a. Introduction
The defendants Karl Brandt, Handloser, Rostock, Gebhardt, Blome, Rudolf Brandt, and Sievers were charged with special responsibility for and participation in criminal conduct involving mustard gas experiment (indictment, par. 6 (D)). On this charge the defendants Karl Brandt, Rudolf Brandt, and Sievers were convicted and the defendants Handloser, Rostock, Gebhardt, and Blome were acquitted.
The prosecution’s summation of the evidence on the Lost (mustard) gas experiments is contained in its final briefs against the defendants Karl Brandt and Sievers. Extracts from these briefs are set forth below on pages 315 to 324. A corresponding summation of the evidence by the defense on these experiments has been selected from the closing briefs for the defendants Karl Brandt and Sievers. It appears below on pages 324 to 334. This argumentation is followed by selection from the evidence on pages 336 to 354.
b. Selections from the Argumentation of the Prosecution
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT KARL BRANDT
Gas Experiments
The treatment of wounds caused by chemical warfare agents was of considerable interest to military medical circles of Germany. On 1 March 1944, the Fuehrer gave Karl Brandt broad powers in the field of chemical warfare. (NO-012, Pros. Ex. 270.) The decree itself is not available, but there is no dispute that Brandt’s jurisdiction extended to pharmaceutical products to treat gas wounds. So much he admits. (Tr. p. 2629.) This necessarily involved a determination of the most effective method of treatment. That the decree included medical research on gas wounds can also be concluded from the fact that copies of the decree which Brandt sent to Himmler (NO-012, Pros. Ex. 270) were forwarded to Grawitz and Sievers who had previously worked on this problem. (NO-013a, Pros. Ex. 271; NO-013b Pros. Ex. 272.)
In any event, on 31 March 1944, Sievers reported to Brandt about the research activities of Hirt. (NO-015, Pros. Ex. 275.) Hirt had been experimenting on inmates of the Natzweiler concentration camp since November 1942. (NO-098, Pros. Ex. 263.) For a detailed description of Hirt’s experiments, see the brief against Sievers (p. 318 ff). Brandt admitted that Sievers gave him the written report by Hirt, which was introduced as Prosecution Exhibit 268 (NO-099) and that this report shows on its face that experiments on human beings were performed by him. (Tr. p. 2626.) It is significant to note that the report speaks of heavy, medium, and light wounds caused by Lost. Moreover, Brandt admitted he talked to Hirt in Strasbourg in April after the meeting with Sievers. (Tr. p. 2610.) Approximately 220 inmates of Russian, Polish, Czech, and German nationality were experimented on with gas, of whom about 50 died. They did not volunteer. (Tr. pp. 1052, 1057.) Hirt continued his gas experiments at Natzweiler during the summer of 1944. (Tr. p. 1058.) His gas research was classified “urgent” by Rostock in August 1944. (NO-692, Pros. Ex. 457.)
In addition to his participation in the gas experiments of Hirt, Karl Brandt personally furthered the criminal experimentation of Otto Bickenbach. Brandt testified that the gas experiments of Bickenbach came to his attention in the fall of 1943 on the occasion of a visit to Strasbourg to see a cyclotron; that later he helped him to arrange a laboratory; that he assisted him in obtaining experimental animals; that Bickenbach did not conduct experiments on human beings; that he helped him in 1944 after he had established this laboratory. (Tr. pp. 2619, 2620.)
The Sievers’ diary for 1944 contains the following entry under 2 February:
“Met Professor Bickenbach in Karlsruhe and he advises that he has put his research work under the control of General Commissioner Professor Dr. Brandt.
“Discussion with SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Hirt: 1. Professor Dr. Bickenbach, without instructions from Hirt and Professor Stein, contacted General Commissioner Professor Dr. Brandt concerning the phosgene experiments that were [and was] in Natzweiler with him. Commission is to be withdrawn; for our part Natzweiler is to be closed.” (3546-PS, Pros. Ex. 123.)
Phosgene is a chemical warfare agent. (Tr. p. 2630.) Brandt admits he was in Natzweiler, but insists that only animal experiments were conducted. This is in direct contradiction to statements contained in an official war crimes report of the Government of the Netherlands. (NO-1063, Pros. Ex. 328.) Josef Kramer, former camp commander at Natzweiler, also stated that Bickenbach experimented on prisoners. (NO-807, Pros. Ex. 185.)
Brandt testified that he later assisted Bickenbach in establishing a laboratory in Fort Franzeky, which is near Strasbourg, and that he saw animal experiments there. (Tr. p. 2630.) Bickenbach was a professor at the University of Strasbourg with Hirt and Haagen. (Tr. p. 2631.)
The Bickenbach reports sent to Karl Brandt not only prove that Bickenbach and his collaborators Helmut Ruehl and Fritz Letz carried out phosgene experiments on 40 Russian prisoners of war, but that four of the subjects were killed as a result. (NO-1852, Pros. Ex. 456.) This document completely destroys the credibility of the defendant Brandt.
These reports on the phosgene experiments are designated top military secret and are numbered 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. They are all addressed to Plenipotentiary General Brandt. These reports obviously cover the same series of experiments which culminated in experiments on 40 prisoners detailed in the 7th report. They were found in the apartment of Professor Bickenbach by French authorities. The purpose of these experiments was to determine the effectiveness of a drug called hexamethylentetramine against phosgene poisoning. Certain preliminary studies are detailed in the 4th report, dated 11 August 1944, and mention is made of tests carried out on a “nervous Russian prisoner of war, who could not be calmed down because of language difficulties * * *”.
The 7th report, which is undated, concerns experiments carried out shortly after 11 August 1944 (the date of the 4th report) as Strasbourg was overrun by the Allies a few months later. These experiments were performed on “40 prisoners on the prophylactic effect of hexamethylentetramine in cases of phosgene poisoning. Twelve of those were protected orally, twenty intravenously and eight were used as controls.” On the basis of the 4th report, it can only be concluded that the 40 prisoners referred to were Russian prisoners of war. The experimental subjects are further described as being “persons of middle age, almost all in a weak and underfed condition. On principle, the healthier ones were used as controls, only control number 39 (J. Rei) and the orally protected experimental subject No. 37 (A. Rei) had a localized cirrhotic productive tuberculosis of the lungs. With the others, no pulmonary disease could be found.” (1852-PS, Pros. Ex. 456.)
The experimental persons were subjected to phosgene poisoning with resulting death to no less than four subjects. (Tr. p. 3404.) Other subjects suffered severe lung oedema.
Defense counsel for Karl Brandt urged the possibility that this report was not received by him. Assuming arguendo that the report was not mailed to Brandt, and, if received, not read, the fact remains that the experiments were performed by Bickenbach and his collaborators, whose work was directly controlled by Brandt. (Supra.) Were there no other evidence on this point, the circumstances of the report having been addressed to Karl Brandt are sufficient proof of his responsibility. Moreover, the research of both Bickenbach and Hirt was classified urgent by Brandt’s Office for Science and Research under Rostock. (NO-692, Pros. Ex. 457.)
The continued interest of Brandt in research on chemical warfare agents and his knowledge of experiments on concentration camp inmates are shown by the report dated 31 March 1945 concerning experiments at the Neuengamme concentration camp. (NO-154, Pros. Ex. 446.) Water decontamination experiments were carried out there on inmates. The report states that the “third series of experiments was carried out with an agent of the Lost group, the asphyxiating gas Lost; in accordance with the suggestion made by Oberstarzt Dr. Wirth at the conference on 4 December 1944 with Reich Commissioner Brandt.”
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF AGAINST
DEFENDANT SIEVERS
Lost (Mustard) Gas Experiments
From the winter of 1942 until the summer of 1944, experiments to determine the most effective treatment for wounds caused by Lost (mustard) gas were conducted in the Natzweiler concentration camp under the supervision of Professor Hirt of the Reich University of Strasbourg. The experiments were ordered by Himmler and the Luftwaffe, and sponsored by the Reich Research Council. The Ahnenerbe Society and the defendant Sievers supported this research on behalf of the SS. (492-PS, Pros. Ex. 267.) The arrangement for the payment of the research subsidies of the Ahnenerbe was made by Sievers. (NO-3819, Pros. Ex. 550.)
The defendant Sievers participated in these experiments by actively collaborating with the defendants Karl Brandt and Rudolf Brandt, and with Hirt and his principal assistant, Dr. Wimmer.
The record shows that Sievers was in correspondence with Hirt at least as early as 1942, and that he established contact between Himmler and Hirt. (NO-791, Pros. Ex. 256; NO-792, Pros. Ex. 257.)
On 9 April 1942 Sievers wrote to Hirt that Himmler wanted detailed information from Hirt on his Lost experiments. Sievers went on to say:
“We are sure to be in a position to put at your disposal for the furtherance of these experiments unique facilities in connection with special secret experiments which we are at present conducting at Dachau. Could you not some day write a brief secret report for the Reich Leader SS on your Lost experiments?
“But you should by no means go to Berlin for the time being, especially since the Reich Leader SS is staying permanently at the Fuehrer’s Headquarters. I, therefore, intend to pay you a visit at Strasbourg as soon as possible. But perhaps it would be easier for you to come to Munich, where I would have the opportunity of introducing you to the Chief of our Institute for Entomology and would be able to give you an insight into our secret experiments at Dachau.” (NO-793, Pros. Ex. 258.)
The wording of the letter makes it apparent that it was Sievers himself who brought Hirt’s research activities concerning Lost gas to Himmler’s attention. This is also proved by the fact that on 9 February 1942, he had already submitted to the defendant Rudolf Brandt, Hirt’s report concerning the creation of a skeleton collection and research in the field of intravital microscopy. The latter experimentation involved the effect of Lost on the living tissue. (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 175.) Brandt informed Himmler about Hirt’s report on 27 February, and directed Sievers to report again on Hirt’s work. (NO-090, Pros. Ex. 176.) It was thus Sievers’ report on Hirt’s research activities which prompted Himmler to take an interest in Hirt’s Lost experiments.
On 27 June 1942 Sievers forwarded to the defendant Rudolf Brandt the information of Hirt concerning the use of mustard gas on combatting rats. In this letter he mentioned that he would have another conference with Hirt on this subject. According to Sievers, Hirt had voiced his expert opinion that Lost even “in a dilution of 1-100 is dangerous for man if it contacts the body in an adequate amount.” (NO-794, Pros. Ex. 259.) It was Sievers who forwarded on 2 June 1942 Hirt’s report on his experiments in treating gas wounds by vitamins. In his covering letter to this report, Sievers informed the defendant Rudolf Brandt that he was to meet Hirt “in order to discuss with him a more intensive application, continuation, and promotion of his research work”. In the report itself, Hirt stated that he had not been able to conduct experiments with Lost gas on human beings because of the offensive against France, but suggested such experiments particularly in order to determine the protective effect of vitamin treatment. (NO-097, Pros. Ex. 260.)
In a memorandum of 26 June 1942 concerning support by the Ahnenerbe of the research work of Hirt on mustard gas, Sievers proposed that an Institute for Military Scientific Research be established within the Ahnenerbe to bring together Hirt’s and similar research and thus facilitate the organizational and technical execution of the experiments. He proposed appointing Hirt as an active member of the new institute as chief of Department H (Hirt). He also stated that Rascher, who was then performing high-altitude experiments in collaboration with Ruff and Romberg, should be appointed as chief of Department R (Rascher). He stated that the necessary supplies for the new institute would be easier to explain and more reasonable than if applied for under the name of Ahnenerbe alone. (NO-2210, Pros. Ex. 483.)
As a result of this suggestion by the defendant Sievers, Himmler directed the establishment of the Institute for Military Scientific Research within the Ahnenerbe in July 1942. In his letter to Sievers, Himmler requested that the new institute “support in every possible way the research carried out by SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt and promote all corresponding research and undertakings; to make available the required apparatus, equipment, accessories and assistants, or to procure them * * *.” (NO-422, Pros. Ex. 33.)
Sievers proceeded to make all the necessary arrangements for carrying out the Lost gas experiments in the Natzweiler concentration camp. On 27 August 1942 in a letter to Gluecks of the WVHA, he stated that in connection with a visit to Hirt in Strasbourg he would like to take Hirt with him to Natzweiler on 31 August 1942 and he asked Gluecks to make the necessary arrangements with the commander of the camp. (NO-935, Pros. Ex. 481.) In a file note dated 17 September 1942 Sievers stated that the conference mentioned in his letter to Gluecks had been held in Natzweiler on 31 August 1942, and that the working conditions there for the proposed experiments were favorable. Professor Hirt, Stabsarzt Dr. Wimmer, and Dr. Kieselbach would require automobile transport for part of the trip from Strasbourg to Natzweiler in order to perform their work there, and accordingly 20 liters of gasoline would have to be made available to the camp authorities each month. (NO-977, Pros. Ex. 482.) In a letter of 11 September 1942 to Gluecks, Sievers stated that the necessary conditions existed in Natzweiler “for carrying out our military scientific research work * * *”. He requested that Gluecks issue the necessary authorization for Hirt, Wimmer, and Kieselbach to enter Natzweiler, and that provision be made for their accommodation and board. He also stated that:
“The experiments which are to be performed on prisoners are to be carried out in four rooms of an already existing medical barrack. Only slight changes in the construction of the building are required, in particular the installation of the hood which can be produced with very little material. In accordance with attached plan of the construction management at Natzweiler, I request that necessary orders be issued to same to carry out the reconstruction. All the expenses arising out of our activity at Natzweiler will be covered by this office * * *.” (NO-978, Pros. Ex. 480.)
In a memorandum on 3 November 1942 to the defendant Rudolf Brandt, Sievers complained about certain difficulties which had arisen in Natzweiler because of the lack of cooperation from the camp officials. Sievers was particularly outraged by the fact that the camp officials were asking that the experimental prisoners be paid for. He said that:
“When I think of our military research work conducted at the concentration camp Dachau, I must praise and call special attention to the generous and understanding way in which our work was furthered there and to the cooperation we were given. Payment of [for] prisoners was never discussed. It seems as if at Natzweiler they are trying to make as much money as possible out of this matter. We are not conducting these experiments, as a matter of fact, for the sake of some fixed scientific idea, but to be of practical help to the armed forces and beyond that to the German people in a possible emergency.” (NO-098, Pros. Ex. 263.)
Brandt was requested to give his help in a comradely fashion in setting up the necessary conditions at Natzweiler. The defendant Rudolf Brandt replied to this memorandum on 3 December 1942, and told Sievers that he had had occasion to speak to Pohl concerning these difficulties, and that he had reported that they would be remedied. (NO-092, Pros. Ex 180.)
The witness Holl gave in his testimony an accurate and detailed description of the manner in which the Lost gas experiments were carried out. The execution of the experiments was supervised by Hirt in the experimental station Ahnenerbe in the Natzweiler concentration camp. In the middle of October 1942 the preparation for these experiments was finished and the actual experimentation began sometime in October or November, after the experimental subjects were given the same food as the SS guards for approximately 14 days. The first series of experiments was carried out by Hirt on 30 experimental subjects with a liquid gas substance. (Tr. p. 1051.) In spite of the fact that Hirt, before selecting these experimental subjects, had promised them that he would intervene with Himmler in order that they should be released as a reward if they would volunteer for the experiments, none of the experimental subjects of all the experiments carried out by Hirt volunteered. Political prisoners, Russians, Poles, Czechs, and also some German nationals were among the experimental subjects used. (Tr. p. 1052.)
The first series of experiments was carried out by Hirt and an officer of the Luftwaffe in the following manner: One drop of the liquid was applied to the lower arm of the experimental subject. Approximately 10 hours later burns began to appear and spread over the whole body in every place where drops of the fluid contacted the skin. Some of the experimental subjects became partially blind. The victims of these experiments suffered terrible pain. Photographic pictures of the burns were taken daily. After the fifth or sixth day of the experiment, the first fatality occurred. The corpse of the victim was dissected and the autopsy showed that the greater parts of the lungs and other organs had been destroyed. On the following day, that is, on the seventh day of the experiment, another seven of the experimental subjects died. The remaining 22 were sent to another concentration camp after approximately 2 months when they had recovered sufficiently and became fit for transport. (Tr. pp. 1052-3.) Other experiments on concentration camp inmates of the Natzweiler concentration camp were carried out in the gas chamber approximately 500 meters distant from the camp. The experimental subjects had to enter this gas chamber two by two. They had to smash small ampules which contained the liquid. This liquid evaporated and the experimental subject then had to inhale the resulting vapor. Usually the experimental subjects became unconscious and were returned to the Ahnenerbe station for further observation of the results of the experiments. (Tr. pp. 1053-4.) These results were approximately the same as those observed in the first series. The breathing organs of the experimental subjects were likewise destroyed. Their lungs had been eaten away by the gas. About 150 concentration camp inmates were experimented upon in this manner. (Tr. pp. 1034-5.) Approximately the same percentage as in the first series died as a result of this type of experimentation. (Tr. p. 1056.)
Other Lost gas experiments were carried out by means of injection. These experiments were carried out in a special room adjoining the crematorium. The victims of these experiments died without exception. (Tr. p. 1056.) Another type of experiment was carried out on the experimental subjects, who had to take the liquid orally. As Holl was transferred before Christmas 1943 to an outside camp, he was not able to give information on the results of this type of experiment. (Tr. p. 1056.) He, however, returned once a month to the Natzweiler concentration camp and was therefore able to observe that the Lost gas experiments continued until autumn 1944, when the Natzweiler concentration camp was liberated by the Allies. (Tr. pp. 1057-8.)
From Holl’s testimony it is proved that approximately 220 inmates of Russian, Polish, Czech, and German nationalities were experimented upon with gas by Hirt and his collaborators. About 50 of them died. None of the experimental subjects volunteered. (Tr. pp. 1052, 1057.)
On 7 April 1943, when the Lost experiments were well under way (supra), Himmler ordered an intensification of Lost research. At about this time the progress of Hirt’s Lost research was threatened by the transfer of Hirt’s assistant, Wimmer, a medical officer of the Luftwaffe. Since personnel matters fell within the scope of Sievers’ duties, he wrote to Rudolf Brandt protesting the proposed transfer of Wimmer and stating that if Wimmer left the Institute for Military Scientific Research, the Lost experiments would have to end. Sievers then outlined the proper procedure for securing the future services of Wimmer at the Ahnenerbe Institute. (NO-193, Pros. Ex. 264.)
Again, on 3 November 1943, Sievers, in order to further the Lost experiments and assure their continuation, made a certificate which enabled two of Hirt’s research assistants to obtain increased food rations. Sievers stated that the research activities in which these persons were engaged with Department H (Hirt), Strasbourg, of the Institute for Military Scientific Research of the Ahnenerbe involved health-damaging poisons which had caused injuries to their health. (492-PS, Pros. Ex. 267.)
The evidence clearly indicated that during the entire period covered by the Lost experiments, Hirt was associated with the Ahnenerbe Society. In early 1944 Hirt and Wimmer summarized their findings from the Lost experiments in a report entitled “Proposed Treatment of Poisoning caused by Lost”. The report was described as from the Institute for Military Scientific Research, Department H of the Ahnenerbe, located at the Strasbourg Anatomical Institute. Light, medium, and heavy injuries due to Lost gas are mentioned. Sievers received several copies of this report. (NO-099, Pros. Ex. 268.) On 31 March 1944, after Karl Brandt had received a Fuehrer Decree giving him broad powers in the field of chemical warfare (NO-012, Pros. Ex. 270), Sievers informed Brandt about Hirt’s work and gave him a copy of the report. This is proved by Sievers’ letter to Rudolf Brandt on 11 April 1944. (NO-015, Pros. Ex. 275.) Karl Brandt admitted that the wording of the report made it clear that experiments had been conducted on human beings. (Tr. p. 2626.)
The proof has also shown that in October 1943 the defendant Blome, in his capacity as a Plenipotentiary in the Reich Research Council, issued a research assignment for Hirt in support of his gas experiments. This is proved by the file index card on Blome’s research assignment in the Reich Research Council, where the assignment to Hirt by Blome is listed under SS priority number 0329. (NO-690, Pros. Ex. 120.) Sievers admitted that a Reich research assignment to Hirt “on the behavior of Lost gas in living organisms” was made. (Tr. p. 5817.) He further admitted that at a conference in April 1942, Himmler told him that Hirt should make Lost experiments on human beings other than volunteer military cadets. (Tr. p. 5679.)
Sievers testified that on 25 January 1943, he went to Natzweiler concentration camp and consulted with the camp authorities concerning the arrangements to be made for Hirt’s Lost experiments. These arrangements included the obtaining of laboratories and experimental subjects. (Tr. pp. 5842-43.) Sievers testified that the Lost experiments were harmful. (Tr. p. 5810.) On the visit of 25 January 1943, Sievers saw ten persons who had been subjected to Lost experiments and watched Hirt change the bandages on one of the persons. Sievers said that the experimental subjects told him that they were volunteers and Hirt confirmed this to Sievers. (Tr. p. 5732.) The testimony of Sievers was contradictory as to his knowledge that the Lost experiments caused deaths. Sievers testified that in March 1943 he asked Hirt whether any of the experimental subjects had suffered harm from the experiments and was told by Hirt that two of the experimental subjects had died due to other causes. (Tr. p. 5733.) On the other hand, Sievers seemed to be referring to Lost experiments when he stated that he knew of one condemned criminal who had died from the experiments. (Tr. p. 5810.) As to the nationality of the experimental subjects, Sievers was of the opinion, in view of their manner of speech, that the test persons were Germans. (Tr. p. 5812.) The proof, however, clearly shows that Sievers already, as early as January 1942, had knowledge that nonvolunteers were to be used for the Lost experiments of Hirt. In his letter of 3 January 1942, Sievers requested Hirt to submit comprehensive research reports to him in order that he might forward them to Himmler. Sievers assured Hirt that Himmler would permit Hirt to conduct experiments of any kind “on prisoners and real criminals who would never be released anyhow and on persons scheduled for execution.” (NO-3629, Pros. Ex. 547.)
Sievers’ diary entries indicate that his primary concern was making the necessary arrangements for the carrying out of the Lost experiments. On 25 January 1943 Sievers visited Natzweiler and consulted with the camp administration; on 28 January 1943 Sievers consulted with Pohl concerning the continuation of the Lost experiments and undoubtedly arranged for the allocation of test persons, although he testified that his conversation related to obtaining space for animals. (Tr. p. 5736.) On 24 and 25 January Sievers received reports from Hirt on Lost experiments and on 17 March 1943 Sievers attended a conference at the Institute for Military Scientific Research where Lost experiments were reported. (NO-538, Pros. Ex. 122.)
c. Selections from the Argumentation of the Defense
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT
KARL BRANDT
I. Experiments performed. Counsel for the defense does not wish to make a statement in this connection.
II. Order to carry out the experiments. The defendant Karl Brandt is not mentioned in connection with the order to carry out these experiments.
1. Drug F 1001. NO-199, Prosecution Exhibit 253, and NO-198, Prosecution Exhibit 254, show that the order to carry out these experiments in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp was given by Himmler or Reich Physician SS Grawitz in 1939. This is confirmed by the fact that the reports on the concluded experiments were submitted to Grawitz or Himmler.
2. “Lost” experiments. According to NO-098, Prosecution Exhibit 263, the order to Hirt was given on 13 July 1942 as shown in the letter dated 3 November 1942, which contains a research commission of the SS Institute for Applied Military Scientific Research of the Ahnenerbe. According to 492-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 267, the order to carry out experiments was given by Himmler or Goering.
In accordance with Sievers’ testimony (Tr. pp. 5733-34) Himmler, on 8 March 1944, ordered Hirt to carry out human experiments despite the latter’s arguments that only animal experiments could achieve further results. The issuing of this order is supported by the fact that the reports were sent to Reich Physician SS Grawitz to be passed on to Reich Leader SS Himmler. NO-085, Prosecution Exhibit 269, contains a preliminary final report made by Hirt of the year 1941; NO-097, Prosecution Exhibit 260, Hirt’s final report of 2 June 1942 to be submitted to the Reich Leader SS; also NO-099, Prosecution Exhibit 268, Hirt’s 1944 proposals for treatment. This is also supported by the correspondence between Sievers and Hirt. NO-793, Prosecution Exhibit 258, reports on a conference with Himmler.
3. N-substance. The order to carry out the experiments was issued by Reich Physician SS Grawitz in connection with Schwab and after Gebhardt, Gluecks, and Panzinger had been heard. Reference is made to an instruction from Hitler and an order from Himmler of 15 May.
III. Reason for and aim of the experiments. Statement of the defendant Karl Brandt. (Tr. p. 2383.)
1. “Lost” and Drug F 1001. Research work on a healing drug for injuries, not poisoning, caused by “Lost”. Experiments of this kind have been carried out by all nations since World War I, England being the leading nation in these experiments on human beings. The general need for experiments on human beings, and only those are relevant here, has been recognized by all nations as a military necessity. (Karl Brandt 106, Karl Brandt Ex. 49; Karl Brandt 107, Karl Brandt Ex. 50.)
The necessity to carry out experiments increased in Germany, particularly during World War II, as all nations were eagerly engaged in the manufacture of “Lost” gas. The need became imperative in 1944 when reliable sources reported that the enemy was getting chemical-warfare agents ready. (Karl Brandt 103, Karl Brandt Ex. 42; Karl Brandt 101, Karl Brandt Ex. 41; Karl Brandt 11, Karl Brandt Ex. 10; Karl Brandt 12, Karl Brandt Ex. 11.)
2. N-substance. Reasons for and aim of the experiments are unknown. N-substance is the name for “normal” substance. It is not a chemical warfare agent but a fuel substance, intended to be used for ignition. This N-substance is not to be mistaken for N-“Lost”, that is, nitrogen-Lost. (Karl Brandt 88, Karl Brandt Ex. 36; Karl Brandt 103, Karl Brandt Ex. 42.)
IV. Participation in the performance of the experiments.
1. Drug F 1001. The experiments were carried out exclusively at SS offices on the orders of the Reich Leader SS. They were performed before the defendant Karl Brandt received his first official appointment.
2. “Lost”. The experiments were made by Hirt and Wimmer in the SS Institute for Military Scientific Research in Strasbourg. According to Sievers’ testimony (Tr. p. 5788) the defendant Karl Brandt did not have any influence on these institutions. The “Lost” chemical warfare agent does not act like gas, but in a dried form injures the skin. Ordinarily, experiments are made by all nations by applying small drops of “Lost” to the skin. They cause injuries to the tissue, which are treated with healing drugs. This procedure is demonstrated in Holl’s testimony. (Tr. p. 1052.)
3. N-substance. Sievers’ testimony (Tr. p. 5738) shows that the experiments were not carried out due to a laboratory experiment of Professor Thyssen and an expert opinion sent to Himmler.
V. The experimental subjects.
A. Number of experimental subjects.
1. Drug F 1001. No statement.
2. “Lost”. The statements made by the witness Holl about the number of persons experimented upon must be treated with caution, since they do not originate with Holl, but were stated by the prosecution and merely confirmed by Holl. The testimony of Nales about experiments cannot refer to “Lost”.
3. N-substance. Since there were no experiments, no statement is made.
B. Consent of the experimental subjects.
1. Drug F 1001. No statement.
2. “Lost”. Sievers’ testimony (Tr. p. 5732) shows that Hirt said that the experimental subjects had volunteered, following a lecture by Hirt. This testimony seems to be quite trustworthy, as it was usual to make similar experiments on officer candidates of the Academy of Military Medicine in Berlin. Testimony of Becker-Freyseng (Tr. p. 8072) as well as testimony of Sievers (Tr. pp. 5730-31); also testimony of the witness Nales (Tr. pp. 10409-10471).
3. N-substance. No experiments, no statement.
C. Type of experimental subjects.
1. F 1001. The documents submitted do not reveal the nature of the experimental subjects, though the year 1939 indicates that in no case were foreigners used.
2. “Lost”. According to Sievers’ testimony, the persons used in the experiments in the Natzweiler concentration camp volunteered, so that the nature of the experimental subjects would appear to be of no significance as a basis for judgment. The testimony of the defendant Rudolf Brandt (NO-372, Pros. Ex. 252) is no basis to judge the true state of affairs, as Rudolf Brandt’s testimony (Tr. pp. 4930-34) shows that he himself never witnessed an experiment and that his statements are conclusions drawn from documents and statements submitted by the interrogators.
3. N-substance. No experiments, no statement.
D. Danger involved for the experimental subjects.
1. Drug F 1001 and “Lost”. The usual forms of the “Lost” experiments, applying a drop to the skin, as described by Holl (Tr. p. 1052) do not entail any danger to life, because the aim is to ascertain the most detailed reactions of the skin towards tiny drops of “Lost”. Experiments with deadly quantities would prevent this being ascertained. The relevant statements of the witness Holl must be due to ignorance of the manner of the experiment. Holl’s statement (Tr. p. 1050 ff.) and the affidavit of Wagner (NO-881, Pros. Ex. 280) also, to a certain degree, contradict each other. Holl, a miner by profession, who was hospital Kapo [inmate trusty] in Natzweiler, makes scientific statements with illustrations, to which one can hardly attach any value. The affidavit of Wagner who, as a scientific designer, held, during the experiments, an elevated position within the inner working circle, is far more reserved. He knows nothing of deaths occurring during “Lost” experiments. His conclusions as to how dangerous the “Lost” experiments were are based on a chart which was most likely intended for a committee. Sievers’ statement (Tr. p. 5732) reports a visit to Wimmer at Strasbourg during which the latter did not mention that there had been any deaths. Hirt also confirms this in March 1943; though he cites two deaths, they had not resulted from “Lost” experiments. The experiments with drug F 1001, too, are “Lost” experiments. The danger involved in the experiments has been described accurately. There are no deaths and health is not impaired permanently. In 23 cases general condition was not impaired. (NO-199, Pros. Ex. 253.) In contrast to this, NO-198, Prosecution Exhibit 254, mentions serious disturbances of the general condition in eight cases. Yet it must be assumed that these disturbances were of a temporary nature and occurred only when the climax of the injury was reached. They did not last throughout the duration of the experiments.
2. N-substance. The experiments were not carried out. Over and above that, NO-005, Prosecution Exhibit 279, discloses that the experiments would, most probably, not result in any permanent bodily harm.
VI. Special responsibility and participation of the defendant Karl Brandt.
1. The defendant Karl Brandt did not issue any order to carry out experiments. Karl Brandt did not have authority to issue orders.
2. The decree of 1 March 1944 concerning defense equipment in chemical warfare has been reconstructed by means of the following affidavits: (Karl Brandt 103, Karl Brandt Ex. 42; Karl Brandt 5, Karl Brandt Ex. 6; Karl Brandt 11, Karl Brandt Ex. 10; Karl Brandt 4, Karl Brandt Ex. 5; Karl Brandt 101, Karl Brandt Ex. 41; Karl Brandt 89, Karl Brandt Ex. 37). They show that this decree does not refer to an authorization to give orders concerning chemical-warfare agents and their research, but that it represents a production order referring to defense equipment in chemical warfare. Document NO-015, Prosecution Exhibit 275, proves that Hirt’s experiments had been completed when the defendant Karl Brandt received, through Sievers, Hirt’s treatment-instructions for injuries caused by “Lost” following the decree of 1 March 1944. The very fact that in this way, for the first time, he gained knowledge of the results of the experiments proves that this was an SS affair of Himmler and Hirt and that it belonged to a sphere where interference was denied to Karl Brandt by strict orders (see statements on participation in experiments by virtue of contacts with Himmler). (Also Karl Brandt 120, Karl Brandt Ex. 35.) The affidavit of Rudolf Brandt (NO-372, Pros. Ex. 252) is refuted by Karl Brandt 13, Karl Brandt Exhibit 12, as well as statements made by Rudolf Brandt. (Tr. pp. 4930-34.) As a matter of fact the name of the defendant Karl Brandt is never mentioned in the numerous documents extending over a period of several years. The special secrecy surrounding the Noli Decree and its contents with regard to poison gas defense is made sufficiently clear by the necessity of safeguarding the inadequate poison gas defense in the least possible time, and to hide this from the enemy. (Karl Brandt 103, Karl Brandt Ex. 42; Karl Brandt 101, Karl Brandt Ex. 41; Karl Brandt 11, Karl Brandt Ex. 10.)
3. Karl Brandt’s efforts not to experiment on human beings are proved by the fact that he had animal material, i. e., man-like apes, brought from Spain and Africa by the Luftwaffe at great expense. Had he been predominantly inclined to experiment on human beings, to be had free of cost, he would hardly have gone to such expense. (Karl Brandt 12, Karl Brandt Ex. 11.) The exhaustive enumeration of parties engaged on work with N-gas (NO-005, Pros. Ex. 279) proves that the defendant Karl Brandt did not participate. The N-gas problems belong to a very different sphere, as shown by the Documents Karl Brandt 88, Karl Brandt Exhibit 36, and Karl Brandt 103, Karl Brandt Exhibit 42. This is further confirmed by Sievers’ letter to Hirt of 9 April 1942. (NO-793, Pros. Ex. 258.) In it, reference is made to the possibility of advancing experiments by “single possibilities”.
NO-422, Prosecution Exhibit 33, contains an order by Himmler of 7 July 1942 to Sievers and the SS Institute Ahnenerbe to support Hirt’s researches in every possible way.
4. The codefendant Rudolf Brandt does not know the contents of the decree of 1 March 1944, though he distinctly alludes to it in his affidavit, (NO-372, Pros. Ex. 252; Tr. pp. 4941-42.)
EXTRACT FROM THE CLOSING BRIEF FOR DEFENDANT
SIEVERS
1. Lost gas experiments were carried out from November 1942 on by Professor Dr. Hirt in the Natzweiler concentration camp.
2. According to the statement of the witness Nales in the session of 30 April 1947, three experimental persons died. Other experimental persons are supposed to have suffered from severe burns.
3. Sievers did not personally participate in these experiments. The prosecution has submitted the following evidence to prove Sievers’ participation in the Lost gas experiments:
Letter of Sievers to Dr. Hirt of 17 January 1942 (NO-791, Pros. Ex. 256) concerning experiments with insecticides.
Letter of Dr. Hirt to the Ahnenerbe of 20 January 1942 (NO-792, Pros. Ex. 257) concerning answer to Sievers’ letter.
Sievers’ letter to Dr. Hirt of 9 April 1942 (NO-793, Pros. Ex. 258) concerning Dr. Hirt’s treatises on intravital microscopy and Lost experiments.
Sievers’ letter to Dr. Brandt of 27 August 1942 (NO-794, Pros. Ex. 259) concerning the passing on of a message of Dr. Hirt on the results of Lost experiments.
Letter of the Ahnenerbe to Dr. Brandt of 2 June 1942 (NO-097, Pros. Ex. 260) concerning Dr. Hirt’s report on Lost wounds. Experiments on human beings could not be made as Hirt was at the front.
Note of the Reich Business Manager of 3 November 1942 (NO-098, Pros. Ex. 263).
Letter of the Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe to Dr. R. Brandt of 22 April 1943—concerning release of Staff Physician Dr. Wimmer from the air force so that he can do further work with Dr. Hirt on Lost experiments. (NO-193, Pros. Ex. 264.)
Letter of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS to Ministerial Councillor Dr. Goernert, of 9 June 1943—concerning Dr. Wimmer’s transfer. (NO-195, Pros. Ex. 266.)
Certificate of the Institute for Military Scientific Research of 8 November 1943—concerning the sending of special rations of food to Dr. Wimmer and Frl. Schmitt. (492-PS, Pros. Ex. 267.)
Proposed treatment of poison-gas injuries through Lost. (NO-099, Pros. Ex. 268.)
Letter of the Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe to Dr. Brandt of 9 February 1942—concerning forwarding Dr. Hirt’s report on his medicinal experiments and a microscope, which enables one to observe a living tissue. (NO-085, Pros. Ex. 269.)
Letter of the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS to the Ahnenerbe of 10 March 1944—concerning the transmission of a Fuehrer Decree of 1 March 1944. (NO-013, Pros. Ex. 272.) The Fuehrer Decree mentioned—of 1 March 1944—has not been submitted.
Letter of the Office “A” to Dr. R. Brandt of 11 April 1944 concerning Sievers’ report to SS Brigadefuehrer Prof. Dr. Brandt on the research work of Dr. Hirt. (NO-015, Pros. Ex. 275.)
Letter of Sievers to SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks of 11 September 1942 (NO-978, Pros. Ex. 480) concerning military scientific research in connection with the Natzweiler concentration camp.
Letter of Sievers to SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks of 27 August 1942 concerning military scientific research in connection with the Natzweiler concentration camp. (NO-935, Pros. Ex. 481.)
Sievers’ memorandum concerning the carrying out of military scientific research in the Natzweiler concentration camp of 17 September 1942. (NO-977, Pros. Ex. 482.)
The defense refers to the following evidence:
Lost experiments were carried out at the Military Medical Academy in Berlin. The experimental persons were cadets studying at this Academy. (NO-097, Pros. Ex. 260; Tr. p. 5679; Tr. pp. 8071-72.) Professor Dr. Hirt, later Director of the Anatomical Institute at the University of Strasbourg, took part in carrying out these experiments. (Tr. p. 5731.) Professor Hirt also carried out Lost experiments on himself. (Tr. p. 5733.) Hitler then decreed that experiments were no longer to be carried out on cadets, as they were more important as soldiers. Himmler gave Dr. Hirt orders to carry out a few practical experiments on human beings in addition to his animal experiments. Then on 9 April 1942 Himmler asked Sievers, who in his discussion with him at Easter 1942 had also mentioned the research done by Professor Hirt, to ask the latter in writing to submit a secret report on his Lost experiments. (NO-793, Pros. Ex. 258.) Hirt then gave this report to the Ahnenerbe, from where it was forwarded, with a letter on 2 June 1942 to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS. (NO-097, Pros. Ex. 260.) The heading of this letter is remarkable: “Report on the Lost experiments carried out by order of the Wehrmacht.” Dr. Hirt mentions further on page four of the report that he submitted the written report on the results of his Lost experiments to the surgeon general who was his superior at that time. From this report, it is quite clear that experiments on human beings, with the exception of cadets, had not yet been carried out by Hirt. However, Dr. Hirt made a further short report, which the Reich Business Manager of the Ahnenerbe forwarded to the personal staff of the Reich Leader SS on 27 August 1942. (NO-794, Pros. Ex. 259.)
In a letter of 13 July 1942 the Reich Leader SS ordered that Dr. Hirt should carry out the research work assigned to him in the Natzweiler concentration camp. (NO-098, Pros. Ex. 263.) Sievers set out for Natzweiler with Dr. Hirt at the end of August 1942 in order to ascertain whether the prerequisites existed. As is shown in Dr. Hirt’s report of 19 October 1942, nothing had yet happened besides the drafting of Oberscharfuehrer Walbert, the animal-keeper. The extension of the laboratories and stables had not yet begun. And now Dr. Hirt’s report continues:
“We were further informed that prisoners, who are later to be experimented on, would have to be paid by us while they are subjected to the experiment. For the prisoners in the L-experiment we propose that they are put on full diet (guards’ diet), so that the experiments can be carried out under the same conditions as would prevail with the troops in an actual case. To begin with we intend to take 10 prisoners for the experiment.” (NO-098, Pros. Ex. 263.)
As Hirt reported in addition that the assignment of a second physician to the Natzweiler concentration camp would be difficult, Sievers was asked to participate in the efforts to obtain the release of Dr. Wimmer, surgeon captain of the air force, in order to make him assistant to Dr. Hirt, especially as the Reich Leader SS expressly wished that Dr. Wimmer’s transfer should take place as soon as possible. (NO-194, Pros. Ex. 265.)
It was the duty of Sievers to deal with questions of billets, laboratory finance and similar matters. Therefore, in August and September 1942 he wrote to SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks, who was responsible for the administration of the concentration camps. (NO-935, Pros. Ex. 481; NO-977, Pros. Ex. 482; NO-978, Pros. Ex. 480.) They contain only administrative matters.
How little Sievers knew about concentration camps is seen from Document NO-935. Sievers asks to be sent the exact address of the camp and of the commandant of Natzweiler. This letter is particularly worthy of notice.
As for the question whether and to what extent Sievers had knowledge of the performance of Lost experiments in the Natzweiler concentration camp, the following can be stated:
Ferdinand Holl, witness for the prosecution, when giving evidence on 3 January 1947, said nothing about Sievers’ taking part in any way in the performance of the Lost experiments at the Natzweiler concentration camp. The experimenters were Dr. Hirt and officers of the Luftwaffe. The witness Holl did not mention Sievers at all. If Sievers, who wore SS uniform, had become known at all in connection with the Lost experiments, this witness would certainly have made some such statement, especially as he was dispensary assistant [Revierkapo] and prisoners’ guard in the so-called Ahnenerbe block in the Natzweiler concentration camp. (German Tr. pp. 1051-1059.)
The witness Grandjean too, who was at the Natzweiler concentration camp hospital as medical assistant from April 1944 on, knows nothing of Sievers’ presence at the Natzweiler concentration camp or of any connection between Sievers and the Lost experiments. (Tr. p. 1099 ff.)
Sievers was in Natzweiler concentration camp on 25 January 1943 and also visited the barracks where the experimental persons for the Lost experiments were housed. Dr. Wimmer showed Sievers some of the experimental persons with their forearms in bandages. There were about 10 persons altogether who gave the impression of being quite lively. One of the experimental subjects was just having his bandage changed, and Sievers saw that the place being treated on the arm was covered with a scab. Dr. Wimmer reported nothing about fatal incidents. On the other hand, by questioning the experimental subjects himself, Sievers found that they volunteered for those experiments after a lecture by Professor Hirt. Sievers also learned that from Dr. Hirt himself, who at the end of the experiments confirmed that he had sent to the camp commandant a report on the good behavior of the prisoners with a recommendation for their release. (German Tr. pp. 5732-33.) The lecture which Hirt had previously delivered to the experimental persons is also confirmed by the witness Holl. (German Tr. pp. 1051-1059.) This was the only visit Sievers paid to the experimental subjects of the Lost experiments. After 25 January 1943 Sievers never went to Natzweiler again. This is already known from his diary entries.
Sievers attached a certain danger to the experiments, but, not being a physician, he was in no position to judge exactly from the experiments and the way in which they were carried out whether there was reason to be prepared for fatal results. In March 1943 Sievers asked Dr. Hirt whether any experimental subjects had died. Hirt admitted two deaths which, he remarked, however, had no connection with the Lost experiments. (German Tr. pp. 5732-33.)
The statement of the witness Nales, heard in the session of 30 April 1947, deserves special attention. This witness confirmed that the experimental subjects who had reported for the “Burning Experiments” were volunteers. The witness thereby confirmed Sievers’ statement of 10 April 1947. (German Tr. pp. 5732-33.) The witness admitted under cross-examination that Professor Dr. Hirt, as well as the SS camp physician, explained to the experimental subjects the nature of the planned experiments. It may be that the SS camp physician did not precisely state the actual danger of the experiments. But it may certainly be supposed that Dr. Hirt described the nature of the planned experiments more closely in his instructions, which are also confirmed by the witness Holl. Here Sievers had just as little to do with the choice of experimental subjects as in all the other cases. He was present neither at the lecture of the camp physician nor at that of Dr. Hirt. He could and had to rely on what Dr. Hirt told him concerning the question of volunteering.
4. In the case in question, Sievers was again not in a position to give instructions or orders on the carrying out of the Lost experiments. Neither did he do so. In as far as he came into contact with the Lost experiments, he only forwarded correspondence and did subordinate administrative work, which had no decisive or important influence on the experiments carried out by Dr. Hirt.
5. The knowledge that the experiments could exceed certain limits or become inhuman existed neither before they began nor in the course of the experiments.
We still have to examine whether Sievers did not receive, through some report or other, more exact knowledge of the course of the experiments. As a result of the experiments carried out by Dr. Hirt and Dr. Wimmer, the “Proposed Treatment of Poison-Gas Injuries Caused by Lost” was produced. (NO-099, Pros. Ex. 268.) From this report nothing at all is to be learned of the course of the experiments in its effect on the experimental subjects. Since no further report exists, the correctness of Sievers’ statement must be accepted, according to which he knew no more of the Lost experiments than what he had seen and heard himself at Natzweiler. There was nothing in that to make him believe in criminal experiments.
This must also form the basis for the judging of Documents NO-195 and NO-015, Prosecution Exhibits 266 and 275. Sievers could only give information on what he knew. By virtue of his own observation of the information which he had received from Dr. Hirt and the correspondence submitted here, Sievers could only give information on the subject of the experiments carried out by Dr. Hirt and the circumstances under which they were carried out. It is also quite absurd to suppose that anyone who himself had detailed knowledge of the course of the experiments would have been used to pass on information. In his letter to Dr. Rudolf Brandt of 11 April 1944, Sievers further stated that on 31 March he had given a report to SS Brigadefuehrer Professor Dr. Brandt on the research work of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt. The contents of this so-called report were reproduced by Dr. Karl Brandt in his examination on 4 November 1947. According to that, Sievers only stated that he had been commissioned by order of Himmler to hand over to him the final report on Lost by Dr. Hirt. But Sievers said nothing about being commissioned to discuss the contents with Dr. Karl Brandt. No discussion took place between Dr. Karl Brandt and Sievers on the performance of the experiments. This was the “report” from which the prosecution believes it can draw the conclusion that Sievers had detailed knowledge of the Lost experiments. (German Tr. pp. 2365-66.)
The question still arises, whether Sievers, as a result of the report made by Hirt on 8 March 1944 to the Reich Leader SS, was not aware of deaths in connection with the Lost experiments. Hirt’s report did not disclose anything from which one could conclude that a special endangering of the experimental subjects was involved. Moreover Hirt declared that he could arrive at further results only through experiments on animals. (German Tr. p. 5734.)
Finally, an opinion is expressed in regard to the possible assertion of the prosecution that the application of intravital microscopy constituted a crime against humanity. The intravital microscope used by Dr. Hirt could only be used on animals. (Tr. p. 5734.) Letter from the firm of Zeiss of 13 January 1947. (Sievers 9, Sievers Ex. 10; Tr. p. 5879; Sievers 55, Sievers Ex. 51.) That intravital microscopic experiments were carried out on human beings by Dr. Hirt was not testified to by any of the witnesses and also cannot be seen from any document. If this had been the case, it certainly would have become known to third parties through experimental subjects or records.
6. Sievers had neither the power nor the opportunity to prevent the Lost experiments or to stop them. Sievers could in no way hinder the course of experiments against Himmler’s order.
7. Under these circumstances Sievers could not have become guilty of criminal negligence either.
d. Evidence
| Prosecution Documents | |||
| Pros. Ex. | |||
| Doc. No. | No. | Description of Document | Page |
| NO-794 | 259 | Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 27 June 1942, concerning mustard gas and its effect on human beings. | [336] |
| NO-098 | 263 | Memorandum from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 3 November 1942, concerning research in the Natzweiler concentration camp. | [337] |
| NO-193 | 264 | Letter from Sievers to Rudolf Brandt, 22 April 1943, regarding prevention of Dr. Wimmer’s to active duty with the air force. | [340] |
| NO-099 | 268 | Report by Hirt and Wimmer on the proposed treatment of poisoning caused by Lost gas. | [341] |
| NO-005 | 279 | Letter from Grawitz to Himmler, 22 November 1944, requesting prisoners for experiments. | [344] |
| NO-1852 | 456 | Extract from report on medical experiments addressed to Karl Brandt. | [345] |
| NO-978 | 480 | Letter from Sievers to Gluecks, 11 September 1942, concerning military scientific research work to be conducted at Natzweiler concentration camp. | [349] |
| Defense Documents | |||
| Doc. No. | Def. Ex. No. | Description of Document | Page |
| Karl Brandt 12 | Karl Brandt Ex. 11 | Affidavit of Dr. Walther Schieber on his efforts to purchase experimental animals in Spain and bring them to Germany. | [350] |
| Karl Brandt 101 | Karl Brandt Ex. 41 | Affidavit of Dr. Otto Ambros, 21 April 1947, concerning the urgency of experiments in the field of chemical-warfare agents and their countermeasures. | [351] |
| Karl Brandt 103 | Karl Brandt Ex. 42 | Affidavit of Dr. Walter Mielenz, 21 April 1947, concerning the assignment of Karl Brandt in connection with chemical warfare. | [352] |
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-794
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 259
LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 27 JUNE 1942, CONCERNING MUSTARD GAS AND ITS EFFECT ON HUMAN BEINGS
The Ahnenerbe
The Reich Business Manager
Berlin-Dahlem, 27 June 1942
G/H/6, g/Sch/4, A/1/101 S/wo
To: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt
Personal Staff of the Reich Leader SS
Berlin
Subject: Use of mustard gas for exterminating rats.
Re: Your letter of 13 July 1942—A 19/95/1942
Dear Comrade Brandt!
On request SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt, Strasbourg tells me:
“Mustard gas in a dilution of 1:100 is dangerous to human beings if it contacts the body in an adequate amount. Above all, mustard gas is dangerously effective to clothing, as is known, even when greatly diluted, especially in connection with dampness. Mustard gas touching the skin even in a dilution of 1:100 causes reddening, possibly it causes little cysts without effecting necrosis. That is, the effect is much weaker than that of pure mustard gas. In spite of that, coming in contact with the clothes in sufficient quantities, especially in the regions of perspiration as the armpit, or the inguinal region, it can have exactly the same effect as concentrated mustard gas. For this, only a trace of it is frequently sufficient. This I experienced in a laboratory accident with a chemical student, who touched his armpit with one of the rabbits only for a second and a reddening ensued which spread over the entire body the following day, however, without further consequences. In my opinion, only a place which can be temporarily evacuated by human inhabitants can be used for gassing. The use of mustard gas in the vicinity of food stores, especially grain dumps, has to be absolutely excluded because one cannot know to what extent the rats carry the mustard gas there. Only gassing of rat holes would be possible with full application of precautionary measures. How this will work out technically, I cannot of course determine. Proper experts would have to judge that. Probably the case may be the same as with other poisons used for the extermination of rats (Phosphor-arsenic, strychnine, etc.)—that means that the use of every type of poison has two sides. In spite of this, your idea to try the extermination of vermin by means of poison gas does not seem strange at all, but an expert on poison gas would have to determine if there are not other means of killing rats which are less harmful to human beings.”
With kind regards
Heil Hitler!
[Signature] Sievers
P. S. I shall talk over this matter thoroughly with Professor Hirt one of these days, and I will see which poison gas expert we might consult for the solution of the problem.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-098
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 263
MEMORANDUM FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 3 NOVEMBER 1942, CONCERNING RESEARCH IN THE NATZWEILER CONCENTRATION CAMP
The Ahnenerbe
Reich Business Manager
Berlin-Dahlem, 3 November 1942
S/Wo G/H/6
Personal Staff Reich Leader SS [Filing stamp]
File Room Document No. Secret/51/16 [shorthand notation]
Note
Re: Research order SS Hauptsturmfuehrer, Professor Dr. August Hirt, Strasbourg, at the Institute for Military Scientific Research of the Ahnenerbe.
The Reich Leader SS [Himmler] ordered, in his letter of 13 July 1942—Journal number AR/48/7/42—that SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt carry out the research tasks assigned him, in conjunction with the Natzweiler concentration camp. It was determined at a conference, for which I drove, along with SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt, to Natzweiler on 31 August 1942, that the necessary conditions exist in Natzweiler. I reported on this orally on 9 September 1942, and afterwards in writing on 11 September 1942 to SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks, who agreed and promised his full support. In view of the urgency of these research tasks, I asked SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt to go to Natzweiler again because until then no report on the beginning of the work had arrived. SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt reported the following, among other things, concerning this conference which took place at Natzweiler on 19 October 1942:
“The conference was due to the fact that until now nothing besides the detachment of Oberscharfuehrer Walbert had been accomplished. Nor had the installation of the laboratories been started to date.
“It has now been decided to start with the laboratories this week.
“It was further established that the camp for security suspects, Schirmeck, would erect the sheds. Its commander fortunately is ready, as he told us at once, to place the necessary people at our disposal free of charge; whereas Natzweiler would not have been in a position to do so owing to the overbearing and inconvenient demands of the workers.
“We were furthermore informed that the prisoners who would later be used for experiments would have to be paid for by us during the period that experiments were being made upon them.
“We are to request that the prisoners of the Lost experiment receive full rations (food for guards) to enable the experiments to be carried out under the same conditions as the troops would be under in a possible emergency. We intend for the time being to take 10 prisoners as subjects for experiments.
“Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Blanke said that he was refused the assistance of a second physician in supervising the experiments on patients, so that he probably would not have enough time to concern himself with the experiments.
“The X-ray apparatus which I could procure here has not yet been definitely allocated by Berlin. We must get it immediately, otherwise we may lose it.
“The installation of direct current causes difficulties. One, however, gets the impression that the building operators had not dealt with this problem at all. According to their opinion, a transformer should be procured which is able to transform 220 volts alternating current into direct current. This is most likely quite improbable at this place.
“To equip the laboratory, I would ship the needed things (freezing microtome, incubators, etc.) from the stocks of the Anatomical Institute to Natzweiler during the next week. They remain, of course, the property of the Anatomical Institute. The two prisoners trained in handling the microtome can then be put to work. According to Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Blanke, both should be proficient at it.”
On the basis of this report, I have the impression that not too much interest in cooperative work exists at Natzweiler. As such cooperation is ordered by the Reich Leader SS and as SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks is willing, the whole thing is not understandable to me. I was very much surprised by the fact that the prisoners to be used for experiments should be paid for. If we use only 10 prisoners for one experiment, which might under certain circumstances last 10 months, the cost for the prisoners alone would total approximately 4,000 RM. When I think of our military research work conducted at the concentration camp Dachau, I must praise and call special attention to the generous and understanding way in which our work was furthered there and to the cooperation we were given. Payment of [for] prisoners was never discussed. It seems as if at Natzweiler they are trying to make as much money as possible out of this matter. We are not conducting these experiments, as a matter of fact, for the sake of some fixed scientific idea, but to be of practical help to the armed forces and beyond that to the German people in a possible emergency. The budget of the institute will be met, according to the order of the Reich Leader of the SS and as already discussed by me in detail with SS Standartenfuehrer Loerner, out of the funds of the Waffen SS.
Under the supposition that the prisoners needed for experiments are in the prescribed condition as regards nourishment by this time, the experiments could start approximately on 10 November 1942.
Special treatment in Dachau was never the subject of special instructions but was understood to be necessary and issued without further ado. On the occasion of his personal inspection of the experiments at Dachau, the Reich Leader SS also ordered special food as an additional measure. Just as the Reich Leader SS appeared one day at Dachau to have a look at the experiments there, this is possible at Natzweiler too.
[Signature] Sievers
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer
1. To SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt to read in reference to our discussion of today and with the request for help in comradely fashion in setting up the necessary conditions at Natzweiler.
2. Documents.
[Initials] SI
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-193
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 264
LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO RUDOLF BRANDT, 22 APRIL 1943, REGARDING PREVENTION OF DR. WIMMER’S TRANSFER TO ACTIVE DUTY WITH THE AIR FORCE
Copy
Ahnenerbe Society
The Reich Business Manager
Berlin-Dahlem, 22 April 43
G/H/6 S/No
Note [Handwritten]
Some information on W. is also in the files of Prof. Hirt
Diary No. 41/8/43
G. Mue.
To: SS Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. R. Brandt
Personal Staff Reich Leader SS
Berlin SW 11, Prinz Albrecht Str. 8.
| Subject: | Dr. med. habil. Karl Wimmer, born on 24 October 1910, staff physician of the Luftwaffe, commanded by Air Gau Physician 7, Munich, for service with the Anatomical Institute of Strasbourg University. Co-worker at the Institute for Military Scientific Research of the Ahnenerbe Society, Department SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Hirt, Strasbourg. | |
| Re: | Your letter of 10.42. No. AR/48/7/42. | |
| Our letter of 25.7.42. | ||
Dear Comrade Brandt!
Effective immediately, Dr. Wimmer has been transferred to the XIth Fliegerkorps [subordinate operational Command of an Air Fleet], and according to information given by the Air Gau Medical Department 7 was to report today to Oberstabsarzt Dr. Jaeger, Berlin-Tempelhof, Manfred von Richthofenstr. 6./II. As Jaeger is going to be absent until 27 April, Dr. Wimmer will have to wait for a decision, until that date. The transfer of Dr. Wimmer means discontinuance of the gas experiments at Natzweiler and Strasbourg, as—
1. Replacement cannot be supplied due to the specialized knowledge necessary.
2. The practical knowledge gained by Dr. Wimmer through an extensive series of experiments can only be used by him.
3. On Dr. Wimmer’s leaving, SS Hauptsturmfueherer Prof. Dr. Hirt will have to take over his lectures and as he, considering his state of health, is already more than overworked, he can no longer go on with research work.
Interim report on experiment results up to now will follow next week to be submitted to the Reich Leader SS. The intensification of experiments and research, as well as the continuation of the work at all, as ordered by the Reich Leader SS on the basis of our discussion on 7 April, is out of the question, if the small staff of co-workers at the disposal of Prof. Dr. Hirt, especially Dr. Wimmer, is withdrawn. The problems to be solved constantly demand scientists with long years of experience and specialized knowledge. Dr. Wimmer would now be employed only as an army doctor, which is totally uneconomical considering his knowledge and abilities, as his services as an army doctor will never be of vital importance as regards the war, while this may well be said of his scientific activities. Obviously the Recruiting Office of the Waffen SS at that time contented itself with the information of the Reich Air Minister and Supreme Commander of the German Luftwaffe, without concluding a definite agreement. I request immediate steps for this to be remedied; the best would be to order Dr. Wimmer to the Waffen SS at least until 31.13.43 [sic] and if necessary the Reichsarzt SS should send an army doctor in his place to the Luftwaffe for the time Dr. Wimmer is assigned to the Waffen SS.
With best regards
Heil Hitler!
Yours
[Signed] Sievers [typewritten]
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-099
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 268
REPORT BY HIRT AND WIMMER ON THE PROPOSED TREATMENT OF POISONING CAUSED BY LOST GAS
Top Secret
| [Handwritten] | Enclosure of Top Secret Z. I. A. H. No. 36 |
| G. Tgb. S. 19, No. 170 |
From the Institute for Military Scientific Research Department H of the Research and Instruction Society Ahnenerbe (Reich Leader SS Personal Staff, Office “A”) Strasbourg, Anatomical Institute.
Proposed treatment of poisoning caused by Lost [Gas]
(By Professor Dr. A. Hirt, and Staff Surgeon of the Luftwaffe,
Professor Dr. Wimmer, Strasbourg, 1944)
General Observations
The effect of Lost as a poison gas is immediate and, by causing other pathological reactions within the cells and organs, it damages the entire efficiency of the individual cell as well as that of the organs. The organism stands the best chance of absorbing the damage caused by Lost if there is a large vitamin reserve in the body. In administering the vitamin treatment after Lost damage has been inflicted, care must be taken that the medicaments are not administered indiscriminately. The vitamin combinations (A, B complex, C) taken orally or vitamin B1 administered intravenously in glucose suspension have proved most effective. Both methods aim at raising the resistance of the reticuloendothelial system, while simultaneously introducing therapeutic measures to protect the liver which can be further strengthened by food with a high carbohydrate and vitamin content. When definite damage to the organs (liver, cardiac muscles, kidneys) manifests itself, vitamin treatment has to be discontinued and injections of B1 glucose substituted, as the excretion of the surplus quantity of vitamins results in a temporary additional overstimulation of the cells of the excretory organs.
In addition the inter-connection between the effect of sulfanilamide and vitamin B complex should be noted. In the case of pulmonary complications (bronchial pneumonia, pulmonary abscess) which are treated with sulfanilamides, the administration of yeast is definitely not indicated.
The general treatment, as set forth, especially the administration of vitamin B1 glucose, also has a salutory effect on the healing of cutaneous necrosis. In average and serious cases, the length of the healing process can thereby be considerably decreased. Supporting measures to be taken are bandaging the affected limb in splints until the appearance of clean granulation or placing the patient in a suitable recumbent position as well as vigorous, systematic psychotherapy. The psychological influencing of the largely apathetic Lost patient constitutes an essential part of the treatment, due to the possibility of thereby influencing the parasympathetic system (circulation, circulatory system).
Outline of treatment
1. All the directions given for the elimination of the Lost poison are to be followed carefully. Only after elimination of the poison has resulted may Lost patients be treated and accommodated together in enclosed rooms. (Inhalation of Lost vapors!)
2. Damp dressings with Rivanol (0.1-0.05 percent) and Trypaflavin (0.1 percent) have proved to be a successful treatment of the skin symptoms (reddening, swelling, blisters) of the first to fourth day. If necessary, ointment dressings (10 percent cod liver oil tannic ointment, boric acid ointment, etc.) may be applied. With the opening of the blisters, the exposed corium of the skin becomes extremely sensitive to the drying reflex. Introductory treatment; daily bathing with a potassium permanganate solution, constant damp dressings of Rivanol-Trypaflavin solution; later on ointment dressings (5 percent cod liver oil tannic ointment, boric acid ointment). With the development of cutaneous necrosis and increasing disinfection of the affected parts of the skin, the damp dressings are to be substituted—if only for nursing reasons—by ointment dressings, after bathing with a potassium permanganate solution at body temperature, which are to be changed daily. Usually after the 17th day, the necrotic spots on the skin can be removed by drying them up or better still by brushing them off (under narcosis if necessary) with a potassium permanganate solution. In this way the local healing process is considerably shortened.
With the beginning of the knitting of the skin granulation stimulating ointment dressings (alternately cod liver oil ointment, boric acid ointment, unguentine, etc.) are sufficient. Lexer’s cod liver ointment (only 2 hours, painful!) can provide a strong stimulus should granulation formation be slow and drag itself out.
3. General treatment of average and serious Lost damage begins with administering a vitamin mixture compounded as follows:
Vitamin A (in the form of Vogane oil) increasing from 4 to 10 drops daily.
Vitamin C (Cantan—Cebion tablets) 2 tablets 3 times daily.
Yeast powder 3 teaspoonfuls daily.
One should consider whether a vitamin compound of similar preparation—if need be with the addition of glucose—should be produced for the combat troops. Such a powder mixture would have to be administered in increasing quantities as well. In all cases of absorbed Lost damage (liver damage indicated by increased secretion of urobilinogen in the urine, later icteric skin coloring, cardiac muscle damage with tachycardiacs, kidney damage with albumin secretion in the urine) treatment with vitamin mixtures is to be discontinued and to be substituted by injections of vitamin B1 glucose. (Betaxin—Betabion 2 cc.—also in larger dosages—intravenously with 10 cc. 20 percent glucose solution.) Injections are to be given slowly, since at the height of Lost damage the veins of the arms incline to thrombosis! In the latter case glucose has to be administered orally and vitamin B1 intramuscularly. There exists the possibility, in every case of considerable Lost damage, of a sudden failure of circulation (frequently between the 7th and 17th day) indicated by a weak response to heart and circulatory stimulants. Heart stimulants (strophanthin, caffeine, digitalis) and circulatory stimulants (sympatol, priscol, camphor, cardiazol) have therefore to be administered with care in serious cases. The therapeutic routine valid for all clinical treatment is particularly valid for cases of organic damage.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-005
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 279
LETTER FROM GRAWITZ TO HIMMLER, 22 NOVEMBER 1944, REQUESTING PRISONERS FOR EXPERIMENTS
The Reich Leader SS
Reich Physician SS and Police
Diary No. 39/44 Top Secret
Berlin W. 15, 22 November 1944
Knesebeckstrasse 50/51
Telephone: 924249.924374.924351.924406.
Top Secret
Subject: Experiment with N-substance.
Reference: Order of Reich Leader SS of 15 May 1944
2 copies, 1st copy
To: Reich Leader SS H. Himmler
Field H. Q.
Reich Leader:
The Chief of the Technical Office in the SS Administrative Main Office, SS Gruppenfuehrer Schwab, contacted me in September of this year with the request to furnish him with two doctors, who as medical experts were to witness experiments with N-substance, which he was carrying out at the time by order of the Fuehrer. This was above all a matter of the clarification of the question whether N-substance was to be considered for chemical warfare or not.
For this purpose I have furnished my leading pathologist, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer University Teacher Dr. Sachs, as well as the doctor working on the Ahnenerbe, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer University Teacher Dr. Ploetner.
In accordance with the experiments carried out on 25 September 1944, the necessity has now arisen to carry out several experiments on human beings for the final clarification of the physiological effect of N-substance on and through the human skin. Five prisoners are necessary for the execution of these experiments. It is highly improbable that the experiments will cause any permanent damage.
In accordance with your order of 15 May 1944, Reich Leader, I have obtained the opinion of SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Gebhardt, SS Gruppenfuehrer Gluecks, and SS Oberfuehrer Panzinger. They read as follows:
1. SS Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Gebhardt
“I am certainly in agreement with suggestion, and request that the directions for the supervision of the experiments be issued directly by the Reich Physician SS and Police.”
2. SS Gruppenfuehrer Gluecks
“I have received your letter of 7 November 1944 with regard to the procurement of five prisoners for the experiments which are to be carried out with N-substance.
“For this purpose I have had five prisoners in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp who have been condemned to death placed in readiness, on whom these experiments can be carried out.”
3. SS Oberfuehrer Panzinger
“From the point of view of the criminal police the experiments to be carried out there are to be welcomed. Therefore, no misgivings exist against the handing over of prisoners for inoculation.
“If political prisoners should be considered, the Chief of Office IV, SS Gruppenfuehrer Mueller would still have to be consulted, but he will certainly also grant permission.”
I respectfully request the permission so that the experiments can be initiated.
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] Grawitz
[stamp]
Personal Staff of Reich Leader SS
Received: 26 November 1944
No. 1991/44
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-1852
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 456
EXTRACT FROM REPORT ON MEDICAL EXPERIMENTS ADDRESSED TO KARL BRANDT
Contents
| Report. | (2d copy) |
| 2 and 3 Phosgene experiments Ruehl | |
| 4 and 5 T-experiments Letz | |
| 6 Aerosol experiment Letz | |
| 7 Natzweiler (3d copy) | |
| 6. 1st copy | |
| 7. 1st copy |
Top Secret
3 copies—3d copy
To the
Fuehrer’s Plenipotentiary General
for Health and Medical Services,
Surgeon-General Professor Dr. Brandt,
Berlin Ziegelstrasse 5/9
Surgical Clinic at the University
7th Report
On the protective effect of hexamethylentetramine in phosgene poisoning.
Experiments were carried out on 40 prisoners on the prophylactic effect of hexamethylentetramine in cases of phosgene poisoning. Twelve of those were protected orally, twenty intravenously, and eight were used as controls.
The method
The chamber has a capacity of 20 cbm. In experiments I to XIV the chamber was given a coat of paint which had a strong deteriorating effect on phosgene. This decrease in concentration was measured after experiment XI; the curves are shown on chart I [not reproduced].
The greatest decrease measured was taken as basis for the calculations of the average concentration for experiments I to XI. In experiments XII to XV, the initial concentration and its decrease were measured separately in each case. In the tables II and III, co stands for the quantity of phosgene infused into the chamber in mg/cbm, cm for the calculated average concentration, t for the time of reaction. cm was measured as an arithmetic medium from 5 to 7 and calculated on the curve values obtained through interpolation.
B. The experimental subjects were all persons of middle age, almost all in a weak and underfed condition. On principle, the healthier ones were used as controls, only control number 39 (J. Rei) and the orally protected experimental subject No. 37 (A. Rei) had a localized cirrhotic productive tuberculosis of the lungs. With the others, no pulmonary disease could be found. In the first experiments up to 6g hexamethylentetramine were given orally, later despite the much higher concentrations 0.06 g/kg body weight, orally as well as intravenously.
Results
The intravenously protected experimental subjects, without exception, all survived the phosgene poisoning with a c. t. of 247 to 5,400. There were no symptoms of pulmonary oedema after intravenous protection even with a c. t. of 2,970. Only experiment No. 10 with a c. t. of 3,960 suffered pulmonary oedema of the first degree, which was overcome without any therapy and in experiment No. XIV the intravenous protection was penetrated to an extent to cause pulmonary oedema of the 3d degree, which however was overcome by oxygen inhalation. The experimental subject recovered.
All control subjects fell ill. With a c. t. of 768 and 1,180 a first degree pulmonary oedema resulted which was overcome. With a c. t. of 2,275, one control subject died, the second contracted a second degree pulmonary oedema but recovered. A c. t. of 5,400 killed one control subject after 4 hours, the other after 14 hours.
After oral protection, a c. t. of 247 to 768 was suffered without any oedema, even when the protective solution of hexamethylentetramine was drunk only 2-3 minutes before the inhalation of the phosgene. Two control subjects showed a marked oedema with a c. t. of 768. With a c. t. of 1,485 one protected subject fell seriously ill with a second degree oedema, a second subject likewise protected, having breathed the same phosgenic air, was unaffected. The cause of this striking difference must be sought in the different resorption of the hexamethylentetramine on the one hand and in the different reaction and the different volume of respiration of the experimental subjects on the other hand.
Even a c. t. of 2,275 resulted in only a slight pulmonary oedema in an orally protected test subject, whereas one control subject died after 4 hours, and a second contracted a second degree pulmonary oedema. The oral protection was penetrated by a c. t. of 5,400, the protected test subject died, as did the two control subjects.
Experiment XV is characteristic of the test schedule and its results, and will therefore again be specially described. Of four test subjects, the first was protected orally, the second intravenously, the third received an intravenous injection of hexamethylentetramine after the poisoning, in order once more to ascertain the effect of therapeutic treatment, the fourth was not treated at all. The four subjects were placed in the chamber in which a phial containing 2.7 grams of phosgene was smashed. The test subjects remained in this concentration for 25 minutes. The phosgene content was measured three times during the inhalation. The readings showed an average concentration of 91 mg. per cbm. The subject protected intravenously remained healthy, and did not show the least signs of difficulties or symptoms, the orally protected subject contracted a slight pulmonary oedema, subsequently bronchopneumonia and pleurisy, from which he recovered. One control subject also survived his pulmonary oedema; the second died a few hours later, and the autopsy showed the characteristics of very serious pulmonary oedema.
Summary
The conclusions of the experiment are impaired by the varying constitutions and the general poor state of nutrition and of physique of the experimental subjects, as well as by the different behavior and the different volume of respiration of the experimental subjects under gas, which was here demonstrated for the first time. But the experiments gave the following decisive conclusions:
1. A previous intravenous injection of 3 grams of hexamethylentetramine completely prevents serious toxic and fatal phosgene poisoning from a c. t. of 2,275.
2. An endurable quantity of hexamethylentetramine taken prophylactically weakens a fatal poisoning to such an extent that it can be overcome without treatment. c. t.=2,275.
3. Nonfatal but nevertheless oedema-producing poisonings are made positively ineffective by intravenous application, and are weakened by oral application, c. t. 250 to 1,980.
4. The oral application of hexamethylentetramine is no longer effective against phosgene poisoning of a c. t.=5,400, the intravenous injection, however, weakens the effect to such an extent that the protected subject is able to overcome a lung oedema.
5. The dosis letalis minima (minimum lethal dose) based on these experiments cannot yet be determined with certainty. One c. t. of 2,275 resulted in the death of one experimental subject, and the second developed second degree oedema of the lungs which was cured.
6. Some of the protected experimental subjects who did not develop oedema of the lungs remained completely healthy, others suffered from slight bronchitis with a brief fever. In every case they recovered without treatment.
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT NO-978
PROSECUTION EXHIBIT 480
LETTER FROM SIEVERS TO GLUECKS, 11 SEPTEMBER 1942, CONCERNING MILITARY SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH WORK TO BE CONDUCTED AT NATZWEILER CONCENTRATION CAMP
The Reich Leader SS
Personal Staff
The Chief of the Office Ahnenerbe
Berlin-Dahlem, 11 September 42
Puecklerstr. 16
[handwritten] secret
G/W/12
To: SS Brigadefuehrer Gluecks
Berlin-Oranienburg
| Subject: | Military Scientific Research in Connection with the Natzweiler Concentration Camp. |
| Reference: Personal discussion of the 9th inst. | |
Brigadefuehrer,
Based on my report that, as proposed by the Reich Leader SS, there is a good possibility for carrying out our military scientific research work in the Natzweiler concentration camp, I hereby summarize what awaits your approval:
1. Information to the commander’s office, Natzweiler concentration camp: SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt, Stabsarzt Dr. Wimmer, and Dr. Kieselbach are authorized to enter the Natzweiler concentration camp. During their activity in the Natzweiler concentration camp, they are to be provided with accommodations and board.
2. SS Oberscharfuehrer Walbert, at present supply sergeant in the administration of the Natzweiler concentration camp, is to be detached for service with the Institute for Military Scientific Research, Personal Staff Reich Leader SS, Strasbourg-Natzweiler section. Walbert will have to tend the animals under the supervision of SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Professor Dr. Hirt. It is requested that another man be assigned to the administration of the Natzweiler concentration camp in order to replace SS Oberscharfuehrer Walbert.
3. The transfer of two prisoners from the group which has been trained on the microtome for pathological research in the Buchenwald concentration camp is requested.
4. It is furthermore requested, that a younger physician be assigned to assist the camp medical officer, SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Dr. Blanke, in the Natzweiler concentration camp.
5. The experiments which are to be performed on prisoners are to be carried out in four rooms of an already existing medical barrack. Only slight changes in the construction of the building are required, in particular the installation of the hood which can be produced with very little material. In accordance with attached plan of the construction management at Natzweiler, I request that necessary orders be issued to same to carry out the reconstruction.
6. All the expenses arising out of our activity at Natzweiler will be covered by this office. I have already discussed the accounting procedure with the administrative leader, SS Obersturmfuehrer Faschingbauer.
In conclusion I would be very grateful to you, my dear Brigadefuehrer, if you would inform the commander of the Natzweiler concentration camp, that you have approved the execution of the work at Natzweiler, just as it was discussed with me there, and about which I reported to you in detail, and that you desire that we be given assistance in fulfilling the duties with which we have been entrusted by the Reich Leader SS.
Heil Hitler!
[Signed] Sievers
SS Obersturmbannfuehrer
2. To SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Prof. Dr. Hirt
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT KARL BRANDT 12
KARL BRANDT DEFENSE EXHIBIT 11
AFFIDAVIT OF DR. WALTHER SCHIEBER ON HIS EFFORTS TO PURCHASE EXPERIMENTAL ANIMALS IN SPAIN AND BRING THEM TO GERMANY
Affidavit 111
I, Dr. Walther Schieber, at present in Nuernberg, Justice Prison, have been duly warned that I am liable to punishment if I make a false statement. I affirm under oath that my deposition corresponds to the truth and was made to be offered in evidence before Military Tribunal No. I at the Palace of Justice, at Nuernberg, Germany. During the summer of 1944, Professor Karl Brandt informed me during discussions concerning the execution of the especially urgently operated Brandt—and defense—program against chemical warfare agents that he was having considerable difficulties in procuring animals which were needed for test purposes concerning the effect of the top chemical warfare agents and for which he had requests from testing office.
At that time the problem was how to convert the production of chemical warfare agents on account of raw material shortage to the production of the top chemical warfare agent Sarin, the effect of which would not yet be finally determined.
To carry out these tests, an action to procure animals was started by me in Spain, instigated by Professor Karl Brandt; because of the biological reaction parallels to human beings, apes resembling men were allegedly needed. An assistant was sent there especially for this purpose. For this, the armament office offered approximately 200,000 Swiss francs, and after my resignation as Chief of the Armament Supply Office in October 1944 from the Speer Ministry I made strenuous efforts, together with Professor Karl Brandt, to have a large number of animals brought by extremely difficult air transportation from Spain to Germany. These were put at Professor Karl Brandt’s disposal for the testing offices.
[Signed] Walther Schieber
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT KARL BRANDT 101
KARL BRANDT DEFENSE EXHIBIT 41
AFFIDAVIT OF DR. OTTO AMBROS,[[39]] 21 APRIL 1947, CONCERNING THE URGENCY OF EXPERIMENTS IN THE FIELD OF CHEMICAL WARFARE AGENTS AND THEIR COUNTERMEASURES
I, Dr. Otto Ambros, at present in Nuernberg, Justice Prison, having been duly informed that I shall render myself punishable if I submit a false affidavit, declare under oath that my statement is true and was made for presentation in evidence to Military Tribunal No. I in the Palace of Justice, Nuernberg, Germany.
During the war I was a director of I. G. Farben and had to work on chemical warfare agents and protective agents, and can therefore state the following:
I got into touch with Professor Dr. Karl Brandt during 1944. On that occasion Professor Brandt told me he had to take an interest in chemical warfare agents and countermeasures. At the same time he showed me a letter from Adolf Hitler referring to this subject. Furthermore, he stated that he did not understand very much about chemical warfare, as he was not an analytical chemist. His primary concern in this field was the question of the supply of materials for gas masks, i. e., activated charcoal and the synthetic materials and textiles which are necessary for these.
Professor Brandt visited two poison gas plants at Dyherrnfurth and Gendorf, to become generally acquainted with the nature of poison gas itself.
There was the greatest uneasiness at that time regarding protection against chemical warfare, as it was thought that the Allies would use poison gas. It was said that they had brought poison gas over with them when they landed at Tunis.
It was also said that the Russians had new gas masks which fact pointed to the possibility of the use of a new kind of poison gas.
On the German side, there was definitely a serious shortage of chemical warfare protective equipment, as not even the most urgently needed gas masks were available, nor was it even possible to produce the required number.
Nuernberg, 21 April 1947.
[Signature] Dr. Otto Ambros
TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT KARL BRANDT 103
KARL BRANDT DEFENSE EXHIBIT 42
AFFIDAVIT OF DR. WALTER MIELENZ, 21 APRIL 1947, CONCERNING THE ASSIGNMENT OF KARL BRANDT IN CONNECTION WITH CHEMICAL WARFARE
I, Dr. Walter Mielenz, born 20 November 1888 in Berlin, residing in Berlin-Friedenau, Ceciliengaerten 45 (business address: Berlin-Lichterfelde W, Kadettenweg 67, Telephone 245218), have been duly advised that I shall render myself liable to punishment if I give a false affidavit. I declare under oath that my statement is true and was made to be submitted in evidence to Military Tribunal No. I, at the Palace of Justice, Nuernberg, Germany.
From 1933 to 1945 I worked at the Reich Air Ministry as an analytical chemist, technical advisor on the question of the protection of the civilian population against gas.
I am familiar with the decree of 1 March 1944 in which special tasks were assigned to Professor Dr. Karl Brandt in connection with chemical warfare. As far as I remember, the decree was worded approximately as follows:
“I have ordered my Commissioner General for the Medical and Health Service (Professor Dr. Brandt) to take a major part in all matters concerning protection against chemical warfare (of the army and the civilian population) and to issue orders to the stations (military and civilian) established for this purpose. In questions of the protection of the civilian population against chemical warfare, he must obtain in advance the approval of the Reich Air Minister and Commander in Chief of the Luftwaffe.”
The decree certainly did not contain any order for research in connection with chemical warfare agents.
The reason for the appointment of Professor Karl Brandt was the assumption that the initiation of chemical warfare by the enemy was shortly to be expected. This assumption was based on the fact that intelligence was accumulating, according to which gas was being prepared in large quantities by the enemy. Thus confidential agents reported that poison gas ammunition was being stored at Tunis and Dakar, and these reports were constantly being confirmed.
The greatest alarm was caused by the examination of captured Russian gas masks, which showed that they afforded protection against far stronger concentrations of poison gas than it had so far been believed possible to achieve at the front. Their protective capacity far surpassed that of the German Army and civilian gas masks. From this fact, it could be concluded that the scientists and technicians of the Red Army had succeeded in developing new and particularly effective methods of attack in chemical warfare for known or new chemical warfare agents.
The German measures for gas defense were totally inadequate in number, too. The civilian population in particular was exposed almost without defense to gas attacks because the issue of civilian and infants’ gas masks in many town and country districts was seriously behind schedule. The relevant figures for civilian gas masks in the different supply areas were between 10 and 70 percent of the population to be equipped, the average figure being about 32 percent, and for infants’ gas masks, about 7 percent. This estimate is based on the total number of civilian and infants’ gas masks manufactured up to that date, in relation to the total number of persons entitled to supply. This estimate did not take into consideration the fact that, without doubt a large part of the equipment which, in some cases had been in the hands of the population for years, was no longer completely fit for use on account of faulty unsuitable storage, or had been rendered useless by air raid damage, evacuation of the owners, and other reasons, or lost completely. The losses in civilian gas masks were estimated at about 15,000,000 (almost 50 percent of the total output up to that date) so that for the completion of the initial equipment (without reserves) the manufacture of 45,000,000 gas masks had to be planned.
In view of these facts, Professor Dr. Karl Brandt was assigned the task of providing with the utmost speed for the improvement of gas defense to avert the danger which threatened.
Through the initiative of Professor Brandt, the gas defense program was finally given the highest priority and had an equal standing with the program for the construction of fighter planes and tanks.
I know that Professor Dr. Brandt was most strongly opposed to the propaganda demand spread by extreme Party circles for the initiation of chemical warfare by Germany.
I regularly had to work with Professor Karl Brandt on gas defense and I know that in view of their importance and urgency, he dispatched all matters himself. The Department of Science and Research and its chief, Professor Rostock, were not concerned with these matters.
The N-agent was not one of the chemical warfare agents. It is an incendiary agent composed of chlorine and fluorine (ClF3); this N-agent has never been mentioned in connection with gas defense.
I know that there existed in the Armament Ministry a special commission for the decontamination of drinking water; this had neither been established by Professor Brandt nor was it under his command. The task of this commission was the production of decontamination equipment but not the development of such equipment, and especially not the development of new processes for the decontamination of water. The repeated suggestions made by Professor Haase in this context were therefore beyond the field of activity of the commission. They were discussed, however, at a meeting in December 1944, at which I was present.
At this meeting the representatives of the army and the air raid protection service stated that for their sphere, i. e., for the gas defense of the troops and the civilian population, there was no need to continue this work. Professor Brandt who was present at the meeting had already agreed in advance with the general opinion that the efforts of Haase did not admit of the expectation of any improvement on the experiences presented for consideration, and that they should therefore be rejected. He therefore asked me to work towards this end.
As far as I know, the commission was never concerned with sea-water experiments. In particular, to my knowledge, the commission had no knowledge of human experiments for the testing of agents designed to render sea-water potable.
I can state with certainty that the undertaking of gas experiments on human subjects was never spoken of by Professor Brandt and myself. Moreover, during discussions with army experts concerned with gas defense and chemical warfare, I never heard that Professor Brandt in any way suggested human experiments or otherwise spoke of such experiments.
Nuernberg, 21 April 1947
[Signature] Dr. Walter Mielenz
[39] Defendant in case of United States vs. Carl Krauch, et al. See Vols. VII and VIII.