THE WINNETKA SYSTEM
Winnetka is a suburb of Chicago, peopled largely by bright and active business men. Certain would-be monopolists proposed to the village council that it grant them a forty-year franchise for a gas plant. This was opposed by the citizens, for they wanted public ownership of city monopolies. They possessed a publicly-owned waterworks system and aimed to keep themselves from the clutches of private monopoly. Fortunately, at the time the gas franchise was asked for, there was being held each month a public meeting to consider public questions. It was called the “town meeting.” At the next town meeting, after the gas question came up, a resolution was adopted asking the village council to submit the question to the people. A deputation of leading citizens called upon the city council at its next meeting and Mr. Lloyd was accorded the privilege of speaking. After a warm time the council reluctantly agreed to submit the question to the voters and abide by their decision. The polls were opened and the proposed franchise received only 4 votes, with 180 against it.
This settled the gas franchise and it did much more, for at the next caucus for nominating village trustees it was proposed and decided that only those men should be nominated who would stand up before their fellow-voters and promise, if nominated and elected, to submit all important questions to a vote of the people and abide by their decision. This was agreed to by the voters present, and each nominee for village trustee stood before his fellow-citizens and promised.
Thus was the system installed, for there were no competing nominations. The casting of ballots on election day was a mere form.
From that day until the present time the people of Winnetka have been the sovereign power as to ordinances. They are a Self-emancipated People.
Reviewing the foregoing, it is seen that the pledges for installing the referendum system were secured by questioning candidates, while the system itself is through rules of procedure, which may be incorporated in the rules themselves or in an ordinance or statute. The system is the advisory referendum, the candidates being pledged to carry out the people’s advice. This they have done in Winnetka and elsewhere, as we shall show. But the system is intended for use only until the usual form can be installed. In fact, it is through an advisory initiative that a change in the Federal Constitution is to be secured, and in the near future.
Immediately after the election in 1900 the writer, who was a delegate to the People’s Party National Convention of that year, withdrew from the Bureau of Economic Research and began devoting his entire time and energies to spreading the news concerning the Winnetka System, the primary aim being to help establish the people’s sovereignty in national affairs and to do so without waiting to change the written words of the Federal Constitution—a practically unalterable instrument until such time as the advisory initiative is installed. The following July the second social and political conference at Detroit approved the Winnetka System—the advisory initiative and advisory referendum—as also did the National Direct Legislation League.
And Prof. Frank Parsons, president of the National Referendum League, said: “The Winnetka System is clearly great in its possibilities—a bridge ready for immediate use to the promised land.”
Mr. Eltweed Pomeroy, president of the National Direct Legislation League, wrote: “I am also glad that you demonstrate that direct legislation is not only a great scheme which will be of inestimable value in its entirety, but that it is more than that, and can be applied on a small scale here and now, and that almost anyone can exercise influence enough to secure a first step.”
Mr. Louis P. Post, editor of The Public, visited Winnetka during August, 1901, and in his paper of September 7 described the system, saying in conclusion:
This Winnetka Plan of securing the advantages of direct legislation without waiting for party action, has special merit. It can, for one thing, be easily made the subject of effective non-partisan organization. For another, if the organization were to become influential, it would completely effect its purpose. Meanwhile, here and there locally the purposes would be effected even though balked and delayed in the larger government divisions. Moreover, the plan has been for years in actual and effective operation at Winnetka. Finally, it contemplates a spontaneous command from the people as to public servants, not a petition from them as to public masters.
The Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor, at a meeting in Washington, D. C., September 20, 1901, considered briefly the Winnetka System, and the following is the published report:
It was decided to issue an address to all affiliated organizations, requesting them to endeavor to secure the passage of local ordinances and laws for the initiative and referendum on measures relating to local interests, and thus to secure the beginning of this system of direct legislation, with the view of subsequently enlarging the scope of that method of enacting laws in the interests of the people.
Thus the new system—the systematic questioning of candidates for the establishment of the people’s sovereignty—began and was endorsed throughout the land. During the four and a half years that have since elapsed the system has made steady and rapid progress.
In December, 1901, President Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor, in his annual message recommended the system, and the convention ordered that it be explained in the American Federationist, “in order that Trade Unionists may be able to study it as carefully as it deserves.” Accordingly it was published in an eighty page extra number and 20,000 copies were circulated in addition to the regular mailing list.
Gov. Altgeld wrote concerning this extra number: “It presents the subject of the initiative and referendum and representative government in the most lucid, striking, and comprehensive manner that I have ever seen.” He added: “Through the agency of the labor organizations it ought to get into every neighborhood, and in time it will create a sentiment that will be irresistible.”
Gov. Altgeld’s prediction is correct. The very first year after the issuance of the extra number of the Federationist the Winnetka System was established in Detroit, Mich., Toronto, Canada, and Geneva, Ill.; with the pledging of the Missouri Legislature for the submission of a constitutional amendment for the initiative and referendum; also the systematic questioning of candidates by organized labor in several other states, and the questioning of candidates as to the initiative and referendum by the granges in the state of Washington. The net result of questioning candidates was a majority vote for the initiative and referendum in six legislatures; also the pledging of nine of the sixteen congressmen of Missouri for a national system of advisory initiative and advisory referendum, and the pledging of the United States senators elected from Missouri and Illinois. During the course of the campaign the actions of four state conventions of the two great parties were reversed—the Republican state conventions in Missouri, California and Montana; and the Democratic state convention in Montana. The states where the majority vote in the legislature was secured were Missouri, Colorado, California, Montana, North Dakota and Massachusetts. In Illinois there was a two-thirds vote in the House, but the Senate refused to act. This Illinois vote was caused by an instruction from the voters through an advisory referendum taken under the 1901 act of the Legislature. The vote of the people was 5 to 1 for the establishment of the improved system.
Before the meeting of the legislatures, after the autumn elections, the American Federation of Labor at its annual convention established a national system for the questioning of candidates, the interrogatories to apply to such measures as the organization should deem most important.
The next year, 1903, legislatures were elected in but ten states and, as organized labor in these states had not yet been educated to the use of the questioning system, except in Massachusetts, little was accomplished for the initiative and referendum. In Massachusetts the labor people found themselves almost alone in demanding the people’s sovereignty, and during 1903 were quiescent. But in Kentucky Hon. J. A. Parker did valiant work. Through his paper, The Home Tribune, he called for workers for the referendum in Kentucky. At a joint state convention of the Allied People’s Party and the United Labor Party, a platform was enunciated in which existing political and legislative evils were outlined; and it was pointed out that the remedy is an improved system of government—the establishment of the people’s sovereignty through the initiative and referendum, to be exercised in combination with representative government. The proposed change, it was declared, was the open door through which all the desired legislative reforms would come. It was further declared that candidates of the Democratic and Republican parties should be questioned, and wherever a reliable candidate would pledge in writing for the improved system of government, no opposing candidate of the Allied Party should be nominated, and that every possible effort would be made to help elect the pledged candidate. The result in Mr. Parker’s own words at the close of the campaign was as follows:
In all my work I found but little antagonism. The one obstacle was the bitter, unreasonable campaign carried on in this state, in which all principle was lost sight of, and the issue made on the hanging of Caleb Powers. The election was a riot of fraud and dishonor, and showed too clearly what little hope there can be in partisan action. The last election, not only in Kentucky, but all over the nation has shown that to gain any substantial reform we must concentrate all effort on pledging candidates, and if this effort is supported by intelligent local effort we can win in any state. An instance of this is found in a senatorial district in this state, where Dr. J. S. Dossey had enrolled perhaps 300 volunteers for Majority Rule. The Republican signed our pledge, and, the Democrat ignoring the matter until after the time fixed as a limit, I wrote letters to our workers stating the situation. Within forty-eight hours came the Democrat’s pledge with a strong letter to support it, declaring that if elected he would give our bill his hearty support.
The following year, 1904, the Presidential contest absorbed a large degree of attention, yet the people’s sovereignty cause was triumphant in four states—Montana, Nevada, Texas and Delaware—with considerable progress in many others; and a 33⅓ per cent. increase in pledged congressmen in Missouri, i.e., twelve of the sixteen are pledged to the people’s sovereignty in national affairs through the advisory initiative and advisory referendum, as also are five of the Chicago congressmen, and scattering ones throughout the country. The Pennsylvania granges, which are very strong, established a magazine of their own and questioned candidates for the initiative and referendum and other measures.
The next year, 1905, like 1903, was a year in which few legislatures were elected, yet one state and probably two were rescued from machine rule—Ohio and possibly Massachusetts. In Ohio the required three-fifths of the Legislature are pledged to the submission of a constitutional amendment for the initiative and referendum; and in Massachusetts it is hoped that an advisory referendum system will be established. The Ohio campaign is especially noteworthy in that most of the Republican candidates refused to pledge, while the Democratic candidates pledged universally, the initiative and referendum being part of the state platform. Election day was a surprise to every one, for many of the people’s sovereignty candidates were elected where it was supposed they were hopelessly beaten. The Democratic gain in the Senate was 47.5 per cent.—an unprecedented landslide. The change was not caused by the Anti-Saloon League’s work, for the Republican candidates were pledged to its cause. The change was due to the independent voters, who had been apprised of the attitude of candidates through the publication of the answers to the initiative and referendum question. Early in October the State Federation of Labor at its annual convention instructed that all candidates for the Legislature should be questioned as to the initiative and referendum, and the replies published. The Woman’s Suffrage Association also questioned candidates as to the initiative and referendum. Referendum Leagues were active, and years ago the Union Reform Party had specialized on the initiative and referendum, thereby instructing the voters—a lesson which they evidently did not forget.
This same year the State Federation of Labor increased most materially their activity for the people’s sovereignty. The Pennsylvania Federation of Labor set the pace. At its annual convention it provided not only for the questioning of political candidates, but took steps to provide for a people’s sovereignty committee within each union, and arranged in other ways for an educational and non-partisan campaign for the initiative and referendum. A fraternal delegate was received from the state grange, which also is working for the people’s sovereignty. Later in the year the New Jersey State Federation of Labor adopted the Pennsylvania program, and a few weeks afterward the New York State Federation did likewise. At the annual convention of the American Federation of Labor, representing one-eighth of the people of the United States, the executive council report recited the rapid spread of the people’s sovereignty cause through the questioning of candidates, and said:
The systematic questioning of candidates, to which reference has been made, is gaining in importance each year. More and more our state branches, central bodies and local unions are realizing the system’s usefulness. It enables our people to prevent the evasion of issues by party machines, and the self-interests of candidates cause them to answer favorably in most cases. And the success of organized labor’s political work without engaging in party politics strengthens the union in the sentiment of its members and increases their number.
Co-operation is also advanced with other interests, such as organized farmers. In Pennsylvania, Oklahoma, Indian Territory and Texas the organized farmers, with organized wage earners, are questioning candidates as to the establishment of the people’s sovereignty in place of machine rule. This is accomplished without a formal alliance.
We recommend the general use of the questioning-of-candidates system.
The state Granges in sixteen commonwealths have declared for the initiative and referendum. These states are: Oregon, Washington, Colorado, Montana, South Dakota, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Texas, Oklahoma, Kentucky, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island and Maine.
The Farmers’ Union, a rapidly growing organization (described in Watson’s Magazine for February) has adopted the initiative for use within the association. The National American Woman’s Suffrage Association declared last year for the initiative and referendum, and this year’s convention has urgently requested action by the state associations. Last year in Ohio the Woman’s Suffrage Association questioned candidates as to the initiative and referendum, and this year it is likely that the suffrage association in every state will apply the system. The Referendum Leagues are also questioning candidates.
All these organizations have learned or are learning that the questioning of candidates immediately terminates the machine’s power to sidetrack the live issues, provided there is an organization to take the case to the voters. One individual in a state can easily co-ordinate the forces for the questioning of candidates, and thereby secure the immediate termination of the machine’s power to evade the live issues. One person in a state has repeatedly secured this result; in fact, every reform within a state is largely due to the engineering tact and skill of some one individual. Today, as never before, it is easy and practically costless to terminate machine rule by establishing the initiative and referendum.