subjects died invariably, despite all attempts at resuscitation. The above discussed autopsy finding conclusively proved the importance of a warming protective device for head and occiput when designing the planned protective clothing of the foam type.

Other important findings, common in all experiments, should be mentioned, marked increase of the viscosity of the blood, marked increase of hemoglobin, an approximate five-fold increase of the leukocytes, invariable rise of blood sugar to twice its normal value. Auricular fibrillation made its appearance regularly at 30°.

During attempts to save severely chilled persons [Unterkuehlte], it was shown that rapid rewarming was in all cases preferable to slow rewarming, because after removal from the cold water, the body temperature continued to sink rapidly. I think that for this reason we can dispense with the attempt to save intensely chilled subjects by means of animal heat.

Rewarming by animal warmth—animal bodies or women’s bodies—would be too slow. As auxiliary measures for the prevention of intense chilling, improvements in the clothing of aviators come alone into consideration. The foam suit with suitable neck protector which is being prepared by the German Institute for the Textile Research, Munich-Gladbach, deserves first priority in this connection. The experiments have shown that pharmaceutical measures are probably unnecessary if the flier is still alive at the time of rescue.

[Signed] Dr. S. Rascher

Munich—Dachau, 10 September 1942.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1611-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 85

LETTER FROM HIMMLER TO RASCHER AND SIEVERS, 22 SEPTEMBER 1942, ORDERING REWARMING IN FREEZING EXPERIMENTS THROUGH PHYSICAL WARMTH

Secret

Reich Leader SS

Rf/Dr. AR/19/30/42

Personal Headquarters

Reich Leader SS

22 September 1942

1. Dr. Rascher

Munich—Dachau

I have received the intermediate report on the chilling experiments in Camp Dachau.

Despite everything, I would so arrange the experiments that all possibilities, prompt warming, medicine, body warming, will be executed in positive experiment orders.

[Signed] H. Himmler

2. SS—Lt. Col. Sievers

Berlin

A carbon copy with the request for acknowledgment.

SS Lt. Col.

25 Sep 42

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-285

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 86

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 3 OCTOBER 1942, STATING THAT SIEVERS WOULD OBTAIN FOUR GYPSY WOMEN FOR REWARMING THROUGH BODY WARMTH

Dr. med. Sigmund Rascher; Munich, Trogerstr. 56, 3 October 42

Most honored Obersturmbannfuehrer!

First of all I want to thank you very much for “Das glaeserne Meer” (“The Glass Ocean”). My wife and myself are very happy to possess now a complete set of these books. I have already read the book with great interest.

The Reich Leader SS wants to be informed of the state of the experiments. I can announce that the experiments have been concluded, with the exception of those on warming with body heat. The final report will be ready in about 5 days. Professor Holzloehner, for reasons that I cannot fathom, does not himself want to make the report to the Reich Leader Himmler and has asked me to attend to it. This report must be made before 20 October, because the great Luftwaffe conference on freezing takes place in Nuernberg on 25 October. The report on the results of our research must be made there, to assure that they be used in time for the troops. May I ask you to arrange for a decision from the Reich Leader regarding the final report to him, and the submission to him of the relevant material?

Today I received your letter of 22 September 1942, in which the Reich Leader orders that the experiments on warming through body heat must absolutely be conducted. Because of incomplete address it was delayed. Today I asked Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers to send a telegram to the camp commander immediately, to the effect that four gypsy women be procured at once from another camp. Moreover, I asked SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers to take steps to have the low-pressure chamber made ready for use.

The report to Field Marshal Milch planned for 11 September could not be made, as you have discovered, because he was prevented from attending, and no representative was commissioned to receive it. As the Reich Leader had not empowered me to report to anyone in the Reich Air Ministry (RLM), I abstained from making the report, which rather nettled the gentlemen of the Medical Inspectorate [Sanitaetsinspektion]. I immediately informed Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers. For the time being the report is being held as a military secret at the German Aviation Research Institute (DVL) together with a distribution list prepared by the Reich Air Ministry. The distribution of the copies, however, has not yet taken place, because, as I said, the report has not yet been made to Milch. I assume that you were informed of this whole business long ago. What shall we do now?

I wish to enclose a letter of thanks to the Reich Leader from the former prisoner Neff. At the same time I should like to thank you very much for your efforts; and let me beg you, should opportunity offer, to convey to the Reich Leader my most sincere thanks for his granting of this request. I did not write to the Reich Leader in person, in order not to make any further demands on his valuable time.

With best wishes and

Heil Hitler!

Yours most sincerely

[Signed] S. Rascher.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1619-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 87

TELETYPE FROM COMMANDANT OF DACHAU CONCENTRATION CAMP TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 7 OCTOBER 1942, STATING THAT FOUR WOMEN WOULD BE AVAILABLE FROM RAVENSBRUECK CONCENTRATION CAMP FOR RASCHER’S EXPERIMENTS

Reich Security Main Office (RSHA) Message Center

CONCENTRATION CAMP DACHAU 9793 7 OCTOBER 1942 1630-FR-

TO SS OBERSTURMBANNFUEHRER DR. BRANDT BERLIN PRINZ ALBRECHT STR. 8. THE HEADQUARTERS CONCENTRATION CAMP DACHAU REQUESTS CHIEF OF THE AMTSGRUPPE SS BRIGADEFUEHRER GLUECKS TO HAVE THE FOUR WOMEN ORDERED BY THE REICH LEADER SS FOR STABSARZT DR. RASCHER FOR THE PURPOSE OF EXPERIMENTS SENT IMMEDIATELY FROM RAVENSBRUECK TO DACHAU.

SIGNED WEISS, SS STURMBANNFUEHRER AND COMMANDANT OF THE CAMP.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-286

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 88

LETTER FROM GOERING’S OFFICE TO HIMMLER, 8 OCTOBER 1942, WITH ATTACHED INVITATION TO THE CONFERENCE ON “MEDICAL PROBLEMS ARISING FROM HARDSHIPS OF SEA AND WINTER”

The Reich Air Minister

and Commander in chief

of the Luftwaffe

Az: 55 No. 5 340/secret/42 (L. I. 14, 2IIB)

Berlin W 8, 8 October 1942

Leipziger Strasse 7

By Messenger!

Subject: Research order on Freezing [Abkuehlung].

Reference:1. D. R. d. L. and Ob. d. L. Ch. d. Lw. L. In. 14 Az: 55 No. 20058/41 (2II B) dated: 24/2/42
2. D. R. d. L. and Ob. d. L. Ch. d. Lw. L. In. 14 Az: 21 o-r No. 10909/42 (1 II A) dated: 6/8/42

To the Reich Leader SS

The Inspectorate of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe has given an order for research to the Stabsarzt Professor Dr. Holzloehner, reference above, dated 24 February 1942, for work on the following problem:

“The effect of freezing on warm-blooded subjects.”

At the proposal of Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher appropriate examinations were made of human beings, and in agreement with the Reich Leader SS suitable SS facilities were used for the examinations.

In order to carry out these examinations a research group “Hardships at Sea” (“Seenot”) was set up, consisting of Professor Dr. Holzloehner as leader and Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher and Dr. Finke.

The leader of this research group reported that the examinations have been concluded.

It is intended to dissolve the research group at the latest by 15 October 1942.

The research documents and an extensive report will be presented to the Reich Leader SS by Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher. It is requested that the originals or copies of the report and of the documents be put at the disposal of the Inspectorate of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe.

It is intended to make the results, in the form of an extract, accessible to experts at a conference which will take place in Nuernberg on 26 and 27 October 1942. The agenda schedule of the conference is closed.

The SS Central Office, Medical Department [SS Hauptamt, Sanitaetsamt] has been invited to this discussion by letter, dated 30 September 1942.

It is further requested to abstain from forwarding the documents and the report to other nonmedical offices.

Draft signed [Im Entwurf gez.]

By order

Wullen

True Copy

[Signature] Anthony

1 enclosure

[Enclosure]

The Inspector of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe

Conference on “Medical Problems Arising from Hardships of Sea and Winter” on 26 and 27 October 1942 in Nuernberg, Hotel “Der Deutsche Hof,” 29-35 Frauentorgraben. Chairman of the conference: Stabsarzt Professor Dr. Anthony, L. In. 14.

Tentative schedule:

26 October 1942.

15.35 o’clock—Oberstabsarzt Dr. Weltz:
“Warming Up after Freezing to the Danger Point”.
15.55 o’clock—Stabsarzt Professor Holzloehner:
“Prevention and Treatment of Freezing.”
16.40 o’clock—Discussion.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1613-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 90

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO HIMMLER, 16 OCTOBER 1942, TRANSMITTING REPORT ON COOLING EXPERIMENTS ON HUMAN BEINGS (NO-428)

Dr. Sigmund Rascher

Munich 16 October 42

Troger Str. 56

Highly esteemed Reich Leader!

Permit me to submit the attached final report on the super-cooling experiments performed at Dachau. This report does not contain the course and results of a series of experiments with drugs as well as experiments with animal body heat [animalische Waerme] which are now being conducted. Likewise this report does not contain the microscopic pathological examinations of the brain tissues of the deceased. I was surprised at the extraordinary microscopic findings in this field. I will carry out experiments before the start of the conference in which the effect of cooling will be discussed and I hope to be able to present further results by that time. My two coworkers left Dachau about 8 days ago.

In the hope that you, highly esteemed Reich Leader, will be able to spare a quarter of an hour to listen to an oral report, I remain, with the most obedient regards and

Heil Hitler!

Yours respectfully.

[Signed] S. Rascher.

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-428

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 91

REPORT OF 10 OCTOBER 1942, ON COOLING EXPERIMENTS ON HUMAN BEINGS

Stabsarzt Prof. Dr. E. Holzloehner

Stabsarzt Dr. S. Rascher

Stabsarzt Dr. E. Finke

I. Problem of the Experiment

Up to the present time there has been no basis for the treatment of shipwrecked persons who have been exposed for long periods of time to low-water temperatures. These uncertainties extended to the possible physical and pharmacological methods of attack. It was not clear, for example, whether those who had been rescued should be warmed quickly or slowly. According to the current instructions for treating frozen people, a slow warming up seemed to be indicated. Certain theoretical considerations could be adduced for a slow warming. Well-founded suggestions were missing for a promising medicinal therapy.

All these uncertainties rested in the last analysis upon the absence of well-founded concepts concerning the cause of death by cold in human beings. In the meantime, in order to clarify this question, a series of animal experiments were started. And, indeed, these officials who wished to make definite suggestions to the doctors in the sea-rescue service had to assume a great deal of responsibility if it came to a question of convincing and consistent results in these animal experiments. At this particular point it is especially difficult to carry the findings in animals over into the human field. In the warm-blooded, one finds a varied degree of development in the heat-regulating mechanism. Besides this, the processes in the skin of the pelted animals cannot be carried over to man.

II. General Procedure of the Experiment

The effect of water temperatures of 2°, 3°, to 12° C. [34°, 37°, to 54° F.] were investigated. A tank 2×2×2 m. [6-2/3×6-2/3×6-2/3 ft.] served as an experimental basin. The water temperature was attained by addition of ice, and remained constant during the experiment. The experimental subjects were generally dressed in equipment such as the flier wears, consisting of underclothing, uniform, a one piece summer or winter protective suit, helmet, and aviators fur-lined boots. In addition they wore a life preserver of rubber or kapok. The effect of additional protective clothing against water-cold was tested in a special series of experiments, and in another series the cooling of the unclothed person was studied.

The bodily warmth was measured thermoelectrically. Following preliminary experiments in which gastric temperatures were measured by a thermic sound, we adopted the procedure of continuously registering rectally the body temperature [Kerntemperatur]. Parallel with this, the recording of the skin temperature was undertaken. The point of measurement was the skin of the back at the level of the fifth thoracic certebral process. The thermoelectrical measurements were controlled before, during, and after the experiments by thermometric tests of the cheek and rectal temperature.

In severe cooling, checking of the pulse is difficult. The pulse becomes weaker, the musculature become stiff, and shivering sets in. Auscultation during the experiment by means of a tube stethoscope fastened over the tip of the heart proved effective. The tubes were led out of the uniform and made possible the continuous listening to the heart during the stay in the water.

Electrocardiographic controls were not possible in the water. After removal from the water they were possible only in those cases in which, a too severe muscle shivering did not disturb the electrocardiograph records.

The following chemical studies were carried out: following up of the blood sugar picture (continuous); the sodium chloride picture in the serum; the nonprotein nitrogen (Rest-N); the alkali reserve; the alkali reserve of the venous and arterial blood and sedimentation rate (before and after the experiment). Besides this the general blood condition and viscosity were followed during the experiment, and before and after the experiment the resistance of the red blood cells and the protein content of the blood plasma (this refractometrically) were measured.

The following urinalyses were made regularly: sediment, albumen, sugar, sodium chloride, acetone, acetic acid, as well as a qualitative albumen determination.

In part of the experiment lumbar and suboccipital punctures were made as well as corresponding spinal fluid studies.

Among physical and therapeutic measures the following were tested:

a. Rapid warming by means of a hot bath.

b. Warming by means of a light cradle.

c. Warming in a heated sleeping bag.

d. Vigorous massage of the whole body.

e. Wrapping in covers.

f. Diathermy of the heart.

In addition the following drugs were given: Strophanthin i. v.; Cardiaz 1 i. v. and i. c.; Lobelin and Coramin i. v. and i. c. In other experiments alcohol or grape sugar was given.

A part of the experiments was begun under narcosis (8 cc. Evipan i. v.).

III. The Clinical Picture of Cooling

The clinical picture as well as the behavior of the body temperature showed certain regularities in the general course; the time of appearance of certain phenomena was, however, subject to very great individual variations. As one might expect, a good general physical condition delayed the cooling and the concomitant phenomena. Further differences were conditioned by the position of the subject in the water and the manner of clothing. Furthermore, differences showed up between experiments in which the subject lay horizontally in the water so that the nape of the neck and the back of the head were splashed with water, and others in which neck and head protruded freely out of the water.

Peculiarly, the actual water temperatures between 2° C. and 12° C. [35° and 54° F.] had no demonstrable effect upon the rate of the cooling. Naturally such an effect must exist. But since besides the already mentioned individual differences and those due to experimental conditions, the various subjects cooled on different days at different rates of speed, the effect of the actual water temperatures between 2° and 12° disappears behind such variations.

If the experimental subject was placed in the water under narcosis, one observed a certain arousing effect. The subject began to groan and made some defensive movements. In a few cases a state of excitation developed. This was especially severe in the cooling of head and neck. But never was a complete cessation of the narcosis observed. The defensive movements ceased after about 5 minutes. There followed a progressive rigor, which developed especially strongly in the arm musculature; the arms were strongly flexed and pressed to the body. The rigor increased with the continuation of the cooling, now and then interrupted by tonic-clonic twitchings. With still more marked sinking of the body temperature it suddenly ceased. These cases ended fatally, without any successful results from resuscitation efforts.

In the course of the narcosis experiments the evipan effects in a few cases went directly over into a cold narcosis; in other cases one could determine a transitory return of consciousness, immediately following the awakening effect already described; at any rate, the experimental subjects were dizzy. Cold pain was not expressed.

Experiments without narcosis showed no essential differences in the course of cooling. Upon entry into the water a severe cold shuddering appeared. The cooling of the neck and back of the head was felt as especially painful, but already after 5 to 10 minutes a significant weakening of the pain sensation was observable. Rigor developed after this time in the same manner as under narcosis, likewise the tonic-clonic twitchings. At this point speech became difficult because the rigor also affected the speech musculature.

Simultaneously with the rigor a severe difficulty in breathing set in with or without narcosis. It was reported that, so to speak, an iron ring was placed about the chest. Objectively, already at the beginning of this breathing difficulty, a marked dilatation of the nostrils occurred. The expiration was prolonged and visibly difficult. This difficulty passed over into a rattling and snoring breathing. However, the breathing at this point was not especially deep as in Kussmaul’s breathing nor were any Cheyne-Stokes breathing or Biot’s breathing to be observed. Not in all subjects, but in a great number, a simultaneous hindering during this breathing through very profuse secretion of mucous could be established. Under these conditions sometimes a white, fine-bubbled foam appeared at the mouth which reminded one of an incipient lung oedema, though it was not possible to determine this symptom with certainty by clinical auscultation; only a sharpened unclean breath sound was audible. This foam might occur early, that is, at rectal temperatures of 32° C. to 35° C.; [90°-95° F.]. No special significance was to be attributed to this regarding the outcome of the experiment which is the opposite of the described relaxation of rigor. The rate of breathing increased at the beginning of the experiment, but after about 20 minutes it decreased to something like 24 per minute with slight variations.

In general a definite dulling of consciousness occurred at the dropping of the body temperature of 31° C. [88° F.] rectal temperature. Next, the subjects still responded to speech but finally answered very sleepily. The pupils dilated markedly. The contraction under light became increasingly weaker. The gaze was directed overhead with a compulsive fixation. After withdrawal from the water an increase in the reflexes was evident in spite of the rigor, and regularly a very marked drawing up of the testicles occurred which practically disappeared into the abdomen. Early in the experiment the face was pale. After 40 to 50 minutes cyanosis appeared. With this the face appeared redder, the mucous membrane bluish-red. The skin veins were not maximally collapsed and were virtually always penetrable.

The heart activity showed a constant change independent of all other individual variations, which was noticeable in all subjects. Upon introduction into the water with narcotized subjects as well as nonnarcotized subjects, the heart rate went suddenly to about 120 per minute. At a rectal body temperature of about 34° C. [93° F.] it then began to become increasingly slower and to sink continuously to about 50 per minute.

The bradycardia at a body temperature of about 29° to 30° C. [84° to 86° F.] changed suddenly to an arrythmia perpetua or, as the case may be, to a total irregularity and this began with a slow form of about 50 beats per minute; this slow form of irregularity could be transformed into a faster one. The transformation to the faster form was not an unfavorable sign regarding life.

When an electrocardiographic control after the experiment was possible, it regularly showed a Vorhof flutter. Let it be anticipated that this irregularity could continue to exist after the cessation of the cooling and a recovery of the body temperature to 33° or 34° C. [91° or 93° F.] 1½ to 2 hours after removal from the water, but then customarily changed of itself and without therapeutic aids into a coordinated heart activity. In the same way let it be anticipated that in all cases with a lethal termination, a sudden cessation of the heartbeat ensued upon an irregularity of the slow type.

A check of the blood pressure was attempted, but was in no case satisfactory since an exact measurement was not possible in the decisive stage of the experiment because of the severe rigor and muscle fibrillation.

Reference has already been made to individual differences in the behavior of the rectal temperatures. Figure 4 gives an example which includes four experiments, in which four different experimental subjects were cooled at identical water temperatures and with identical clothing. It was shown that in water at 4.5° C. [40° F.] temperature the time required for reaching a rectal temperature of about 29.5° C. [85° F.] varies between 70 and 90 minutes. But nevertheless the diagram shows that in spite of these individual differences, it is observable that the progress of the rectal temperature proceeds according to rule. The body temperature begins to sink rapidly from about 35° C. [95°-97° F.].

It is of very great practical significance at this point that the body temperature continues to sink virtually lineally for a considerable time after removal from the water. This continued drop can last 20 minutes or more. During this drop an after-drop of 4° C. [7° F.] could be observed, and indeed not only at temperatures under 30° C. [86° F.]. In one case it was observed that an interruption of the experiment at 35° C. [95° F.] after a further lapse of 20 minutes the rectal temperature had fallen 4° to 5° C. [8° F.] more. We will later discuss the “arresting” of this after-drop by physical measures.

In our experimental series, the lowest rectal temperatures which could be survived varied individually just as did the progress of the temperature drop. In general (in six cases) death occurred with a drop in temperature to values between 24.2° and 25.7° C. [75.6° and 77.6° F.]. In one case, however, a drop to 25.2° C. was survived. This experiment fell outside the typical picture insofar as after 90 minutes at 26.6° C. [79.9° F.] a virtually stationary condition of the rectal temperature had become established for 85 minutes. We will come back again to this special experiment.

The skin temperature sinks or drops much more rapidly than the rectal temperature. Within a minute there occurs a thorough saturation of the articles of clothing. Correspondingly the skin temperature falls already within 5 minutes to values between 24° and 19° C. [75° and 66° F.]. After 10 minutes it may have already dropped to 12° C. [54° F.]. Within 10 to 20 minutes more after the beginning of the experiment the steepness of the drop changes considerably. The curve of the skin temperature runs for some time, that is, for 15 to 30 minutes virtually horizontal. After this time there follows a further but now slower drop to the lowest figures, which may lie below 15° C. [59° F.] at the close of the experiment.

Parallel experiments which compare the course of the rectal temperatures and the cooling of the body with and without submersion of neck and back of head showed great difference in temperature drop. The curves pertain to the same experimental subject. The one with the deep fall to 26° C. [79° F.] in 70 minutes was obtained with a water temperature of 12° C. [54° F.] the other with a drop to 32.5° C. [90.4° F.] in the same time resulted from a water temperature of 5.5° C. [41.9° F.]. The very marked difference cannot be explained by a variation in resistance of the particular person, but is to be attributed to the position of the subject in the water and his head covering. In the experiment with the water at 12° C. [54° F.] the subject, in a kapok life preserver, lay flat in the water so that his neck and the back of his head were well submerged; beyond this he did not wear a flier’s helmet. In the other experiment with water at 5.5° C. [41.9° F.] the head was covered with an aviator’s summer helmet without headphones. The subject wore a rubber life preserver open at the back; with this, the head is somewhat out of the water.

In order to follow up the effect of isolated cooling of the neck and the back of the head on consciousness, body temperature, and circulation, this was undertaken in three special experiments. The experimental subject lay horizontal; the back of the head and the neck were dipped into a receptacle through which water of corresponding temperature was continuously run. In an experiment of 3 hours duration there occurred small temperature drops of not more than 0.8° C. [1.4° F.]. The water temperature was 1° to 2° C. [34° to 35° F.]. In one case after 50 minutes a marked sleepiness occurred which changed over into a deep narcosis. The heart activity was variable, and obvious bradycardia could not be observed. Irregularity never developed. Changes were not seen in the electrocardiograph. On the other hand in all three subjects the spinal fluid pressure was markedly increased after the ending of the experiment to maximal values of 300 mm. After the experiment, ataxia and definite Romberg phenomena were observed, as well as exaggeration of the normal reflexes; pathological reflexes were absent.

IV. Blood, Spinal Fluid, and Urine During Freezing

The differential blood smears showed no special features during cooling. On the other hand the number of white and red blood corpuscles shows a regular change. The number of leukocytes rapidly increases, roughly with the beginning of the steeper temperature drop at about 35° C. [95° F.] rectal temperature to values of from 25,000 to 27,000 per cu. mm. After one hour a maximum may be reached and a falling-off begins in the number of leukocytes, while the body temperature falls still further. The number of red corpuscles undergoes an increase, though to a relatively small degree, which in its course resembles the change in the number of leukocytes. We saw increases up to 20 percent. This increase is interrupted even earlier than the increase in the number of leukocytes, so that both curves give no reflection of the temperature curve. The increase of the erythrocytes corresponded to the increase of the hemoglobin of from 10 to 20 percent. A reduction of the fragility of the red corpuscles could not be demonstrated with certainty, on the other hand, although in three experiments a definite hemolysis occurred.

The viscosity regularly increases with the beginning of the fall in temperature. The rise can reach values up to 7.8. This rise occurs very early, indeed, already at body temperatures of 35° C. [95° F.]. After that the values remain relatively constant with further temperature falls. The albumen content of the plasma was likewise increased after the experiment, on the average by 1 percent of the absolute value. Since these measurements could not be made as often as those of viscosity for technical reasons, the connection with the progress of the viscosity remained unclear. Such a connection could not be recognized from the absolute values obtained.

With the acceleration of the temperature drop, there always occurs a more marked increase of the blood sugar to maximal values which may attain an average increase of 80 percent and in a few cases may reach an increase of over 100 percent. According to that, the maximal value of about 27.5° C. [81.5° F.] is reached and is maintained for some time. It is to be observed that as long as the temperature drop continues, in no experiment was it possible to observe a decrease in these high blood sugar values. It is usually to be observed that a relatively rapid drop of the blood sugar values sets in when, after removal from the water, the temperature drop ceases and goes over into a temperature rise. We consider these findings to be of theoretical significance. During the isolated cooling of the neck and back of the head which was described in section III the blood sugar remained constant.

In striking contrast to the increase of the blood sugar, there was never established a corresponding glycosuria in the urine collected immediately after the experiment or withdrawn through a catheter, although considerable quantities of urine averaging 500 cc. were found in the bladder; in only two cases could traces of sugar (0.5 percent) be demonstrated. This paradoxical behavior can, perhaps, be explained in this manner: during the time of great blood sugar increase, a blocking of the kidneys had occurred, and that the associated urine quantities were formed before or after this blocking under reflex polyuria. Acetone and acetic acid, likewise, could not be demonstrated in the urine.

The alkali reserve in the arterial and venous blood was regularly very much reduced at the end of the experiments. Experiments concerning oxygen saturation could not be carried out. According to the color of the venous blood withdrawn from the arm veins, the saturation of this blood must have been very greatly reduced; the blood was virtually black as it came into the syringe. Noteworthy in this connection are the autopsy findings which were undertaken directly after death. In these, the blood in the right heart appeared very dark, and in the left heart very bright red. According to this, one must calculate upon an increase in the saturation differential between the arteries and veins.

Sodium chloride and nonprotein nitrogen in the blood were not clear in the blood at the end of the experiments or increased within the limit of error. Sodium chloride in the urine was generally less, corresponding to a reduction of the specific gravity. On the other hand at the end of the experiments traces of albumin could regularly be demonstrated in the urine and moderately increased leukocytes, occasional erythrocytes, and epithelial cells in the sediments. In particular cases, albumin casts were also observed. The reaction of the urine remained identical before and after the experiments virtually without exception. The studies of the bile yielded no results.

Lumbar and suboccipital punctures immediately after the experiments showed a considerable increase in fluid pressure. On the average it amounted to between 50 and 60 mm. In one case, an increase to 420 mm. was seen. The protein values were always normal. Cell increases did not appear, likewise no abnormal deviation of the colloidal gold curve was observed. The meaning of these findings for therapy is still to be discussed later.

V. Recovery After Cooling and Its Dependence Upon Physiotherapeutic Measures

The important fact has already been referred to that after rescue from the cold water, the body temperature sinks further and so a further temperature reduction of 4° C. [7° F.] may take place. As was likewise emphasized, this may occur as a postphenomenon not only when low temperatures have been obtained already during the experiments, but it can be noted also at final temperatures of 35° C. [95° F.]. A dependence of this after-drop on the duration of the experiment could not be established; as a result it is difficult to calculate in advance. This fact becomes of great importance for practical measures; on the other hand it makes it difficult to gain an insight into the manner in which various physiotherapeutic measures affect the arresting of this after-drop and the recovery of the body temperature. Only because of the large number of the experiments was it possible to obtain well-founded concepts of this.

The flattest rise of the body temperature was to be observed when the subject was merely dried off, wrapped in warm cover, and left to himself after removal from the water. The recovery is greatly accelerated if the subject is placed in a hot bath as soon as possible after the removal of the wet articles of clothing. Warming under a light cradle assisted the temperature rise. Vigorous massage had a favorable effect, however, only if it was preceded by treatment in a hot bath or light cradle. In no case was it established that there was any indication of bad effects from the hot water or the light cradle, or that the subject had been harmed in any way. On the other hand, it was observed in three cases that a hot bath had doubtless a life saving effect. In two of these cases there had been complete cessation of heart and breathing action, and in one case the heart had stopped for several seconds after a markedly slackened irregularity before the subject was placed into water of not more than 50° C. [122° F.]. As a result of this we can discard all traditional objections to a sudden rewarming.

The favorable effect of a hot bath is still clearer in the observation of the general condition of the subject than in the temperature curves, although it cannot be presented objectively. The breathing very often becomes “freer” immediately upon introduction into the hot water. The hot water releases a strong stimulus; the unconscious subject often reacts with an outcry. Soon thereafter there occurs a distinct lessening of the severe rigor. The return of consciousness occurs sooner, and indeed at temperatures at which it did not usually happen under other methods of treatment.

In the first experiments with hot water treatment, this was continued only for 10 minutes; after that the subjects were removed and vigorously massaged. Under these circumstances it could be established that the temperature rise continued during the rubbing, indeed in one experiment the rise became steeper. As already indicated, this favorable effect of dry rubbing was not so pronounced without preliminary treatment by heat. It is important, too, that the rubbing be done when the severe spasm of the peripheral vessels has already passed.

In view of this, the hot hath is the best method of treatment of the severely cooled person. However, in the practice of sea rescue service it will not be possible to carry out this method, since the necessary means are not available in aircraft and boats. Under these circumstances we must consider next only the rapid rewarming with light cradle or electrically heated sleeping bag. Therefore a sleeping bag as now used in the sea rescue service was also tested. It was evident that the temperatures which can be developed by this means are not sufficient for heat therapy. With those it was possible to reach a temperature of only 32° C. [90° F.] over the skin, with the heat turned on fully. Besides this, the wall of the foot-section of the sleeping bag is only partly heated; on the outer sides it remains completely cold. As long as no improvement and strengthening of the heating equipment of the sack is carried out, the sleeping bag can be considered only as a substitute for wrapping in warm covers.

The warming by means of the light cradle is more uneven than with a hot bath. With warming by light one might expect severe local vessel expansion with danger of collapse. Actually the subjects often complained of dizziness and nausea after reaching consciousness if the treatment lasted longer than 15 minutes. Occasionally vomiting occurred. In these cases it is indicated to switch off the light cradle and to pack the subject with covers. Apart from this it must be remembered that during unconsciousness the subject should be protected against direct contact with the lamps by means of covers, otherwise burns could occur during clonic-tonic convulsions.

This suggests that “short waves” be employed to supply heat, since it was shown in animal experimentation that by this means it is possible to bring about a thorough warming of the whole animal, which leads to a recovery of the animal with puzzling rapidity. We did not have the proper equipment for a thorough warming of a human being by this means. For this reason the short wave therapy of the heart was tried. This did not have any demonstrable effect. Above all, it is necessary to advise against a practical application of this method, since there exists the danger of prolonged burning even in full consciousness, as the result of cold anaesthesia, even if the treating physician carefully tries to avoid this.

The severe difficulty in breathing as well as the formation of foam before the mouth, which reminded one of incipient lung oedema, seemed to indicate oxygen therapy. Therefore this therapy was tried in four experiments. It showed no effect on either the breathing or the heart action. It has been pointed out that the arterial blood appears especially light red.

VI. Death After Cooling in Water

Practical and Theoretical Considerations

Reports to the effect that those who have been rescued at sea are imperilled for a considerable time after rescue has aroused special attention. It has been reported especially that sudden cases of death occurred as much as 20 minutes to 90 minutes after rescue, and that in mass catastrophes these sudden deaths could amount to mass-dying (rescue collapse). These observations have set off far-reaching discussions. Bleeding in the rewarming periphery, break-downs of neural and humoral correlations and similar ideas have been brought up.

In contrast to this our experiments give a relatively simple explanation of cold-death under these conditions. With the exception of a single case, a total irregularity of the heart chamber could be definitely demonstrated in all cases of cooling under 30° C. [86° F.], (50 experiments), when the rectal temperature reached 29° C. [84° F.] and usually already at a cooling of 31° C. [88° F.]. The exception was an experiment on an intoxicated subject, which is to be gone into more fully below (see sec. VII).

Furthermore heart-death was established clinically in all cases of death observed by us. In two cases breathing ceased simultaneously with the heart activity. These were cases in which it was specially noted that the neck and the back of the head lay deep in the water. In all remaining cases breathing outlasted the clinical chamber cessation by as much as 20 minutes. In part this was “normal, much decelerated breathing,” in part an angonal form of gasping. As already referred to, an auricular flutter could be demonstrated cardiographically during the irregularity.

In cases in which a special cooling of neck and back of head had existed before death, the autopsy showed a marked brain oedema, a tight filling of the general brain cavity [Hirngefaesse] blood in the spinal fluid as well as blood in the Michaelisrhomboid.

The heart findings warrant our taking a certain attitude toward the question of rescue collapse. Death occurred relatively quickly after removal from the water, which may be compared with rescue. The longest interval involved was 14 minutes. It is to be noted, however, in the first place, that almost certainly a much larger number of deaths would have been observed if an active heat therapy had not almost regularly been coupled directly with the completion of the experiment; in the second place, that in such cases there would have been very much longer intervals. We have already called attention repeatedly to the after-cooling following the experiment. In every case where this had proceeded to a certain point, countermeasures were taken, since the experiments were never planned to end in death. One may well imagine, however, that in mass catastrophes, in which almost exclusively rescue collapse has heretofore been described, the therapeutic measures were confined to an undressing and drying off of the rescued together with a subsequent wrapping in covers. Under these conditions after-drops of great magnitude and long duration were to be expected. In the course of this delayed fall in temperature, a heart-death might occur as in our experiments.

We should like to emphasize that the irregularity per se is not to be regarded in our experiments as a symptom of danger to life any more than in the clinic, but rather as a sign of direct heart damage, which increases continuously with further falling off of temperature, until finally the heart fails. If the temperature drop is arrested, the slow form of irregularity passes over into a rapid form. This transition is a favorable sign for survival; for this irregularity virtually always passes over of itself after a time averaging 90 minutes into normal heart activity. It continues therefore for a long time after the body temperature has already risen markedly. A danger to the circulatory system could not be demonstrated at this stage. In three cases the return of the heart action to normal occurred in spite of simultaneous energetic physical work.

With the demonstration that cold-death of man is primarily a heart-death, the essential points for therapy are also cleared up. The cause of the severe heart damage is another question. Since our studies were primarily aimed at the development of practical methods of treatment, we will not go very far into the theoretical concepts which may be developed in this connection. Still, several hints may be drawn from the blood studies:

1. The great increase of the viscosity causes an increased loading upon the heart.

2. The choking of peripheral vessel areas by the severe vessel contraction leads to an over-filling of the central areas. This appears not only from our autopsies. In all available records of autopsies which pertain to cases of death from cold in the water after sea disaster, we find uniformly a severe over-filling of the right heart.

3. It is to be calculated that, under the effect of the low blood temperature, the heart itself becomes severely hypodynamic. It has been proved long ago in animal experimentation that a Vorhof flutter can be developed by the overloading and cooling of the isolated heart.

Besides a physical damaging of the heart musculature by the cold, we must also keep in mind the damaging by pathological products of metabolism. Next, the sharp increase in blood sugar may be connected with the increased outpouring of adrenalin. The constancy of this increase of blood sugar during the temperature drop is, however, remarkable. One may well assume that this flow of adrenalin exhausts itself with the continuance of the temperature drop. With this there would have to be a rapid decrease in the blood sugar if the oxidation processes were to continue undisturbed. The decrease in the alkali reserve or the development of an acidosis argues strongly for an injury.

Animal experiments, with general cooling, give grounds for believing that the intermediary metabolism is disturbed during drops in temperature; but this change is also discussed in connection with local freezing of the human being and has been proved to a certain extent. Furthermore, not only this disturbance shows a transition between general and local damage by cold. In both cases there occurs an increase in viscosity, which points to a change in the capillary walls and indicates the conclusion that there is a change in the permeability of those walls for protein and water.

The heart-death remains prominent, the regular increase of spinal fluid pressure with severe cooling of the neck and back of the head leaves it unsettled whether, in addition, this has pathognomonic significance for the outcome. With a fluid pressure of 420 mm. it must in fact be assumed that this participates in the development of bradycardia.

The detection of an increase in fluid pressure is also not without significance for therapy. One may think of a lumbar or suboccipital puncture as a measure to be prescribed. After a lumbar puncture there occurs a transformation of the slow form of arrhythmia into the rapid form. It must remain undecided whether such measures, which delay a rapid, active rewarming, are to be recommended for practical application in the sea-rescue service.

The idea that cold-death in water depends upon failure of the heart, accompanied or unaccompanied by breathing, is subject to limitation. One experiment among fifty-seven was typical. This involved survival of a cooling to 25.2° C. [77.4° F.] during a stay of 3 hours in water of 5.5° C. [41.4° F.]. The rectal temperature under these conditions remained constant within slight variations between 27° and 25° C. [81° and 77° F.] for the last hour and a half. Likewise, quite irregularly, no increase in blood sugar occurred. But most striking was the fact that until the end of the experiment and after its termination consciousness was undisturbed. The course of the experiment reminded one of the behavior of certain experimental animals which can withstand extremely low body temperatures for long periods of time. Lower, warm-blooded animals (for example, rats) can endure rectal temperatures of 20° C. [68° F.] for several hours. It is conceivable that this atypical experiment, had it been continued, would have shown also an atypical cause of death. Against this we have the fact that an irregularity had already set in but not before a temperature of 30.1° C. [86.2° F.] had been reached.

Also, aside from the fluid pressure increase, the part which the central nervous system plays in the outcome of the experiment seems to us to be secondary. The experiments with simultaneous cooling of the neck of course showed how the cooling of the neck and back of the head speeds up the lowering of temperature. This is to be explained by the fact that the counter-controls which are relayed from the temperature center to the periphery, either cannot exist further because of hypofunction of the centers (effect of oedema and cooling), or are no longer transmitted because of cold-blocking of the pathways. But likewise central counter-controls for the areas of the peripheral capillaries may fall; thus delaying the overloading of the heart by extended periphera vasco friction.

VII. The Influence of Pharmacology and the Question of Alcohol

Now experiments by Jarisch have shown that heart drugs like strophanthin and stimulants like cardiazol and coramine in therapeutic doses may react toxically upon cooled animals. These findings are a warning to be most careful in the medicinal treatment of severely cooled persons, though strophanthin and cardiazol have heretofore been expressly recommended in such cases.

In experiments with fatal outcome, the stopping of the heart occurred either in the water or after an interval of not more than 14 minutes after removal from the water. With such a rapid course of events it is unlikely that one can favorably influence the heart action by intravenous injections of strophanthin, especially because the circulation is at a very low ebb before the heart-death. For this reason, in a case whose condition was already very dangerous, strophanthin was given intracardially in a dose of 0.25 mg. Thereupon the heart condition grew still worse and after 5 minutes the heart stopped. One had the impression that the heart action was made worse by the intracardial injection of strophanthin. This is, however, the only case which left the possibility of damage by strophanthin in doubt. No such damage could ever be established in the intravenous injection of strophanthin. On the other hand no therapeutic effect, even with maximal doses of 0.5 mg., could be detected. Figure 11 [not reproduced], last section, shows the total duration in 10 cases of the irregularity observed without strophanthin dosage. This varies between 25 and 200 minutes. On the other hand in Figure 13 in the last section, first five cross-rows there are corresponding time values of 175 to 360 minutes. At various experimental time points during these experiments 0.25 to 0.5 of strophanthin were given. Accordingly, a shortening of the duration of the irregularity cannot be established. Furthermore no improvement of the pulse or general condition was ever noted. Obviously these experiments are too few to rule out a possible favorable effect in all cases. Several hundred experiments would be necessary to obtain statistically reliable data on this point. And so, since contrary to animal experimentation, we could not unquestionably establish damage following intravenous strophanthin dosage, we may leave it to the treating physician whether or not he may still want to make an experiment with strophanthin. To be sure, such an employment of it must be advised against in case of a very much decelerated form of irregularity. This will be observed when there is the greatest danger; under such circumstances time should never be lost by experimenting with drugs, but every effort should be made in the direction of intensive heat therapy.

Also in the experiments with cardiazol, coramin and lobeline we restricted ourselves primarily to determining whether injurious effects occurred in the case of relatively large doses. Four cc. of 10 percent coramin as well as 2 cc. of 1 percent lobeline were injected intravenously at various stages of recovery without any marked objective and subjective deterioration of the state of the heart, the breathing, and the general condition. But just as with strophanthin, it is impossible to rule out a possible therapeutically favorable effect because of the small number of experiments. We never observed such an effect. Especially the marked deepening of breathing and of the irritability of the trigeminal nerve which usually sets in very suddenly after coramin (for example, sneezing immediately after the injection) were always missing. Contrary to strophanthin, in the case of which we cannot advise against experimentation by intravenous injection under certain conditions, we believe on theoretical grounds that such experiments with peripheral circulatory drugs which may heighten the vessel tonus are not indicated because of the following considerations: The damage to the heart is to be attributed, among other things, to an overloading, which is caused by a blocking of enlarged vessel areas, aside from an increase in viscosity. If the vessel tonus is further increased in the areas which have remained unimpeded, the conditions for the heart are thereby made worse.

The sceptical attitude toward the effect of drugs is strengthened above all by the observation that in the majority of the experiments in which no drugs were given, even the most severe disturbances of the peripheral circulation were reduced remarkably rapidly under intensive heat treatment. In this connection it must be emphasized that besides the recovery of body temperature through heat therapy an unloading of the heart takes place because the blocked areas open up. Contrary to earlier concepts, according to which there was danger of hemorrhage into the periphery during rapid rewarming, and according to which one sought to avoid this hemorrhage by wrapping up the extremities as well as by very slow warming, the “venalous bleeding into the periphery” may be life-saving under some circumstances. An exception, namely, loval pyperacmia after considerable rise in temperature and corresponding reestablishment of circulation has already been described in the reference to the danger in some cases of very prolonged treatment in the light cradle.

The familiar increase of peripheral blood volume as a result of alcohol leads one to expect that very intoxicated persons cool more rapidly. Figure 14[[28]] shows an experiment from which we may conclude that actually acceleration of the cooling does set in after partaking liberally of alcohol before the experiment. It is very remarkable that in such an experiment, the only exception among all cooling experiments, irregularity was absent in a cooling to 28.1° C. [82.6° F.]. Even if it was not possible to reproduce this apparent protection against irregularity caused by partaking of alcohol in control experiments on other subjects, there remains the possibility that the distending of the peripheral vessels delays the overloading of the heart, just as on the other hand it increases the speed of cooling.

Our observations contradict the old seafaring custom of pouring alcohol into a person already cooled, since, according to these observations the temperature tends, even in slight degrees of cooling, to sink further for a long time after rescue. As long as there is no active supply of heat from outside, the disadvantage of an increased heat loss will reduce the utility of stopping the peripheral vessel blockage. Also in later stages of recovery one must obviously be very careful in giving alcohol; above all, this warning is emphasized by the possibility that one must reckon with a total irregularity after more than an hour, which may go unnoticed by the inexperienced experimenter.

VIII. Preventive Measures

IX. Concerning Life Jackets [Schwimmwesten]

X. Summary

1. The curve of rectal temperature of human beings chilled in water of 2° C. [35.6° F.] to 12° C. [53.6° F.] shows a gradual drop to about 35° C. [95° F.], after which the drop becomes rapid. Death may occur at rectal temperatures below 30° C. [86° F.].

2. Death results from heart failure. The direct damage to the heart becomes evident from the total irregularity observed in all cases, setting in at approximately 30° C. [86° F.]. This cardiac damage is due to overloading of the heart, caused by the marked and regular increase in the viscosity of the blood, as well as by the marked throttling of large peripheral vascular areas; besides, a direct injury to the heart by the cold is also probable.

3. If the neck is also chilled, the lowering of the temperature is more rapid. This is due to interference with the temperature-regulating and vascular centers; cerebral oedema also makes its appearance.

4. The blood sugar rises as the temperature falls, and the blood sugar does not drop again as long as the body temperature continues to fall. This fact suggests an intermediary disturbance of metabolism.

5. Respiration of the chilled subject is rendered difficult due to the rigor of the respiratory musculature.

6. After removal from the cold water, the body temperature may continue to fall for 15 minutes or longer. This may be an explanation of deaths which occur after successful rescue from the sea.

7. Intensive rewarming never injures the severely chilled person.

8. Strophanthin treatment was not observed to have been successful. The question of the use of strophanthin remains open, however. Remedies which influence the peripheral circulation are definitely not advisable.

9. The most effective therapeutic measure is rapid and intensive heat treatment, best applied by immersion in a hot bath.

10. By means of special protective clothing, the survival time after immersion in cold water could be extended to double the survival time of subjects who were immersed without protective clothing.

11. Certain proposals for improvement of life jackets are being made.

Concluded on 10 October 1942.

[Signed] Prof.Dr. Holzloehner
Dr. Rascher
Dr. Finke

Behavior of the heart action under the influence of medication

Occurance ofTherapyPulse becomesTotal
Irregularityregulardura-
Subj.WaterAfterAtAtAfter exper.tion
temp.exper.bodyMg.min.time & admin.of ir-Remarks
[°C]timetemp.stroph.[min.]strophanthinregu-
[min.][°C]larity
*********
B. L455300.25 mg., 4 cc. coramin.65——Death in the seventieth minute, ten minutes after removal from water.
L. H43031.50.25 mg., intracardial.60——Death (heart stopped) five minutes after administering strophanthin, ten minutes after removal from water.
V. E5.26030.30.25 mg., heart, masage, coramin, cardiazol, artificial respiration.68——Death (heart stopped) in the sixty-sixth minute during removal from water.
S. M67531.4Artificial respiration, cardiazol.82——Death (heart stopped) in the eighty-seventh minute, seven minutes after removal from water.
L. O4.53031.2L. P57——Death (heart stopped) in the sixty-fifth minute, eight minutes after removal from water.

Figure 13.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1609-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 92

LETTER FROM HIMMLER TO RASCHER, 24 OCTOBER 1942, AND NOTE BY RUDOLF BRANDT

Reich Leader SS

Nr 1397/42

Field Command Post, 24 Oct 1942

Dr. Sigmund Rascher

Munich, Trogerstr. 56

Top Secret

3 copies

2d copy

Dear Rascher!

I acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th and 10th and both notes of 16 October 1942.

I have read your report regarding cooling experiments on humans with great interest. SS Sturmbannfuehrer Sievers should arrange the possibility of evaluation at institutes which are connected with us.

I regard these people as guilty of treason and high treason, who, still today, reject these experiments on humans and would instead let sturdy German soldiers die as a result of these cooling methods. I shall not hesitate to report these men to the offices concerned. I empower you to make my opinion on this known to the offices concerned.

I invite you to a personal conference in November as I cannot make it sooner despite my great interest.

SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff will once again get in touch with Field Marshal Milch. You are empowered to make a report to Field Marshal Milch—and, of course, to the Reich Marshal if he has time—concerning those who are not doctors.

I think that covers which have heat packets or something similar sewed in their lining are the best for the warming of those who were stranded at sea and were picked up in boats or small vessels and where there is no possibility of placing these chilled people in a hot bath. I take it for granted that you know these heat packets which we also have in the SS and which were used by the Russians a great deal. They consist of a mass which develops a warmth of 70° to 80° upon addition of water and retains it for hours.

I am very curious as to the experiments with body warmth. I personally take it that these experiments will probably bring the best and lasting results. Naturally, I could be mistaken.

Keep me informed on future findings. Of course we will see each other in November.

Heil Hitler!

Yours

[Signed] H. Himmler

2. SS Obergruppenfuehrer Wolff

Sent with request for acknowledgment. I present the report with the request for acknowledgment and return since the Reich Leader SS in Munich wants these copies again.

[Signed] Brandt

SS Sturmbannfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-323

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 94

MEMORANDUM OF RASCHER ON WOMEN USED FOR REWARMING IN FREEZING EXPERIMENTS, 5 NOVEMBER 1942

Sigmund Rascher, M. D.

Munich, Trogerstrasse 56, 5 November 1942

Subject: Requested report on concentration camp prostitutes.

For the resuscitation experiments by animal warmth after freezing as ordered by the Reich Leader SS I had four women assigned to me from the women’s concentration camp Ravensbrueck.

One of the assigned women shows unobjectionably Nordic racial characteristics: blond hair, blue eyes, corresponding head and body structure, 21¾ years of age. I asked the girl why she had volunteered for the brothel. I received the answer: “To get out of the concentration camp, for we were promised that all those who would volunteer for the brothel for half a year would then be released from the concentration camp”. To my objection that it was a great shame to volunteer as a prostitute, I was told: “Rather half a year in the brothel than half a year in the concentration camp”. Then followed an account of a number of most peculiar conditions at camp Ravensbrueck. Most of the reported conditions were confirmed by the three other prostitutes and by the female warden who had accompanied them from Ravensbrueck.

It hurts my racial feelings to expose to racially inferior concentration camp elements a girl as a prostitute who has the appearance of a pure Nordic and who could perhaps by assignment of proper work be put on the right road.

Therefore, I refused to use this girl for my experimental purposes and gave the adequate reports to the camp commander and the adjutant of the Reich Leader SS.

[Signature] Dr. S. Rascher

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-320

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 103

LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO BRANDT, 28 JANUARY 1943, AND
RASCHER’S REPORT ON HIS DISCUSSIONS WITH GRAWITZ AND
POPPENDICK

The Ahnenerbe

The Reich Business Manager

To the Reich Leader SSBerlin, 28 January 1943
Personal StaffG/R/8 S 1/Sb

[illegible shorthand notes]

Attention: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt

Berlin S. W. 11, Prinz Albrecht Str. 8

Secret!

Subject: Research of Dr. Rascher.

Dear comrade Brandt!

I submit to you enclosed a documentary note of Dr. Rascher on his discussion with the Reich Physician SS [Reichsarzt SS] of 13 January 1943. I would be much obliged to you if you could advise us as to what attitude we or Dr. Rascher are to take in the future. I am slightly astonished about the course of the discussion, for the orders of the Reich Leader SS were especially to the effect that we—that is the Ahnenerbe—were to take Dr. Rascher’s work under our care. The argument of SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz, that it constituted an unbearable situation to have a non-physician give information on medical matters, is not pertinent. I have never claimed to be a judge of medical matters, nor do I consider it as one of my duties. My duty merely consists of smoothing the way for the research men and seeing that the tasks ordered by the Reich Leader SS are carried out in the quickest possible way. On one thing I certainly can form an opinion—that is, on who is doing the quickest job.

If things are to go on in the future as SS Gruppenfuehrer Grawitz desires, I am afraid that Dr. Rascher’s work will not continue to advance as fast and unhampered as hitherto.

With comradely greetings,

Heil Hitler!

Yours

[Signature] Sievers

[Stamp]:

Personal Staff RF SS / Enclosure

Received on: 4th Feb. 1943 1

Journal No: 1786/43

To: RBPlease turn!

COPY

Documentary note on discussion Reich Physician SS [Reichsarzt SS] Dr. Grawitz—SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Poppendick—SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Rascher, 13 January 1943.

Rascher: Reports on freezing experiments with water and emphasizes that they have been concluded practically, but not in theory.

Grawitz: Question about the memorandum. Whether Rascher believes this to be absolutely established for dry freezings, too?

Rascher: No, a lot of theoretical work is still to be done, primarily many practical experiments have still to be conducted.

Grawitz: That is my opinion, too. We cannot distribute a memorandum to the troops, abolishing all former views, if this is not entirely well-founded, as otherwise uncertainties will arise among the troops. I shall write to Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Brandt that I am asking the Reich Leader SS not to distribute the memorandum before a well-founded method of treatment of dry frozen persons has been established.

Rascher: Very well, that’s why the Reich Leader SS gave me the order of 13 December 1942. But I urgently want to emphasize that the results of the freezing experiments with water have been established and are well-founded.

Grawitz: Well, now, this had to be mentioned in the letter to Brandt so that you are not blamed in any way! You see, from my former activities (mention of some hospital) I know so much about metabolism that I am almost a specialist in this field and can help you enormously.

Rascher: As I understood, Gruppenfuehrer, that’s why I am to turn to your office for glass materials, chemicals, etc.

Grawitz: No. Not only for that. You have to turn to me in all medical matters, since after all, I am Reich Physician SS and all medical affairs are subordinate to me. It is absolutely necessary that all medical matters destined for the Reich Leader SS go through my office.

Rascher: I don’t know, Gruppenfuehrer, if this was the intention. I am under the direct orders of the Reich Leader SS and I have always reported directly to him. I have never received orders to another effect.

Grawitz: You certainly will be transferred to the Waffen SS?

Rascher: Yes, I hope so. The transfer is under way.

Grawitz: There you are. Then you will be under my orders as a physician at any rate and all matters will have to go through my office, otherwise the situation would be unbearable.

Rascher: But I am under the orders of the Ahnenerbe! Am I to report to you, too, what I have to report to the Ahnenerbe?

Grawitz: Certainly! At least a copy on all medical matters has to be sent to me for my information. For it is an unbearable situation to have a non-physician, such as Standartenfuehrer Sievers, inform me on medical matters if he does not have the adequate special medical education. I have nothing against Sievers. Well, yes, I know you are of the Ahnenerbe. I don’t say anything against your work for the Ahnenerbe, but I want you to work with the Ahnenerbe for the Reich Physician. I shall also write to Brandt on that matter.

Poppendick: Well, I already had to ask Standartenfuehrer Sievers several times to come to me to receive information. In the long run all medical matters wind up with us, anyway.

Grawitz: You see, this is the point! When the Reich Leader SS does not understand a medical matter clearly he hands the matter over to me, anyway.

Rascher: Of course, I am grateful for every kind of help, but I believe that I am primarily under the orders of the Ahnenerbe.

Grawitz: Certainly not when you are a member of the Waffen SS. I am able to be of much use to you through my knowledge and I shall inform Brandt to that effect. It isn’t that I bear a grudge against you or your work, but all things have to follow their course. Don’t be afraid, scientific thefts don’t occur with us. As I know, you have to acquire the right of giving lectures at universities as a qualified academic teacher under Pfannenstiel. And you will need support. Do you want to be supported by me?

Rascher: Of course, I thank you most obediently. Where I need support, I gladly accept it.

Grawitz: Well, we shall wait then with the memorandum until you have a few hundred cases, then we shall continue. Of course, I would not like the Reich Leader SS to believe that I want to impede you. But if something has not yet been proved to a great extent, we cannot distribute anything to the troops that might spread uncertainty among the responsible authorities!

Everything may be true for freezing by water, but we don’t have that in the Waffen SS. So you agree to wait with the distribution of the memorandum.

Rascher: Gruppenfuehrer, anyway it is entirely your affair, whether the memorandum is issued now, as you are responsible for it. I composed the memorandum on the basis of these few cases of dry freezing, because the Reich Leader SS pressed for its publication. In composing the memorandum, I was fully aware of the necessity that many experiments still have to be carried out, and I also submitted this view on the occasion of a discussion with the Reich Leader SS in Dachau. But the Reich Leader saw the results in Dachau and in wanting to help the troops ordered the memorandum to be drawn up.

Grawitz: In composing a memorandum or in any other scientific work you should not let anybody press you, not even the Reich Leader SS, that will never do! Well now, you’ll send me a copy of all your medical correspondence with the Ahnenerbe, and you’ll no longer write directly to the Reich Leader SS in medical matters but write to me, as it comes to me anyway. Will you do that?

Rascher: I’ll have to discuss the matter with Standartenfuehrer Sievers first, this comes too much as a surprise.

Grawitz: Well, I shall send you a copy of my letter to Dr. Brandt so that you can get a clear picture. I am very pleased to have established such a close contact with you.

This is a certified true copy.

[Signature] Wolff

SS Untersturmfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1616-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 105

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO HIMMLER, 17 FEBRUARY 1943, AND
SUMMARY OF EXPERIMENTS FOR REWARMING OF CHILLED
HUMAN BEINGS BY ANIMAL WARMTH, 12 FEBRUARY 1943

Dr. S. Rascher

SS Hauptsturmfuehrer

Munich, 17 February 1943

To the Reich Leader SS and Chief of the German Police Heinrich Himmler

Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Str. 8

Dear Reich Leader,

Enclosed I present to you in condensed form a summary of the results of the experiments made in warming up people who have been cooled off by using animal heat.

Right now I am attempting to prove through experiments on human beings that it is possible to warm up people cooled off by dry cold just as fast as people who were cooled off by remaining in cold water. The Reich Physician SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz, doubted very much that that would be possible and said that I would have to prove it first by 100 experiments. Up to now I have cooled off about 30 people stripped in the open air during 9-14 hours at 27°-29°. After a time corresponding to a transport of 1 hour, I put these subjects in a hot bath. Up to now every single patient was completely warmed up within 1 hour at most, though some of them had their hands and feet frozen white. In some cases a slight fatigue with slightly rising temperature was observed on the day following the experiments. I have not observed any fatal results from this extremely fast warming up. I have not so far been able to do any warming up by “Sauna” as ordered by you, my dear Reich Leader, as the weather in December and January was too warm for any experiments in the open air, and right now the camp is closed on account of typhoid and I am not allowed therefore to bring in subjects, for “Sauna” experiments.

With most obedient greetings and sincere gratitude, and

Heil Hitler!

Yours very devotedly

Rascher

(enclosure)

Secret

Experiments for rewarming of intensely chilled human beings by
animal warmth

A. Purpose of the Experiments

To ascertain whether the rewarming of intensely chilled human beings by animal warmth, i. e., the warmth of animals or human beings, is as good or better than rewarming by physical or medical means.

B. Method of the Experiments

The experimental subjects were cooled in the usual way—clad or unclad—in cold water of temperatures varying between 4° C. and 9° C. The rectal temperature of every experimental subject was recorded thermoelectrically. The reduction of temperature occurred within the usual span of time varying in accordance with the general condition of the body of the experimental subject and the temperature of the water. The experimental subjects were removed from the water when their rectal temperature reached 30° C. At this time the experimental subjects had all lost consciousness. In eight cases the experimental subjects were then placed between two naked women in a spacious bed. The women were supposed to nestle as closely as possible to the chilled person. Then all three persons were covered with blankets. A speeding up of rewarming by light cradles or by medicines was not attempted.

C. Results

1. When the temperature of the experimental subjects was recorded it was striking that an after-drop of temperature up to 3° C. occurred, which is a greater after-drop than seen with any other method of rewarming. It was observed, however, that consciousness returned at an earlier point, that is, at a lower body temperature than with other methods of rewarming. Once the subjects regained consciousness they did not lose it again, but very quickly grasped the situation and snuggled up to the naked female bodies. The rise of body temperature then occurred at about the same speed as in experimental subjects who had been rewarmed by packing in blankets. Exceptions were four experimental subjects who, at body temperatures between 30° C. and 32° C., performed the act of sexual intercourse. In these experimental subjects the temperature rose very rapidly after sexual intercourse, which could be compared with the speedy rise in temperature in a hot bath.

2. Another set of experiments concerned the rewarming of intensely chilled persons by one woman. In all these cases rewarming was significantly quicker than could be accomplished by two women. The cause of this seems to me that in warming by one woman only, personal inhibitions are removed, and the woman nestles up to the chilled individual much more intimately. Also in these cases, the return of complete consciousness was strikingly rapid. Only one experimental subject did not return to consciousness and the warming effect was only slight. This person died with symptoms suggesting cerebral hemorrhage, as was confirmed by subsequent autopsy.

D. Summary

Rewarming experiments of intensely chilled experimental subjects demonstrated that rewarming with animal warmth was very slow. Only such experimental subjects whose physical condition permitted sexual intercourse rewarmed themselves remarkably quickly and showed an equally strikingly rapid return to complete physical well-being. Since excessively long exposure of the body to low temperatures implies danger of internal damage, that method must be chosen for rewarming which guarantees the quickest relief from dangerously low temperatures. This method, according to our experiences, is a massive and rapid supply of warmth by means of a hot bath.

Rewarming of intensely chilled human beings by human or animal warmth can therefore be recommended only in such cases in which other possibilities for rewarming are not available, or in cases of specially tender individuals who possibly may not be able to stand a massive and rapid supply of warmth. As for example, I am thinking of intensely chilled small children, who are best rewarmed by the body of their mothers, with the aid of hot water bottles.

Dachau, 12 February 1943.

[Signature] Dr. S. Rascher

SS Hauptsturmfuehrer

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-268

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 106

LETTER FROM HIPPKE TO HIMMLER, 19 FEBRUARY 1943, ON
FREEZING EXPERIMENTS IN DACHAU

The Inspector of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe

Berlin W8, 19 February 1943

Leipziger Strasse

Phone numbers: [illegible]

Cable address: Reichsluft Berlin

File No. 55 No. 81038/43 (2 IIB)

Reich Leader,

The experiments conducted in Dachau concerning protective measures against the effects of freezing on the human body by immersion in cold water have led to results of practical use. They were conducted by the Stabsaerzte [Captains] of the Luftwaffe, Professor Dr. Holzloehner, Dr. Fink, and Dr. Rascher in cooperation with the SS, and are now finished. The results were reported upon by those who worked on them during a conference on medical problems arising from distress at sea and winter hardships, on 26 and 27 October 1942, at Nuernberg. The detailed report on the conference is at present in state of preparation.

I thank you most gratefully for the great assistance that the cooperation of the SS has meant for us in conducting the experiments, and beg you to express our thanks, too, to the commander of the Dachau camp.

Heil Hitler!

[Signature] Prof. Dr. Hippke

2 [?] Feb 1943

1509/43

RF

[stamp illegible]

[figures 1509/43 handwritten]

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT 1580-PS

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 107

LETTER FROM HIMMLER TO RASCHER, 26 FEBRUARY 1943, ON
FREEZING EXPERIMENTS IN THE CONCENTRATION CAMPS
AUSCHWITZ AND LUBLIN

The Reich Leader SS

1516/43

26 February 1943

Secret

Dear Rascher,

Best thanks for your letter of 17 February[[29]] with report on warming-up experiments. I agree to experiments being made at Auschwitz or Lublin, although I believe that the time for the cooling-off and warming-up tests under natural conditions of cold weather has nearly passed for this winter.

I am sending this letter at the same time to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl, whom I request to order the execution of your experiments at Lublin or Auschwitz.

Kind greetings and

Heil Hitler!

Yours

[Signed] H. Himmler

2. SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl

Transmitted with request to take note and to take the necessary steps.

By order,

[Signature (illegible)]

SS Obersturmbannfuehrer

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-292

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 111

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 4 APRIL 1943,
REPORTING ON DRY-FREEZING EXPERIMENTS IN DACHAU

Dr. med. Sigmund Rascher

[4 April 1943]

To Herr Oberregierungsrat SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt

Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Strasse 8

Much esteemed Obersturmbannfuehrer!

The question of the saving of people frozen in the open air has in the meantime been cleared up, since, thank goodness, there was once again a period of heavy frost weather in Dachau. Certain people were in the open air for 14 hours at -6° C., reached an internal temperature of 25° C. with peripheral freezings, and were all able to be saved by a hot bath. As I said: it is easy to contradict! But before someone does so, he should come and see for himself. Moreover, a report about freezing in the open air will be sent to the Reich Leader in the next few days.

With best wishes,

Heil Hitler!

Yours gratefully,

[Signature] S. Rascher

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-322

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 114

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO KEINDL, 28 APRIL 1943, ABOUT PREVIOUS FREEZING EXPERIMENTS CONDUCTED AT SACHSENHAUSEN

Dr. med. S. Rascher, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer

Personal Staff Leader SS

Division (Abteilung) Chief at the Institute for Military

Scientific Research

Office A (Amt A)

Dachau 3K, 28 April 1943

To the Commander of the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp,

SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Keindl

Sachsenhausen, near Oranienburg

Obersturmbannfuehrer!

By order of the Reich Leader SS, I have been conducting freezing experiments on human beings in the Dachau concentration camp for more than a year. Today I learned from an experimental subject that I was not the only one conducting these experiments, but that, on the contrary, already in October and November 1938, similar experiments were conducted in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Samenstrang is said to have frozen experimental subjects—that is prisoners—in cold water, and subsequently revived them by means of warm water or hot compresses. As I was to work out and have worked out a prescription for the Waffen SS for the resuscitation of frozen persons (for the campaign in the East), knowledge of all preliminary experiments in my field of work is of great importance for me.

I therefore request that if possible you let me know what kind of experiments were conducted in your camp, and, if possible, what results were obtained in connection with these experiments.

As you might not know anything about me, please make inquiries about me, if necessary, either at the Personal Staff of the Reich Leader SS (Obersturmbannfuehrer Baumert) or from the Commander of the Dachau concentration camp, SS Sturmbannfuehrer Weiss.

Yours sincerely

Heil Hitler!

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-231

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 116

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO SIEVERS, 17 MAY 1943, CONCERNING,
A CONFERENCE WITH GEBHARDT ON FREEZING EXPERIMENTS

Copy

By Messenger!

Dr. med. Rascher, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer

Dachau 3K, 17 May 1943

To: Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe Society

Attn: SS Standartenfuehrer Sievers

Berlin-Dahlem, 16 Pueckler Street

Dear Standartenfuehrer!

The following contains a short account of my report to SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Gebhardt.

On 14 May 1943, I reported to SS Gruppenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Gebhardt at Hohenlychen. I had hardly arrived, when SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Gebhardt asked me in a very loud voice to explain how I dared to submit specialist medical reports directly to the Reich Leader SS (he was referring to the treatise on “The Cooling of Human Beings Outdoors”). I actually did not even get a chance to speak and practically couldn’t reply anything. Then, when I tried to reply, Prof. Dr. Gebhardt said that if I wanted to defy him, my train would be leaving for Berlin at 3 o’clock. When I was finally given the opportunity to speak I was able to point out to Prof. Dr. Gebhardt that the report in question was not meant to be a strictly scientific work, but simply was a short information for the Reich Leader SS on the results of the experiments conducted up to now. Dr. Gebhardt had taken the view that the report was unscientific, and if a student of the second term dared to submit a treatise of that kind, he would throw him out. Later on I was able to tell him that of course all the physiological-chemical experiments that could be carried out in Dachau with the available instruments had indeed been conducted. Whereupon Dr. Gebhardt replied: “I can imagine that you did a lot of work; one can tell it from this job. If I had not believed that you did a lot of work, I would not have asked you to come at all.”

In addition Dr. Gebhardt said that he intended to merge all the groups of physicians working independently within the SS, since that would suit the Reich Leader SS much better than individual people working on their own. Besides that, he said that I somehow ought to learn university methods of working since very likely I did not yet have the proper training. He suggested that it was necessary for me to get out of Dachau since there I was quite left to myself and had no guidance whatsoever; that since I intended to enter upon a university career, I would by all means have to complete the training of a university assistant first. He further said that all those SS physicians, who are qualified to enter upon a university career, had the duty to do so. Upon my reply that for that reason I was already in touch with Professor Pfannenstiel, Professor Gebhardt replied that these matters ought to be processed by a centralized agency. In future it would not do that I send any reports directly to the Reich Leader SS, but that further reports to serve their purpose would have to be transmitted through him to the Reich Leader. If the report had reached a suitable stage, he would first inform the Reich Leader SS, and then go to see the Reich Leader SS together with me. Finally Dr. Gebhardt asked me to give him data on my personal and scientific career to enable him to make further arrangements. He requested me to call again in the afternoon.

When I called in the afternoon, I was, as in the morning, accompanied by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Fischer. This time Dr. Gebhardt was extremely amiable. He asked me whether I now agreed with his arrangements; it would be by far the best I could do, if I joined him. I should not worry, but just continue my work in Dachau, until I had finished my jobs. Later, one would see what was to be done for the future. Upon my question, what it was all about, and who was my superior, whether the Reichsarzt SS, SS Gruppenfuehrer Dr. Grawitz, who had come for an inspection several days ago, the Reich Leader SS, as he personally had promised me, or the Ahnenerbe, of which I had been a member for years, Dr. Gebhardt suggested that all that will be straightened out. Just trust it to me. But I’ll need your curriculum vitae soon, since I have to report to the Reich Leader SS on 23 May.

May I ask you, Standartenfuehrer, under whom I am actually working? Under the Reich Leader SS, the Ahnenerbe, the Reich Physician SS or Dr. Gebhardt? Dr. Gebhardt has already asked me why I am not a member of the Waffen SS. Upon my answer that Dr. Hippke does not like to let me go, he declared that I was too able for him to let me go. Standartenfuehrer! If the same tug of war starts in the Waffen SS as has been going on between Luftwaffe and the SS, I’d rather do without a transfer to the Waffen SS. I was promised that I would continue to work under the Reich Leader SS or under the Ahnenerbe. But I cannot serve several masters at the same time. Of course I am convinced that SS Gruppenfuehrer Prof. Dr. Gebhardt has the best of intentions. His assistants are enthusiastic about him. If I am compelled to ask Prof. Dr. Gebhardt’s advice each time I am going to start a new experiment, I will get so much involved in the academic routine that I won’t even be allowed to experiment with such a method as rapid resuscitation which overthrows all the established clinical experiences because the results contradict Prof. Dr. Gebhardt’s methods which are based upon centuries-old clinical experiences. Also the cooperation with Professor von Luetzelberg would thus come to an end, as these experiments are from the very start contradictory to the hitherto recognized clinical experiences. I think, this arrangement would stop everything that really ought to be experimented.

I pray you with all my heart, Standartenfuehrer, to handle this affair in such a way that Prof. Dr. Gebhardt, who is a very close friend of the Reich Leader SS does not become my enemy. I think that Prof. Dr. Gebhardt can and will be an extremely disagreeable adversary. Before I get into trouble with him, I would rather resign my job and ask for an immediate transfer to the Luftwaffe for combat service. I therefore ask you again to deal with this affair with as much circumspection as it actually requires, because in addition I am convinced that Prof. Dr. Gebhardt (apart from his personal ambition) really has good intentions.

Very respectfully yours and

Heil Hitler!

Yours very devotedly

[Signature] S. Rascher

This is to certify that the above copy is true:

[Signature] Sievers

SS Standartenfuehrer.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-432

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 119

LETTER FROM RASCHER TO NEFF, 21 OCTOBER 1943, CONCERNING
DRY-FREEZING EXPERIMENTS

Dr. S. Rascher

Dachau, 21 October 1943

To

Police-Rottwachtmeister Walter Neff

Police Training Battalion I

Dresden-Hellerau

Dear Neff:

Your letter dated 11.10 reached me here on 15.10. First of all many thanks for your decision to write such a detailed letter. I really was very pleased about it. To come right away to the affair concerned: I am very sorry to hear that you are being bullied, especially as there exists no reason at all for it. Please let me know the name, rank, and address of your commanding officer because I most certainly will take the matter up. There is no purpose at all in your getting stuck there. Finally I too know how the general condition of your health had been, when you were still here, and I also am able to judge that you cannot go through heavy infantry training. I am glad that you have become accustomed to the ideals of the place and I am convinced that you would be glad to go to the front. But on the other hand, I believe that I need you more urgently than you are needed at the front. As a matter of fact I need you for the following: From the Reich Research Council [Reichsforschungsrat] I got the order to carry out open country freezing experiments and I think they will take place on the Sudelfeld. Now I need urgently a most reliable man, acquainted with the material, and that is you in this case. During the next few days I will go with Sievers to the Fuehrer’s Headquarters [Fuehrerhauptquartier], and report there in this sense, and will let you know immediately.

I expect your notice soon, and remain until then with sincerest comradely regards,

Your old chief,

[Initialed] R.

TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-690

PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 120

LIST OF RESEARCH PROJECTS FROM THE FILES OF THE
REICH RESEARCH COUNCIL

Cancer Research—70—copies 15 [pencil notation]

25th copy.
Worked on by:Professor Dr. K. Blome
Berlin SW 68
Lindenstr. 42 77 [pencil notation]
Telephone: 174871 929 [pencil notation]

Priority: “SS”

SS-No.Requested by—TopicRegistrationDegree of
No.secrecy
0453Schwarz, KruftCombating of potato bug.2058/15
0496Seel, PoznanInvestigation of means for combating agricultural parasites and for disinfection of the soil.2118/15
0328Rascher, MunichRewarming after general freezing of the human body; healing after partial freezings; adjustment of the human body to low temperatures.1879/15
0329Hirt, StrasbourgChanges in the living organism under the influence of poison gases.1881/15
0415von Borstell, Colonel, Weimar-Nohra.Development of aircraft apparatus for insecticides and fungicides which can be sprayed.1975/15Secret.
Cancer Research
Worked on by:Prof. Dr. K. Blome
Berlin SW 68
Lindenstr. 42
Telephone: 174871
Deputy:Dr. Breuer
Berlin-Steglitz
Grunewaldstr. 35
Telephone: 726071
No.Requested by—Topic
0454/1857/15Zipf, KoenigsbergTests of food colors for their cancer-causing effect on animals.
0473/1838/15Spek, HeidelbergPhysio-chemical investigations on living cells.

[Stamp] Top Secret

The Reich Research Council22 [pencil notation]

The Director of the Business Management

Committee

Cancer Research

3d copy

Authorized person:

Prof. Dr. Kurt Blome

Berlin SW 68, Lindenstr. 42

“Nesselsted”

Prof. Dr. Blome, Commissioner for Cancer Research, Berlin SW 68.

Lindenstr. 42

DE 1413—RPS—VLI/44

SS 4891—0242 (1739/15) 44

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF TRIBUNAL WITNESS
WALTER NEFF[[30]]

EXAMINATION BY PROSECUTION

Mr. McHaney: When did the freezing experiments start?

Witness Neff: The first freezing experiments started during August or at the end of July. They were conducted by Prof. Holzloehner, Dr. Finke, and Dr. Rascher. The freezing experiments can be divided into two separate classes, the Holzloehner-Finke series, which were later dropped, and a series where Dr. Rascher conducted these experiments himself.

Q. All right. Suppose you describe the experimental basin.

A. The experimental basin was built of wood. It was 2 meters long and 2 meters high. It was raised about 50 centimeters above the floor and it was in Block No. 5. In the experimental chamber and basin there were many lighting instruments and other apparatus which were used in order to carry out measurements.

Q. Now, you have stated that you can divide the freezing experiments into two groups, one where Holzloehner and Finke were working with Rascher and then the period after Holzloehner and Finke had left?

A. Yes.

Q. Now, will you tell the Tribunal approximately how many persons were used over the whole period? That is, including both groups that you have mentioned.

A. Two hundred and eighty to three hundred experimental subjects were used for these freezing experiments. There were really 360 to 400 experiments that were conducted, since many experimental subjects were used for more than one such experiment—sometimes even for three.

Q. Now, out of the total of 280 or 300 prisoners used, approximately how many died?

A. Approximately 80 to 90 subjects died as a result of these freezing experiments.

Q. Now, how many experimental subjects do you remember that they used in the Holzloehner-Finke-Rascher experiments?

A. During that period of time approximately 50 to 60 subjects were used for experimental purposes.

Q. Did any of these experimental subjects die?

A. Yes. During that period of time there were about 15, maybe even 18 cases of death.

Q. When was that experimental series concluded?

A. It was concluded in the month of October. I think it was at the end of October. At that time Holzloehner and Finke discontinued these experiments, giving the reason that they had accomplished their purpose and that it was useless to carry out further experiments of that kind.

Q. And then Rascher continued experiments on his own?

A. Yes. Rascher conducted these experiments saying that he had to build a scientific basis for them and he prepared a lecture for Marburg University on the subject.

Q. How long did Rascher continue to experiment with freezing by cold water?

A. Until May 1943.

Q. Now, were the experimental subjects for the freezing experiments selected in the same way as for the high-altitude experiments?

A. No. Here Rascher turned to the camp administration and told them that he needed so and so many experimental subjects. Then the political department of the camp selected 10 inmates by name. That list was sent to the camp commandant and was signed by the camp commandant and they were then sent to Rascher’s station and the subjects on that list had to be experimented on. I was able to use the original list as evidence in the first Dachau trial.

Q. Do I understand then that the experimental subjects used in the freezing experiments were political prisoners?

A. There were a number of political prisoners and also a number of foreigners, but there were also prisoners of war and inmates who had been condemned to death.

Q. These persons were not volunteers, were they?

A. No.

Q. Suppose you describe to the Tribunal exactly how these freezing experiments were carried out, that is what tests they made, how they measured the temperature and how the temperature of the water was lowered in the basin and so forth?

A. These basins were filled with water, and ice was added until the water measured 3°, and the experimental subjects were either dressed in a flying suit or were placed into the ice water naked. During the period when Holzloehner and Finke were active, most experiments were conducted under narcotics because he maintained that you could not find the exact condition of the blood, and that you would exclude the will power of the experimental subject if he was under an anaesthetic. Now whenever the experimental subjects were conscious, it took some time until so-called freezing narcosis set in. The temperature was measured rectally and through the stomach through the Galvanometer apparatus. The lowering of the temperature to 32° was terrible for the experimental subject. At 32° the experimental subject lost consciousness. These persons were frozen down to 25° body temperature, and now in order to enable you to understand this problem, I should like to tell you something about the Holzloehner and Finke period. During the period when Holzloehner and Finke were active, no experimental subject was actually killed in the water. Deaths occurred all the more readily because during revival the temperature dropped even further and so heart failure resulted. This was also caused by wrongly applied therapy, so that in contrast to the low-pressure experiments, deaths were not deliberately caused. In the air-pressure chamber on the other hand, each death cannot be described as an accident, but as willful murder. However, it was different when Rascher personally took over these experiments. At that time a large number of the persons involved were kept in the water until they were dead.

Q. Now, Witness, you have identified the defendant Weltz in the defendants’ dock. On what occasion did you meet Weltz?

A. I met Weltz in Munich. I saw him there once. According to my recollection it was in Luftgau Kommando VII, Prinzregenten Strasse No. 2, and I saw him speak to Rascher there, and at a later date Rascher told me that that was Professor Weltz. I remember this incident especially since Rascher often discussed Weltz and his animal experiments, which he carried out with reference to freezing. I never saw Professor Weltz in Dachau or anywhere in the camp.

Q. Do you know, Witness, whether Rascher and Weltz exchanged information on freezing problems?

A. I don’t know that. I would assume so, since Rascher discussed Professor Weltz’ experiments, and he certainly must have had some discussions with Weltz on the subject. However, I know of no correspondence with Weltz.

Q. Do you recall the occasion when two Russian officers were experimented upon in the freezing experiments?

A. Yes.

Q. Will you relate that incident to the Tribunal?

A. Yes. It was the worst experiment which was ever carried out. Two Russian officers were carried out from the bunker. We were forbidden to speak to them. They arrived at approximately 4 o’clock in the afternoon. Rascher had them undressed and they had to go into the basin naked. Hour after hour passed and while usually after a short time, 60 minutes, freezing had set in, these two Russians were still conscious after 2 hours. All our appeals to Rascher asking him to give them an injection were of no avail. Approximately during the third hour one Russian said to the other, “Comrade, tell that officer to shoot us.” The other replied, “Don’t expect any mercy from this Fascist dog.” Then they shook hands and said “Goodbye, Comrade.” If you can imagine that we inmates had to witness such a death, and could do nothing about it, then you can judge how terrible it is to be condemned to work in such an experimental station.

After these words were translated for Rascher in a somewhat different form by a young Pole, Rascher went back into his office. The young Pole tried at once to give them an anesthetic with chloroform, but Rascher returned immediately and threatened to shoot us with his pistol if we dared approach these victims again. The experiment lasted at least 5 hours until death occurred. Both corpses were sent to Munich for autopsy in the Schwabing Hospital.

Q. Witness, how long did it normally take to kill a person in these freezing experiments?

A. The length of the experiment varied, according to the individual case. Whether the subject was clothed or unclothed also made a difference. If he was slight in build and if in addition to that he was naked, death often occurred after only 80 minutes. But there were a number of cases where the experimental subject lived up to 3 hours, and remained in the water until finally death occurred.

Q. Will you describe to the Tribunal the method used for rewarming the victims of the freezing experiments?

A. During the period when Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke were there, rewarming was in the beginning carried out by massage and partly by means of injections of drugs affecting the heart, and also by means of rewarming by electrical heaters and sometimes by means of a warm bath. At the end of the Holzloehner period, the hot water rewarming method was introduced, and that was carried out until the end of the rewarming experiments with the exception of a few special experiments with animal heat. About 10 women from the concentration camp at Ravensbrueck were ordered to report to Dachau to supply the heat and were forced to press themselves against the body of the frozen person in order to rewarm him in that manner. These are the methods which were employed in order to rewarm the frozen body.

Q. Now, Witness, did I understand you to say that the hot water bath method of rewarming was not adopted until after Holzloehner and Finke had left?

A. After Holzloehner and Finke had left the station, hot water rewarming was also carried out.

Q. Do you recall receiving orders in September 1942 from Sievers to take the hearts and lungs of five inmates who had been killed to Professor Hirt in Strasbourg for further scientific study?

A. It is correct that I had to take specimens belonging to five persons who died during experiments from the morgue to Hirt in Strasbourg. I myself, of course, have never done any dissecting and therefore did not prepare these specimens. Sievers ordered me to go to Strasbourg and there deliver the glasses to Professor Hirt, together with an accompanying letter. This was the end of September or the beginning of October. The travel warrant had been made out by Sievers and the traveling expenses were also paid by the Ahnenerbe.

Q. Had the five experimental subjects been killed shortly before you left for Strasbourg?

A. I cannot remember with absolute certainty whether the specimens were fresh or whether they were taken from older corpses. I do know that among the specimens there was one from a Dutchman. I cannot recollect for certain the nationality of the other four.

Q. Did you deliver these hearts and lungs to Professor Hirt in Strasbourg?

A. I delivered them in Strasbourg, not to Professor Hirt himself but to the laboratory at the University there. The letter to Professor Hirt I handed to him personally, and he wanted me to return and see him in the afternoon, since he had to give me something to take to Dachau. He gave me a sealed letter to Dr. Rascher and a parcel for Sister Pia which I handed to Rascher to pass on.

Q. Now, Professor Hirt was also a member, in fact the head of the Department of the Ahnenerbe Society, was he not?

A. We knew that Professor Hirt was also making experiments and belonged to the Ahnenerbe Society.

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT HANDLOSER[[31]]

CROSS-EXAMINATION

Mr. McHaney: Let us pass on, General. Your attorney asked you whether or not you ever gained any information concerning the freezing experiments carried out by Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke. Do you deny that you ever received knowledge on that matter?

Defendant Handloser: I said, no.

Q. As a result of the Eastern campaign weren’t you very much interested in “Cold” problems?

A. Yes.

Q. Isn’t that why you sent army officers to the Luftwaffe conference in October 1942?

A. Of course the interest in cold problems was of an important nature. I do not know who assigned them. From May until the end of October I was with headquarters in the Ukraine and I believe that the chief probably telephoned me as to whether or how many people we should send, and he may have made some proposal, and I think I would have told him on that occasion “Yes, I am in full agreement. Send somebody there.” It is quite a matter of course that we took people who knew something about cold because they were the people who would be interested in it.

Q. Well, having sent them, you then immediately lost interest in the problem, I suppose?

A. No, I did not lose interest. At some period of time somebody probably reported to me whether something particular had happened or whether there were any particular results or not, and what could be exploited by us. But, at that time there was no mention of anything in particular having occurred, nor was it said that any particular revolutionary results were achieved. At any rate, I cannot recollect that anything like that happened. I should merely like to point out that my interest in cold problems was in our particular sphere of these problems, that is the so-called earth-bound cold, at normal height or at the most in the mountains where it concerned soldiers in mountain troops. That was something which we discussed during various meetings, at first in 1942; it was discussed to a great extent, and very exact directives were contained in the reports of these meetings. You will find them in 1942 and you will find them in 1943. Naturally we were interested in cold problems, and it is quite a matter of course that whenever we were invited by the Luftwaffe to send our experts we did. The same thing is done everywhere, not only in the army and in the field of medicine, but in technical fields as well.

Q. Well, I thought that was probably correct, General; now I want to put it to you that Holzloehner had made a very remarkable discovery and one which I am sure came to your attention. Holzloehner and Rascher had found out that this massive warm bath was an extremely effective way of reviving persons from shock due to long exposure to cold, a treatment which had been first discovered by a Russian in the 19th century but had been forgotten somehow. Wasn’t this a matter remarkable enough so that Schreiber, who was at this meeting, or one of the many other army doctors who were down there, would perhaps call it to your attention, after the extreme cold you had suffered in Russia the previous winter?

A. I said already before that we were always interested in cold problems and as you say, very correctly, mainly because of this terrible winter of 1941-42. I knew before that our regulations which were valid up to the war and perhaps during the first year of the war, stated that people who were frozen had to be rewarmed very slowly. The entire population was informed that a frozen person should not be rewarmed too quickly. Even before that we included in our regulations that one should concentrate on rewarming, and certain forms of rewarming were described. If we army people who knew the Russian front were not as impressed by this warm bath, as you may think we were, it was probably because there were no warm baths available along the entire Eastern front, and this plays quite a large part in the impression any new invention may have made on us.

Q. Well, now, General, let me put it to you this way. Did you make any changes in the basic directives concerning the rewarming after shock from exposure to cold after this Luftwaffe conference or after the conference in December 1942?

A. If you look through the reports of the meetings and the directives it is quite possible that somewhere, I can’t tell you exactly where although I have it, something is said about warm or hot baths in regard to freezing. You yourself brought to our knowledge again, through a document, that in December 1942, that is, after Nuernberg, Holzloehner spoke about his rewarming questions during a conference in the Academy. That was reported to 300 or 400 men who transferred that information to the front and I am sure that later on new directives contained information about the warm bath, too.

Q. I am sure it did, too, General. That is the reason I asked you because I think that there is no doubt that great importance was attached to the results of this experiment in Dachau by Rascher, Holzloehner, and Finke. I now want to ask you if you didn’t actually hear Holzloehner speak in December 1942 at the meeting of consulting physicians at the Military Medical Academy?

A. I cannot recollect that, and I must say once more that that is something which was done within the various expert branches. I am sure you will see that these expert branches dealt with these suggestions themselves. However much one so desires, it is not possible to participate in several expert branches simultaneously.

Q. Well, then, to put it to you, General, this speech by Holzloehner is reported in our Document NO-922, Prosecution Exhibit 435, and it goes on—you have a very short synopsis here of his report but he does give clinical observations in cases of deaths resulting from cold, and I find that you made some comments at this cold session on page 51 of the original report. It reads:

“Handloser stresses the extraordinary importance of education also in combating cold effects and appeals to all medical officers, in their capacity as leaders of the health service, to see to it that through frequently repeated explanations each individual is taught to observe the necessary precautionary measures.”

A. May I ask you where it is? Is it with reference to the lecture by Holzloehner? At any rate, it seems to be within the framework of the cold problem.

Q. General, I will put the German to you so that you can see for yourself. General, let us read the little summary of the speech by Holzloehner because the Tribunal does not have this document before it. It reads:

“Stabsarzt Professor Holzloehner:

“Prevention and Treatment of Freezing

“In case of freezing in water of a temperature below 15° biological counter-measures are practically ineffective, whether in the case of human beings or animals. Human beings succumb to reflectory rigidity, increase of blood sugar, and acidosis, at an earlier stage and to a greater extent than animals. At a rectal temperature of below 30° under such conditions of distress at sea auricular flutter regularly sets in; at under 28° heart failure frequently occurs in human beings. (Over-exertion due to unequal distribution of blood, increased resistance, and increased viscosity.) Treatment with drugs is senseless and has no effect. In the case of human beings, best results are also achieved with hot baths. The foam-suit was developed as a prophylaxis against freezing in water below 15°.”

Now, General, after that little summary of the talk by Holzloehner there were several other lecturers on freezing problems and then at the end we have the gentlemen who made some comments on these lectures; we find among them Bremer, Dr. Hippke, the man who commissioned these experiments, and Jarisch and Buechner. Now I want to ask you if this document refreshes your recollection so that you can tell us whether or not you heard this report by Holzloehner.

A. Yes, after reading what I have in my hand now, it is quite possible that I listened to this lecture. At the same time, it is a proof that I have not as good a memory as you assumed, because I already had this document in my hands once before here in Nuernberg; you once gave it to me and I forgot about it.

Q. Now, did Holzloehner describe clinical observations about human deaths resulting from cold in this lecture which you heard?

A. I cannot tell you that.

Q. Does it not say so in your own report here?

A. It says here that Holzloehner belonged to the Luftwaffe and as far as I was informed later, Holzloehner had gained a large amount of experience from his service on the Atlantic Coast. I am sure that was something which was mentioned during his lecture. He had an emergency sea station near the Atlantic coast and near that there was a hospital where he treated these frozen people who had been rescued from the sea. There was no cause to suspect anything special behind this.

Q. Was it apparent to you that he carried out experiments on human beings?

A. No.

Q. Well, General, we have heard some testimony here about the talk Holzloehner gave in Nuernberg 2 months before this and, as I recall, there was some indignation in this meeting in October 1942, because all these gentlemen realized what had happened; are you telling me that no rumor of this seeped up from Nuernberg to Berlin in 2 months, so when the same man gave the same talk, you gentlemen were in complete ignorance about the fact that these experiments had been carried out on living human beings in a concentration camp?

A. I cannot say how far any discussions or any indignations were noted in Nuernberg. At any rate, I never heard anything about any rejection or any indignation. I could well imagine that if I were to hold a lecture somewhere and I afterwards gained the impression that there was some kind of obscurity, or some particular sensation, and if 2 months later, I gave the same lecture at another place, I would naturally change my lecture and would draw my conclusions from what I had learned previously. I am sure that this might well have been the case here. At any rate after reading this excerpt, if a few pages are missing here and if one doesn’t look at the pages exactly, one must assume that the man noted down here as Handloser spoke immediately after the lecture of Holzloehner. I believe that the report of the meeting itself will show you that a few other lectures took place between the lecture of Holzloehner and the discussion. You will also have to admit that considering the fact that we were approaching winter again (this meeting took place in December 1942) my remarks did not refer so much to Professor Holzloehner’s lecture, but were merely a reminder that we wanted to do everything and in that way wanted to concentrate our entire interest on the front where freezing took place in order to help our soldiers. That is all this discussion was.

EXTRACT FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT SCHROEDER[[32]]

CROSS-EXAMINATION

Mr. McHaney: I don’t believe you have told the Tribunal yet about the conversation you had with Holzloehner on his freezing experiments, have you?

Defendant Schroeder: What experiments do you mean? What conversation do you mean? Do you mean in 1940?

Q. General, you know as a matter of fact there apparently is some dispute between the prosecution and yourself about the precise date, but you knew during the course of the war that Holzloehner, Finke, and Rascher had carried out experiments on concentration camp inmates at Dachau?

A. Yes, I learned that in my office in 1944, as I said here before.

Q. And, I am suggesting to you that after you learned that Holzloehner had been implicated in those experiments you called him in and talked to him?

A. Yes, oh yes. I know when you mean now, yes. There are two things which play a part here. I said yesterday that in 1940 Holzloehner had furnished people who were rescued from the sea to the Rescue Station at Witze, where he first gained experience. Then I lost sight of Holzloehner, since I left the west in the year 1941, and I saw him again for the first time in the fall of 1944, when for some reason that I do not know, he visited one of the men in my office. At that time I spoke to him briefly, and since I had learned in the meantime that he was conducting, experiments in Dachau, I asked him whether that was correct or how he was doing it. I remember at that time he told me that he was conducting experiments based on the experience which he had gained on the coast, and he was supplementing these experiments by conducting experiments on human beings in Dachau. At that time he was speaking about six or seven criminals who had been condemned to death were put at his disposal for that purpose. At that time, he said nothing about any fatalities. I gained the impression then that the entire manner of the experiments had impressed him mentally. I had the feeling that he did not want to speak about it; his suicide later confirmed that.

Q. Well, General, I think this is all rather significant. I think you should have probably made some mention of it before this date. When was this meeting with Holzloehner?

A. I mentioned it during my interrogation; I think that was in the fall of 1944. I cannot remember the exact date. It could have been November 1944. I am not quite sure.

Q. Well, this was after you had initiated the sea-water experiments, then; is that right?

A. Considerably later, yes.

Q. And, as I recall, you also said in this interrogation that you had seen this report by Holzloehner, which I understand you have denied heretofore; now, had you seen Holzloehner’s report or not?

A. No, nor did I ever say that I had. He reported to me on this, but he did not show me a report.

Q. Now, General, I am reading from a summary of an interrogation of you made on 21 October 1946, and one paragraph reads as follows: “Schroeder also knows about the ‘See-Not’ and ‘Winter-Not’ reports from which he could conclude that human beings were used for experiments. This could also be concluded from Holzloehner’s report on the freezing experiments, and it could furthermore be seen from the comments which Dr. Rascher wrote on the above matter. Schroeder learned about these matters in 1944.” Now, is this summary inaccurate?

A. Very inaccurate.

Q. All right, let us get it straight. In the first part of 1943 you received a report on the Nuernberg meeting, did you not?

A. Yes.

Q. In May 1944, Becker-Freyseng told you that Holzloehner, Finke, and Rascher, had carried out experiments on concentration camp inmates at Dachau, did he not?

A. That is not the right way of putting it. He said that Holzloehner had made the experiments; nothing was said to me about Rascher and Finke. I did not know them then. I learned their names only since I was imprisoned.

Q. You mean you had not heard up to then that Rascher had worked with Holzloehner on these experiments; is that right?

A. No, I did not say that. I heard Rascher’s name for the first time in this report of 1945 when I was imprisoned.

Q. Well, I do not know, General, but I am going to look in just a minute—I think Rascher’s and Finke’s names are mentioned in this report which you got in the first part of 1943 on the Nuernberg meeting. You do not recall that?

A. No.

Q. And I very well remember that Rascher had made a comment on this rather long lecture by Holzloehner, from which it could clearly be seen that Rascher himself was experimenting with Holzloehner; do you not remember that?

A. I can say that now, because in the meantime I have seen these reports, “See-Not” and “Winter-Not,” and have read them through carefully and acquainted myself with the various names, and I know that in this report there is an extensive report by Holzloehner and after that a short remark by Rascher. I did not pay any attention to it at that time because I had no connections with Rascher, nor did I see any reason why I should; but I did interest myself in Holzloehner’s report because I knew him from working with him on the French coast.

Q. Well, we will come back to the report in just a moment, but right now I want to go on with your discussion with Holzloehner. Can you tell us, more or less, exactly what he told you?

A. That is a little too much to ask me to recall a brief remark that I made in 1944 on the occasion of a very short visit. I do recall that I met Holzloehner outside my hut, and I asked him to step in a moment; then I asked him about the experiments. He answered me briefly and that was the end of our conversation. The only thing that struck me was that Holzloehner, who previously had been a very lively and brisk person, seemed very depressed and worn out. I attributed that to the 5 years of war that had passed. That there were other reasons, perhaps, for this, I could only adduce later from his tragic demise. It could be that I commented to my adjutant on this subject. I am not sure at the moment, but I think it is quite possible because Augustinick knew Holzloehner very well and liked him. Perhaps Augustinick can be asked about that later.

Q. You said a moment ago you got the impression that Holzloehner did not want to talk about these experiments, and you also had been dabbling in Dachau experiments yourself. I think under these circumstances it might be expected that you would have questioned Holzloehner rather closely about what went on in his experiments. You did not do that?

A. He told me briefly that his observations from the English channel coast could be checked on experiments being performed in Dachau on criminals condemned to death, and that these experiments had been described in the report which he had submitted. That made it perfectly clear what was going on, so why should I ask anything further? I was not particularly interested in going into that specific result.

Q. Well, were the sea-water experiments over at that time?

A. Yes, some time before, and that must have been why Holzloehner came to me because these experiments had long been concluded.

Q. You did not have any one in the nature of representative at the Nuernberg meeting in October 1942?

A. No.

Q. Now, you mentioned this report which you received on that meeting; that is Document NO-401, Prosecution Exhibit 93. You stated that you did not know that Rascher and Finke were working with Holzloehner. I found a statement on page 11 of this report which reads as follows: “For the relevant statements, we have to thank the cooperation of Stabsarzt Dr. Rascher and Stabsarzt Dr. Finke; they refer to a stay in water of 2 to 12 degrees.” That statement indicates very clearly that Rascher and Finke were working with Holzloehner, does it not?

A. Yes.

Q. Now, I think you stated to your own defense counsel that it was impossible for you to conclude from this report that experiments had been carried out, but rather, you thought they were clinical observations made on people fished out of the North Sea, is that right?

A. Yes, I based my testimony solely on the Holzloehner report which was the only thing that interested me. There were reports by Rose and others but I did not read them. I glanced through them briefly but gave no further attention to them because I did not know the people who had drawn them up.

Q. Let’s just look briefly at one or two points here and see if they might not indicate to you, if you thought about it a little bit, that these were really experiments and not clinical observations on people who accidentally fell into the sea. For instance, on page 11 of the translation it states as follows:

“The rapidity with which numbness occurs is remarkable. It was determined that already 5 to 10 minutes after falling in, an advancing rigor of the skeletal muscles sets in, which renders the movement of the arms especially increasingly difficult. This also affects respiration. Inspiration is deepened, and expiration is delayed. Besides this, heavy mucous secretions occur.”

Now, when you read that little paragraph about a man who had been in the water 5 to 10 minutes where it is said that he had rigor of the skeletal muscles, where his inspiration is deepened and his expiration is delayed and where there is a heavy mucous secretion, did you imagine that they had Dr. Holzloehner in a lifeboat in the North Sea making these observations on some aviator who had fallen in accidentally? Did you think that, General?

A. Yes, that’s what I thought. You don’t know the local situation at Visson. There were a beach and dunes, and a guard from the rescue station always stood on the dunes to keep an eye on the water and the surrounding country, particularly when flights to England were taking place, so that it actually did happen that fliers bailed out and fell into the water just in front of the shoreline. Rescue boats were ready at that time and went out to sea immediately, so that it was altogether possible that fliers who fell into the water close to the coast could very quickly be observed and rescued. These are the facts of what actually took place at that rescue station at that time.

Q. On the same page they have this remark: “With the drop of the rectal temperature to 31°, a clouding of consciousness occurs, which passes to a deep, cold-induced anaesthesia if the decline reaches below 30°.”

Now, do you suppose that they pulled this aviator in and inserted a rectal thermometer and found his temperature at 31° and then tossed him back and let it drop another degree, all the time watching closely a clouding of consciousness, and then hauled him back in when it was 30° and noted a deep, cold-induced anaesthesia?

A. No, that isn’t the correct way to put it either. This is one of the observations that was new to us and to which we paid a great deal of attention in order to explain these incomprehensible fatalities, namely, the fact that when the people were removed from the water their temperature still dropped and simultaneously with the drop in temperature a fatal collapse of the heart occurred. This was one of our fundamental and new observations. And I must report again and again that this rescue house was a small place, but it did have the apparatus for observing these people very exactly. That was the sense of the whole thing.

Q. General, you’ve already covered yourself a little bit by saying you didn’t read these discussions after Holzloehner’s lecture very carefully; but I want to read you the one by Rascher, in any event, and see if you won’t admit that if you had read this little comment by Rascher that there could have been no doubt whatsoever in your mind that experiments were carried out and not observations on aviators in the North Sea. This is on page 15 of the translation, and Rascher has said:

“Supplementing the statements of Holzloehner, there is a report on observations according to which cooling in the region of the neck only, even if it lasts for several hours, causes merely a low sinking of the body temperature up to 1° C., without changing the blood sugar level or the heart function. Checking of the rectal temperature was carried out by taking the temperature in the stomach and showed complete agreement. After taking alcohol, body temperature decreases at a quicker pace. After taking dextropur, the decrease is slower than with the experiments in both a sober and an alcoholic condition. Hot infusions (10 percent dextro solution, table salt solution, tutofusin, table salt solution with pancortex) were successful only for a time.”

Now, General, if you had read that, wouldn’t it have been perfectly clear that these were experiments?

A. Today, of course, after this whole question has been exposed I should; but at that time I never suspected the possibility from that report that these were a special group of human experiments. I can say that here under oath, and I should like to reiterate it. That was my attitude toward the matter at that time and it has only been changed by what I have discovered here.

Q. I might also point out to you that Benzinger’s comment expressly speaks of Holzloehner’s experiments repeatedly; but I assume that that also made no impression on you?

A. I can say one thing to that. My comrades, the medical officers in my office at that time in Italy, had no notion either that human experiments were the basis for these reports. Never was one single word said about such a thing on the occasion of my inspection visits. Of course, during my visits to the Mediterranean such matters were brought up; but I never heard any indication that these reports were the result of a long series of experiments on human beings. In other words, others, too, did not see so clearly as is pointed out here that these were human experiments.

Q. And you heard no rumors in the air force at all about these experiments, although there had been a large meeting at Nuernberg in October, with considerable comment there about these experiments? Holzloehner later gave a lecture before all the consulting physicians, at least those who attended the meeting on internal medicine where he spoke. He gave another report there on these experiments. You never heard any rumors in the air force about these things; is that right?

A. No.

Q. You never talked to Finke about these experiments, did you?

A. I have stated frequently that I don’t even know Finke.

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONY OF DEFENDANT SIEVERS[[33]]

DIRECT EXAMINATION

Dr. Weisgerber: During the subsequent period you came in contact with the cold experiments of Dr. Rascher?

Defendant Sievers: I once went to Dachau in order to participate in administrative conferences at the time when Dr. Rascher, Professor Holzloehner, and Dr. Finke were concluding a cold experiment. That is to say, the experimental subject had just been placed into a room, but I didn’t see anything else of this experiment.

Q. On the occasion of this experiment, or on the occasion of a discussion which perhaps followed, did you hear anything more in detail about Rascher concerning these experiments?

A. These three men were very busy reading the apparatus used in connection with that experiment. I was told that it was necessary to apply the warm covers as quickly as possible. Professor Holzloehner stated that they had almost concluded their experiments and that further experiments hardly seemed necessary. No scientific questions were discussed at that time.

Q. Did you see any report or did you receive reports from Rascher about these cold experiments?

A. No. These reports also went directly to Himmler from Rascher, as becomes evident from the documents which have been submitted here.

Q. In Document 1611-PS (Pros. Ex. 85), you find a letter sent by the Reich Leader SS to Dr. Rascher, dated 22 September 1942. In the second paragraph it states that it was sent to SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Sievers for information. Paragraph 1 mentions the interim report on the cold experiments by Dr. Rascher at the Dachau concentration camp. One could conclude therefrom that you received this interim report.

A. This interim report went directly from Rascher to Himmler, otherwise Himmler wouldn’t have answered Rascher direct. I don’t think, however, that it is out of the question that Rascher had told Hitler in this interim report, or in some other way, that when I heard of these cold experiments I considered them to be perverse. I assume that by sending me that report Himmler’s opinion on that subject was to be transmitted to me, and that is why I received a copy of that letter for my information.

Q. Now, would you be good enough to turn over one page, and you will find there Dr. Rascher’s letter dated 3 October 1942. (NO-285, Pros. Ex. 86.) This letter is obviously directed to Dr. Rudolf Brandt. It becomes evident from that letter that Rascher applied to you in a number of matters, is that correct?

A. Yes, I shall revert to that briefly, first of all concerning the low-pressure chamber. He says here that he turned to me in order to take steps regarding the low-pressure chamber. I didn’t do anything about that, at least not on the basis of this request by Rascher, only later when Himmler arrived at Munich and when he himself ordered me to send him this draft letter which was previously discussed. He further says that he turned to me regarding a teletype which requested the furnishing of women for these experiments. Since Himmler had already issued orders regarding the furnishing of experimental subjects, there was nothing left for me to do.

Q. Didn’t you participate in a second cold experiment?

A. Yes, together with Dr. Hirt, whom I had to accompany by order of Himmler, as he had been included in Rascher’s experiments with Himmler’s approval. Himmler probably had realized in the meantime that Rascher alone would not be sufficient in order to clarify these scientifically very extensive and difficult questions. Hirt could only come to Munich for one day because of his state of health and for that reason asked that everything be prepared beforehand, so that he could gain insight into all the work results which had been obtained so far. I told Rascher to prepare everything according to Hirt’s desire. A professional criminal was presented for the purpose of this experiment.

Q. Was that a professional criminal who had already been condemned to death, and how did you know whether it was such a criminal?

A. Before the experiment started Hirt wanted to look at the files because there was a possibility that this experiment would end fatally. The sentence was furnished by the Criminal Police Department of the Camp Administration. We saw that this was a sentence which had been passed by a regular court, and it became evident therefrom that this man had more than 10 years’ penitentiary behind him, and had been recently, sentenced to death because of murder and theft. Hirt furthermore asked the man whether he knew that this experiment might end fatally, whereupon the man answered that he was well aware of it. He said that he would have to die anyway for he was a confirmed criminal, and he just could not stop his criminal activity; therefore he deserved death.

Q. Did you convince yourself of that by asking the experimental subject whether he was actually a volunteer?

A. After Hirt’s questioning I personally asked the man whether he agreed to that experiment. He thereupon said that he was in full agreement, providing it didn’t hurt him. This assurance could be given to him because the experiment was carried out under complete anaesthesia. I didn’t participate in the entire experiment, but I saw that this man was given an anaesthetic.

Q. You yourself saw the files from the criminal police?

A. Yes, I read through them, together with Hirt.

Q. Well, I guess there can be no doubt that this was a professional criminal sentenced to death by a regular court?

A. This was a very regular sentence. All previous sentences were listed in the files, and I remember in addition to the death sentence, he had already had 10 years’ penitentiary.

Q. Now, would you please be good enough to turn to page 86 of the document book before you? This is a report about a so-called “Cold Conference” dated 26 and 27 October 1942. Did you receive this report in the Ahnenerbe?

A. I certainly didn’t receive it and I don’t remember having seen it anywhere.

Q. Didn’t Curator Wuest receive that report?

A. I do not believe so. The scientific work in connection with Rascher, which only concerned Himmler personally, was always dealt with directly by Rascher and Himmler. These matters were only sent to Wuest if Himmler actually sent them himself. I don’t believe that has happened in this particular case. At any rate, Wuest never told me anything about it. These reports and the research assignments just discussed lay completely outside the interests and sphere of Wuest.

Q. What do you know about the so-called dry-cold experiments of Dr. Rascher?

A. I only know about these experiments on the basis of Himmler’s order which was sent by Himmler to Pohl and Grawitz because of the furnishing of the equipment. I don’t know whether these experiments were actually carried out. At any rate, I only found out about that here in this courtroom. As a prerequisite for the execution Rascher said that it was necessary for them to be performed in the mountains. Himmler had also ordered that these experiments be carried out in the grounds of the mountain villa at Sudelfeld. I was to see to it that accommodation was available there. Investigations, however, proved that the terrain at Sudelfeld was not suitable for that purpose. At the same time I had heard that there were a sufficient number of cases of freezing to be found in hospitals at the front. I therefore asked Rascher why it was necessary for him to carry out any further experiments. He evaded my question and merely declared categorically that he would have to abide by Himmler’s order.

Q. Which year was that?

A. That was at the end of 1942.

Q. The order was at the end of 1942?

A. The end of 1942. The conversation with Rascher about the accommodation took place afterwards.

Q. And that was intended for the winter of 1943-44?

A. No, for 1942-43. Since the terrain at Sudelfeld was not suitable, some other place had to be found and I handled this matter in a very dilatory manner. Rascher pressed me on the matter and Himmler was rather indignant, but after all I couldn’t create a house by myself. Himmler subsequently ordered that preparations be made for these experiments to be carried out at least in the next winter. I think I made a mistake, I think it must have been the winter of 1943-44. I’m sure it was 1943-44, and I think that afterwards Himmler said that preparations were to be made for 1944-45. These experiments, however, were never carried out because Rascher was already arrested in the spring of 1944.

Q. In that case you are saying that these dry-cold experiments were not carried out in the mountains in the winter of 1943-44. You assisted in preventing these experiments from being carried out by delaying the finding of suitable accommodation?

A. Yes.

Q. I will now briefly summarize your testimony with reference to the count concerning cold experiments.

Mr. Hardy: If it please your Honor, the defense counsel has put questions to the witness and the witness has testified to these questions. I really think summations after each experiment are unnecessary here. That can take place in his closing statement.

Presiding Judge Beals: A short summation on the part of defense counsel might be in order, as long as it does not contain too much repetition.

Dr. Weisgerber: Yes, your Honor. You accidentally attended the completion of a cold experiment by Dr. Rascher at Dachau. You had seen no reports about Dr. Rascher’s experiments and received no knowledge about them in any other way. The furnishing of the experimental subjects for the rewarming experiments were not your business, and you actually had nothing to do with it. You attended a further experiment under the circumstances which you have previously described. You know nothing about any dry-cold experiments being carried out in Dachau itself. You succeeded in delaying and finally completely frustrating the dry-cold experiments in the mountains. Is that correct?

Defendant Sievers: Yes, that is correct.

Q. After searching your mind, did you do anything in that connection which went beyond the orders given you by Himmler?

A. No, in no way at all.

[28] Figure 14, headed “Mean Values from Group of Four Experiments each at 4° C. [39.2° F.] to 4.5° C. [40.1° F.] Water Temperature,” is a chart showing the skin temperature and the rectal temperature of four experimental subjects each of whom respectively in a sober state, was given 100 cubic centimeters of alcohol one hour before the start of the experiment, and was given 100 grams of pure dextrose one hour before start of the experiment. The three curves indicating skin temperature show drops to 16° C. and below after 60 to 80 minutes; the three curves showing rectal temperature show a low of 22.3° C. and 21.3° C. after 70, 100, and 110 minutes respectively, and then an increase to 31.3° C. after 130, 200, and 230 minutes respectively.

[29] 1616-PS, Pros. Ex. 105, see p. [249].

[30] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 17-18 December 1946, pp. 595-695.

[31] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 11, 12, 13, and 18 February 1947, pp. 2815-3104.

[32] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 25, 26, 27 February 1947, pp. 3470-3700.

[33] Complete testimony is recorded in mimeographed transcript, 9, 10, 11, 14 April 1947, pp. 5656-5869.

3. MALARIA EXPERIMENTS