The Riddle of the Rhine: Chemical Strategy in Peace and War

by Victor Lefebure

CHAPTER V

CHEMICAL WARFARE ORGANISATIONS

We have no desire nor intention to give a detailed historical account of the above. The ramifications, of Allied organisations were so numerous, the number of persons concerned so great, the sacrifices made so heavy, that only an exceedingly lengthy account could hope to do justice to individuals. In addition, such an account would not serve our purpose. We wish to show, as briefly as possible, how the different Allied organisations were bound up in an organic way with the campaign, how they compared with those of the enemy, and what lesson the comparison may contain for the future.

Two facts stand out in such a comparison. We are struck with the extreme simplicity of the German organisations, as we know them, and the great complexity and multiplicity of the Allied departments as we saw them. We must admit from the beginning that we know least of the German home organisations for research and production, but our knowledge is sufficient to reveal their simplicity. The Inter-Allied Commission of Control may, and certainly should, obtain full information, but at present the matter stands as follows.

German Research.—The Germans relied upon two main and very strong centres for research. They have already been indicated as the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, under the direction of Professor Haber, and the enormous research organisations of the I.G. There are various references to internal gas organisation in captured documents. It appears that they received their final form late in 1917. A great gas school (Heeres-Gaschule) was instituted in Berlin where there were also central depots for anti-gas inspection and material. Rather earlier than this the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute was definitely appointed as the official research centre. The War Ministry had a chemical section named A.10, which dealt with gas questions. It is rumoured, and there is strong reason to believe, that the I.G. was largely staffed by officers of the Reserve before the war. Whatever their pre-war associations, if any, with the War Ministry, hostilities must have found them keenly alive to the possibilities of their unique research and organic chemical producing facilities. It is inconceivable that this military personnel should not have greatly assisted the I.G. in its operations, inventions and general assistance for the army.

It appears that the subdivision of work left the, direction of chemical research in Berlin, possibly at the above Institute, while the bulk of the work of preparing the new compounds, and developing manufacturing processes for approved substances, occurred in the laboratories of the I.G.

Leverkusen.—We know, for example, that a very large number of substances was produced at Leverkusen and samples forwarded to Berlin, of which only a few were finally approved for production. The physiological work and field tests were certainly associated with the Berlin organisation, but it is not clear how much of this work occurred within the I.G. An Allied mission to Leverkusen reported as follows:—"It was emphatically stated that no means of testing the products were resorted to beyond inhala-tion and testing the effect of the substances on the staff, but this statement must be accepted with reserve." This is particularly so as we know that large numbers of respirator-drums had been made in this factory, and that a gas school existed at Leverkusen in 1915.

A member of another Allied mission was informed by one of the staff at Leverkusen that the authorities there were well aware of the difficulties in chemical warfare, apart from production, for they had some experience in the designing and testing of chemical shell. It maybe that the German Government relied upon the I.G. for such work in the early stages of the chemical war, pending the development of official organisation. When we remember, however, that at Leverkusen alone there was a staff of 1500 technical and commercial specialists, apart from thousands of workpeople, before the war, and that the latter were increased by 1500 during the war, we find it difficult to place a limit on the services which might have been rendered by this research centre alone. The opinion of the members of the Hartley Commission[1] was, that much thought and attention had been given to chemical warfare by the chemists of the Company.

[1] A post-armistice inter-allied mission of experts, to the Rhine chemical factories, March, 1919.

Hochst.—A great volume of chemical warfare research occurred also at Hochst. "The admission was made that the research department of the factory was continuously employed during the war on the preparation of substances suitable for chemical warfare, many hundreds being prepared and sent to Berlin for examination. The firm employed 300 academically trained chemists in peace time, but during the war many more were engaged, partly for research and partly because all shell filling was carried out under the supervision of trained chemists."

Ludwigshafen.—The most influential branch of the I.G. was, undoubtedly, the Badische Anilin und Soda Fabrik. It might have been expected, as they shared largely in production, that a considerable amount of chemical warfare research would occur at these works, but this was emphatically denied to Allied missions. It may be, however, that as the nitrogen fixation enterprise was developed there, requiring a large amount of technical development and control, this was considered a sufficient contribution to the general cause.

Early Formulation of Policy.—In examining what signs we have of the organisation and policy underlying chemical warfare research and production in Germany, we are struck by the fact that all the substances used with such dire effect against us during the war must have been approved for production by the Government at a relatively early date. The following table, assembled from information supplied by the German factories, brings this point out very clearly.

First Use
War Chemical. Factory. Production Began. in the Field,
Diphosgene Hochst Sept., 1916 Summer, 1915
(Green Cross) Leverkusen June, 1915
Mustard Gas Leverkusen Spring, 1917 July, 1917
(Yellow Cross)
Diphenyl- Hochst May, 1917 July, 1917
chlorarsine
(Blue Cross)
Diphenyl- A.G.F.A. ? Feb., 1918 June, 1911
cyanarsine
(Blue Cross)
Ethyl-dichlor- Hochst Aug., 1917 March, 1918
arsine
(Blue Cross)

We have chosen the later products to establish the point, for it is self-evident for the earlier products, some of which were made before the war.

Movements of Personnel.—The movements of German chemical personnel give us a clue as to the main tendencies in their chemical warfare policy. The factories were called upon to produce, as we have already shown, towards the end of 1914, but this production largely involved the use of substances already manufactured on a certain scale. Large scale production of the more advanced types of war chemical seems to have been directly stimulated by the Hindenburg programme, in connection with which the Companies withdrew large numbers of their skilled workers from the front.

German Simplicity of Organisation.—We can safely conclude from the above that Germany required no cumbersome government mechanism for the preparation of new war chemicals, for the semi-industrial work in developing processes for approved substances, nor for their production. By relying on the I.G., the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, and probably some other organisation for field and physiological tests, Germany escaped the necessity for comprehensive government organisation, the development of which was such a handicap to Allied countries. It is certainly very suggestive that we only met, in the field, substances approved before the summer of 1917. It is with great interest and a certain amount of apprehension that we speculate upon the research developments after that period with which the war did not make us immediately acquainted. If this early period produced such effective results as mustard gas, Blue Cross compounds, and the different cloud substances, what hidden surprises were matured in the later period? This feature of simplicity, of linking up a new war with an old peace, activity was paralleled somewhat in the field organisation. We have seen how Germany created special formations for cloud attacks, but for a time practically abandoned them, throwing most of her chemical warfare production into shell. In other words, she substituted a normal weapon, the artillery. We, on the other hand, largely impelled by the enforced simplicity of our production, tended more towards the development of special formations and special weapons for cloud production, but with such success that the German Pioneer formations, after being practically dropped, found a use in developing and using our new weapon, the Livens Projector.

German Organisation at the Front;—The Gas Regiment.—It is probable that the earliest form of German organisation at the front consisted in the liaison between Professor Haber and the German G.H.Q. It will be remembered that Ludendorff, discussing cloud and shell gas, refers to this co-operation, stating:[1] "Geheimrat Haber proved of valuable service in this connection with the use of gas." It was also rumoured soon after the first German attack that the organisation and preparation of the latter were under the scientific guidance of this renowned Professor. The attack was carried out by the 35th and 36th Pioneer Regiments, each furnished with chemically trained officers who were specially detailed for gas warfare.

The importance of protection was realised very early, and a gas school for officers of all armies was organised at Leverkusen for training in protection. We cannot but regard it as significant that Leverkusen is also the site of the enormous Bayer[2] organic chemical works which played such a large part in poison gas production. The school dealt mainly with protection.

[1] My War Memories, page 338.

[2] A branch of the great German dye combine, the Interessen Gemeinschaft, known as the I.G.

Early German Gas School.—Apparently, at the end of November, 1916, special gas staffs were created and attached provisionally to the headquarters of formations entrusted with large scale gas operations. In addition, these staffs had the normal routine function of supervising inspection and instruction in gas warfare at the front. At about this time each regiment or larger unit was given a gas officer (gasschutzoffizier) with similar duties to those outlined above. In other words, the arrangement was generalised throughout the army. This officer was assisted by non-commissioned officers and men specially chosen for the purpose in the smaller units. The great need for these staffs is brought out in German official documents.

New Gas Regiments;—Gas Shell Experts.—In 1917 two new Pioneer battalions, the 37th and 38th respectively, were created for the express purpose of carrying out projector attacks. These developments in organisation, both advisory and combatant, led, at about this time, to the centralisation of the gas services at the front under a Kommandeur der Gastruppen at G.H.Q. It would thus appear that the Germans achieved the centralisation of their gas services some months later than ourselves. Further developments in organisation, of which we are aware, were connected with two main tendencies in German gas warfare. In the first place, the vast employment of gas shell led the Germans to create special gas experts on the Divisional artillery staffs. We have this on the authority of an order by Ludendorff dated June 16th, 1918. This gas shell expert was not necessarily an imported specialist, but was usually a specially trained officer chosen from the staff in question. This was a very important move, for it gave the artillery a paternal interest in gas shell. This artillery specialist maintained a very close liaison with the Divisional Gas Officer.

Inspection of Protective Masks and Method.—The second tendency was towards stricter protective standards and inspection. The gas inspection centre at Berlin was given more responsibilities in the field and the protection of horses, dogs and carrier pigeons received great emphasis.

British Field Organisation;—"Breach" Organisations.—Our own field development followed very similar lines. The immediate need in April, 1915, was for organisations on the front to advise formations on temporary methods of protection, to ascertain quickly the nature of any new German chemical attack, and to provide special means of examining the treatment of the new kind of casualty. These were "breach organisations," so to speak, countering the immediate effects of enemy attacks while more comprehensive and permanent cadres were created to absorb them. The personnel of these breach organisations was largely composed of chemists already at the front who had in some cases taken part in the first German attacks. Efforts were soon on foot to mobilise British chemists for offensive purposes. So remote from the old army standards and training were the conceptions of the new scientific warfare, that there was no scientific cadre or outstanding scientific soldier to take over the direction and organisation of these matters at the front or at home. Accordingly, in June, 1915, Brigadier-General C. H. Foulkes, C.M.G., D.S.O. (then Major, R.E.) was given the difficult task of assembling and training an offensive gas formation, and acting as Gas Adviser to G.H.Q. The Special Companies thus created have already been referred to in quotations from despatches. In addition to this combatant personnel a number of specialists and advisory organisations came into being. Additional gas officers were appointed by various divisions, and chemical advisers by higher formations.

Central Laboratory.—A central laboratory was instituted at G.H.Q. under the late Colonel W. Watson, C.M.G., F.R.S., which did particularly valuable work in connection with the rapid identification of new enemy chemicals. With the development of gas shell, the chemical advisers included this subject in their province. Reference must also be made to the medical and physiological side.

New Type of Casualty.—After the introduction of gas warfare the army was always faced with the possibility that some entirely new chemical would produce a new type of casualty which would require special and sometimes unusual treatment. A new element was thus introduced into army medical work. The effects of a new gas used in large quantities on the front was often just as serious a threat to organisation as the sudden development of a strange epidemic. Reaction to meet these new conditions took the form of the development of medical research organisations at home, and of the appointment of a special medical and physiological advisory staff incorporated later in the Directorate of Gas Services. It was thus possible, after any enemy gas attack, and with little delay, to institute inquiries with regard to treatment of casualties, stimulate special investigations, and prepare for any reorganisation in personnel and equipment, and, in general, introduce satisfactory alert conditions throughout the medical organisation along the whole of the Allied front. In this connection the effective liaison between the medical specialists of the British and French armies must be mentioned.

Directorate of Gas Services.—These various services were centralised in the Directorate of Gas Services, in the Spring of 1916, under Major-General H. F. Thuillier, C.B., C.M.G., R.E. It is interesting to note that although in their rear organisations for research and supply the French preceded us in the adoption of a logical symmetrical arrangement, yet in the field we were the first to produce the centralised chemical warfare service which was so essential.

British Home Organisations;—The Royal Society.—After the battle of the Marne, Germany rapidly realised the need for scientific and industrial mobilisation for the new stage into which the war had passed. Many signs and definite statements by Falkenhayn and others in authority have shown us how this realisation found outlet in various schemes for research and production. The need for scientific attention to various war problems was also realised in England, and found expression in the mobilisation of prominent scientists by the Royal Society, which constituted a number of committees to deal with specific activities and to assist various Ministries or administrative government departments in connection with scientific matters.

Royal Society Chemical Sub-Committee.—The Chemical Sub-Committee included such prominent names as Lord Rayleigh, Sir William Ramsay and Sir Oliver Lodge. Retaliation, decided on early in May, 1915, was reflected in organisation. Lord Kitchener entrusted Colonel Jackson, C.M.G., R.E. (later Major-General Sir Louis Jackson, K.B.E., C.B., C.M.G., R.E.), then in charge of a fortification section of the War Office, with the task of examining and taking action on the possibilities of retaliation, and a liaison with the above chemical committee of the Royal Society was soon established. Protection became a part of the duties of the Medical Services and was placed under the direct control of Colonel, afterwards Sir William Horrocks, who became chairman of the specially appointed Anti-Gas Committee. Further, a little later, the Chemical Sub-Committee above referred to became an advisory body to Colonel Jackson. This was the origin of the Chemical Warfare Department, but it was destined to pass through many difficult and hampering transformations before reaching its final, more or less efficient and symmetrical form.

The Trench Warfare Department.—With the formation of the Ministry of Munitions late in May, 1915, Colonel Jackson's section was transferred to it. At this stage there was definite recognition of the absolute need of keeping chemical warfare research, design, and supply under one head. Probably this was the chief reason which prompted Lord Kitchener, then Secretary of State for War, to agree to the transference of this section to another Ministry, and consent to the birth of the Trench Warfare Department.

Scientific Advisory Committee;—Commercial Advisory Committee.—Even at this stage activities were growing and government organisation was found necessary to cover such functions as in Germany were rendered unnecessary by the existence of the I.G. It became clear that the new department would require strong permanent scientific advice, and this was found in the formation of the Scientific Advisory Committee. This included the most active members of the former relevant Royal Society Committee, amongst whom were Professor A. W. Crossley, the Secretary, and Professors H. B. Baker, J. F. Thorpe, and Sir George Beilby, all of whom rendered great services in the later development of this new branch of warfare. A parallel Commercial Advisory Committee was appointed, composed of representatives of some of the leading manufacturers of the country.

Split Between Research and Supply.—We cannot follow in detail the many fluctuations experienced in the organisation of the department. They represent a constant struggle between a definitely expressed policy of centralisation and symmetry for supply and research, and circumstances imposed upon the department by the reorganisation and fusion of Ministries and departments. There were brief periods, notably at the commencement and in the final stages, when the desired centralised organisation was approached, but there were also periods when there was a complete split between research and supply with feeble and unsatisfactory liaison between the two. Speaking generally, the break between research and supply occurred in December, 1915, when the Trench Warfare Department was split up into two parts. These were the Trench Warfare Research Department, in which was included the Scientific Advisory Committee, and, shortly afterwards, changed its name to that of the Chemical Advisory Committee, and the Trench Warfare Supply Department. The relationships between those two departments remained practically unchanged until the formation of the Chemical Warfare Department in October, 1917. This statement must be qualified, however, by a reference to the services rendered by Professor, later Sir John Cadman, K.C.M.G., in bringing about this liaison, not only with supply in England, but also with that in France.

During the early period the Royal Society Committee of Physiology became active and was later very closely co-ordinated with the Chemical Warfare Department, as the Chemical Warfare Medical Committee.

Munitions Inventions Department.—Another feature which is worthy of notice because it was common to Allied organisations other than the British, and because it formed part of the slow realisation of the essential unity of chemical warfare activities, was the duplication of effort by the Munitions Inventions Department. Suggestions which could only have value when considered as part of the definitely directed chemical warfare policy were constantly raised with the Inventions Department, but this difficulty was overcome later by the growing importance of chemical warfare and the effecting of a liaison between the two departments by Colonel Crossley.

Imperial College of Science.—During the early period the Imperial College of Science rendered great services by assisting in research. It continued to do so during the rest of the war, but was later associated with a large number of British university chemical and scientific departments in pursuing a huge programme of chemical warfare research. We can only make passing reference to the development of the training and experimental grounds which formed such an important part in assisting decisions on chemical warfare policy. The Porton ground, however, was a model of its kind, a pioneer amongst Allied experimental grounds, and a tribute to the creative and administrative efforts of Lt.-Colonel Crossley, C.M.G., C.B.E., who was its commandant from its inception to the end of the war.

The Chemical Warfare Department.—The growing importance of chemical warfare, the vigorous chemical initiative assumed by Germany in the summer of 1917, and various other reasons led to reorganisation of the Chemical Warfare services in this country in October, 1917, and the Chemical Warfare Department, under Major-General Thullier, formerly Director of Gas Services, B.E.F., was constituted. This reorganisation witnessed a great increase in research and other activities of the department and a still greater mobilisation of the chemists of the country. Although this change witnessed further centralisation by the incorporation of the Anti-Gas Department, thereby settling once and for all the inherent association between offensive and defensive research, a fact which had been apparent to many long before, yet it still ignored the fundamental connection between offensive research and supply. This had been recognised in French organisation as early as 1915, yet we did not reach the ideal solution even at the end of the war.

The Anti-Gas Department.—We have mentioned the origin of the Anti-Gas Department. Although separate in organisation from chemical warfare research, yet the remarkable work and personality of the late Lt.-Colonel E. F. Harrison, C.M.G., overcame the disadvantages by energetic liaison and a great capacity for the internal organisation. General Hartley has paid a tribute which we cannot refrain from repeating: "Colonel Harrison was one of the great discoveries of the war. It is often stated that he was the inventor of the box respirator, but this he would have been the first to deny. His great merit was as an organiser. He gathered round him an enthusiastic group of young chemists and physicists, and the box respirator represents the joint result of their researches, carried out under his inspiration and controlled by his admirable practicable judgment. He organised the manufacture of the respirator on a large scale, and it is a great testimony to his foresight and energy that in spite of all the difficulties of production, the supplies promised to France never failed. Fifty million respirators were produced by the department, and of these nineteen million were box respirators."

Anti-gas research was at first centred in the R.A.M. College, Millbank, and from the beginning of 1917 in the Physiological Institute, University College, London. The work done in research and production not only protected the whole of the British Army, but formed the backbone of American and a large part of Italian protection. Further, the sacrifices made in connection with this work are not sufficiently known. Numbers of young scientists sacrificed their health and sometimes life, in carrying out the critical tests upon which the safety of millions of Englishmen and Allies depended.

Designs Committee.—We cannot leave this branch of the subject without referring to the Chemical Warfare Designs Committee. An important trend in chemical warfare was its growing independence of the normal weapons of war, and its special requirements when adapted for use with both the normal and newer types. This tendency found expression in the above Committee under the direction of Professor Jocelyn Field Thorpe. The development of satisfactory chemical shell was an enormous problem, and the importance of entirely new forms of the chemical weapon will be brought out in dealing with the limitation of armaments.

French Organisation.—French development followed very similar lines.

From April 28th, 1915, a Commission of military representatives and scientists was organised under General Curmer. This gave place in June to a Chemical Warfare Research Committee under M. Weiss, Directeur des Mines au Ministere des Traveaux Publics. In August, 1915, three special Committees were formed; one under M. Kling for problems from the front, whose organisation was responsible for a volume of exceedingly reliable identifications of enemy chemicals of great use to the Allies; another under M. Moureu for offensive research, whose brilliant organic investigation characterised later French developments, and the other under M. Vincent, for research on protection. But, in the meantime, the importance of gas shell was impressed upon the French and, on the 1st July, 1915, this organisation passed into M. Albert Thomas's new Ministere de L'Artillerie et des Munitions. Manufacture passed into the hands of the Directeur du Materiel Chimique de Guerre. In September, 1915, these sections were centralised under General Ozil, attached to the same Ministry. General Ozil's service was strongly supported by a number of eminent French scientists, and achieved unusual success in the face of great practical difficulties.

A very close liaison was maintained with the army, and the initiative, energy, and devotion of all concerned cannot be too highly praised. In production alone the difficulties were enormous. There was no highly organised dye industry available. The prewar German monopoly had seen to that. Elaborate organisations and continuous research work under difficult conditions were necessary to replace the smooth, running normal activities of the great German dye combine. The salient points in French production are dealt with more fully in another chapter.

In research and protection French activities were no less handicapped and just as creditable. The protection of the French armies was largely achieved through the genius and tireless industry of Professor Paul Lebeau.

Quick to realise the need of retaliation against the new German weapon, the French developed their chemical offensive and defensive with characteristic elan and intuition. Contributing largely to Allied research, they took the lead in Inter-Allied co-operation and liaison, and their activities in this field were due to much worthier causes than mere geographical position.

Italian Development.—The Italians were alive to the importance of chemical warfare. World famous names such as those of Senator Paterno and Professor Villavecchia were associated with their organisation. Once again, however, although not lacking in invention and initiative, they were continually hampered by production, which imposed such grave disadvantages upon them as to endanger seriously the success of their campaign. The success of the great German offensive against Italy in the autumn of 1917 was largely ascribed to the German use of gas of such types and in such amounts that the Italian protective appliances were outmanoeuvred. Further, in spite of the offensive qualities of the Italian gas organisation under Col. Penna, lack of supplies prevented large scale gas retaliation, so essential in maintaining gas morale.

Towards the end of the war, when the French and British production improved, and with the entry of America and the promise of supplies therefrom, it was possible to assist the Italians from Allied sources, and arrangements were made to supply them with the British Respirator, to assist them in the development of the Livens Projector, to supply large quantities of mustard and other gases, and to assist them in production. The use of the British box respirator was undoubtedly a great factor in repelling the Austrian offensive of June, 1918. Their experimental fields and research organisations were particularly well staffed, and, backed by production, Italian chemical genius would have been capable of producing very serious results.

Supply Organisations.—What a marked contrast between the organisation required for German and Allied chemical warfare production! Such organisation implies cadres and arrangements for co-operation with research organisations, for semi-scale work, commercial functions, priority, raw material supply, transport, and all their concomitants. In Germany, the self-contained dye industry simplified all these functions. The Government addressed itself to one producing organisation which was responsible for most of the relevant research. Whole Government departments were rendered unnecessary by this centralised production.

British Supply Organisation.—In England the situation was entirely different. Even before the advent of mustard gas the Government was compelled to apply to at least twenty contractors. The products required were foreign to the normal activities of many of these. They required assistance in raw materials, transport, technical methods, either the result of the work of other factories or of research. The latter again involved complex official organisation, cumbrous even if efficiently carried out. This at once introduced difficulties. The centre of gravity of supply was in government offices instead of in the centres of production. Much depended upon the co-ordination of the official departments. Quite apart from the Government plants finally engaged in chemical warfare production, more than fifty plants were used in private organisations, of which a very high percentage were entirely new.

Allied Handicaps.—The functions of the allied Government supply departments were or should have been much more than those of an individual negotiating a contract. Owing to the fact that these were new plants, and that the products were foreign to the production of many of the firms concerned, two alternatives had to be faced. Either the technical and service departments of each firm had to be considerably strengthened, or else a special organisation had to cover these functions by employing a considerable government technical and liaison personnel. For reasons of secrecy and general efficiency the latter procedure evolved, but neither represented the ideal solution.

The German Solution.—This was the German arrangement in which these functions were all embodied in the centralised producing organisation, the I.G. The German Government took the role of a pure contractor, the only additional function being the choice of product and method, a question of policy. This implied the existence of a Government experimental organisation, but purely for this purpose.

Departmental Difficulties.—The Allied task would have been much simpler if the only war weapon had been a chemical one, in which case an efficient organisation could have been decided upon at first, and need have suffered no very radical changes. As it was, however, the British supply organisation had to administer some seventy plants, which were really in private hands, and found its chief difficulties quite apart from the external perplexities of the problem. They arose in its relationships with other Government departments.

Allied Success Against Odds.—Taking a broad view of the case, although nobody who knew the facts could regard our poison gas production with anything but dismay, except in a few cases, yet the main feeling was one of amazement that we succeeded as well as we did with these entirely new substances. The whole story of chemical warfare supply amongst the Allies is one of devoted effort by all concerned, against overwhelming odds, and although the level of results was poor compared with Germany, yet we find here and there brilliant examples of Allied adaptability and tenacity amongst which the French development of mustard gas stands pre-eminent.

What we have already said about supply organisation may be summed up in one sentence. The Germans were already organised to produce. We had to create Government departments to administer a large number of plants in private hands, and they had to cope not only with the external difficulties of the situation but with the almost overwhelming difficulties of internal organisation. The checquered career of the British supply department provides a good example. The French and Americans suffered less than ourselves from these troubles, the latter having the benefit of the combined experience of the other Allies.

Allied Lack of Vision in Production.—A survey of the earliest supply organisation of this country reveals another difficulty which later events have obscured. Few people realised the developments which chemical warfare would produce. The early production of chemicals for gas warfare was grouped under some such designation as trench warfare stores, and graded in order of importance, from the point of view of supply organisation with catapults and spring guns, flame projectors and body shields! It is no unfair criticism to state that hard facts rather than vision forced the importance of chemical warfare upon those responsible for munition production in the early stages of the war. Chemical warfare production remained under the Trench Warfare Supply Department for many months, where it was one of ten Trench Warfare sections. The vicissitudes of trench warfare supply are too numerous and complicated to be dealt with here, but chemical warfare supply has suffered accordingly.

British Lag in Organisation.—Examining Allied organisations, we find that the French and Americans approached this ideal solution more rapidly than ourselves, and we can trace in our own development a number of unsuccessful attempts to reach this centralised control, although the last configuration, under the direction of Major-General H. F. Thuillier, was the nearest approach. French organisation for supply provides another example of their national characteristic of logical thinking and love of symmetry. As early as September, 1915, the French centralised their research organisation, the Inspection des Etudes et Experience Chimiques, and their supply organisation, the Direction du Materiel Chimique de Guerre, in their Service Chimique de Guerre under General Ozil.

French and American Characteristics.—Their early concentration on gas shell shows that this symmetrical organisation was due not only to the above characteristic but also to vision in war development. American supply organisation again provides evidence of the national characteristic. They had no I.G. but they had plenty of money and material, and the total of Allied experience in production. They therefore proceeded at once to build an enormous producing centre known as Edgewood Arsenal. We refer to this later. The tremendous potentialities of this Arsenal will readily he seen, although they did not become effective during the war.

It would be poor testimony to the tremendous efforts and sacrifices made by the various firms and officials connected with chemical warfare to leave the matter at this stage, or to make a minute analysis of the different internal causes for lack of success. We may say that although the efforts of all concerned were beyond praise, yet they were so initially handicapped that it was practically impossible even to approach the German efficiency. In France and England we were suffering from the faults of past years, our lack of attention to the application of science to industry. The Americans would also have suffered, for they were in the same plight, but they adopted the drastic solution of Edgewood Arsenal. As we show later, however, this solution was really only a very necessary and valuable attempt to treat the symptom rather than the disease. We cannot regard the problem as settled for any of these countries. If it is, then the outlook is very poor.

Inter-Allied Chemical Warfare Liaison.—Chemical warfare offered, in theory, a splendid opportunity for co-ordination amongst the Allies, The new methods, unhampered by tradition, seemed, at first sight, admirably suited for exploitation against the enemy by an allied Generalissimo and staff. Co-ordination never reached this stage, although strong liaison organisations were developed. Inter-allied research conferences occurred periodically in Paris, where decisions for co-operation were taken after full discussion of allied work. The continuity of these relationships was maintained by an active secretariat on which each ally was represented. The contact, so close between actual allied scientific workers in this field, became less evident in the application of their results to field warfare, for several reasons. In the first place, close scientific contact in research was replaced by the actual field relationships of the armies, and, as is well known, the central inter-allied command did not materialise until the spring of 1918, and even then it was only possible to apply the new principle to the actual battlefield. The traditional differences between. the methods of the different services of each ally still existed to a large extent, and they found expression in type of armament, equipment, and military standards, such as, for example, gun calibres and shell design, to which chemical warfare had to conform. No inter-allied gas mask materialised, although this would have been of inestimable advantage. Probably the example of most complete co-ordination occurred on the supply side, where absence of the above traditional difficulties and the crying need to make the most of available raw materials compelled a very close co-ordination.

Inter-Allied Supply.—The writer was responsible for initiating, in 1917, an Inter-Allied Chemical Supply Committee, whose function was to pool effectively the allied raw materials, and to arrange their distribution in accordance with allied programmes, the exchange of which implied a considerable step. Later this Committee became one of a number, similarly constituted, forming part of the Inter-Allied Munitions Council.

Thinking over the difficulties of the inter-allied supply, now that the emergenices of the situation have passed, an important contrast emerges. After three years of war, and although protected by the powerful arm of the blockade, we were, still resorting, for chemical warfare supply, to measures which, compared with the German methods, were complicated, clumsy, and inefficient. This was, in a sense, forced upon us by the number of the allies, and the fact that they held the outer lines. But it is easily forgotten that Germany also had a number of allies, and that Germany supply organisation was sufficient to feed them all.

Nature of Chemical Warfare Research.—So, much has been vaguely said, and is vaguely known, about research in chemical warfare that a brief analysis will be of value.

Discovery of New Substances.—Research for this purpose has a number of very distinct functions, The most obvious is the discovery of new substances. But there are others in connection with which research work represents a much greater volume. Very few new substances which found valuable application during the war were revealed by chemical warfare research. The bulk of the important substances were already known as such, although their importance for war was probably not realised. It is most important to emphasise the fact that even in the future, should there be no direct attempts to reveal new chemical warfare substances, they will undoubtedly arise as a normal outcome of research, even if, without exception, every chemist in the world became a most pronounced pacifist. A valuable substance once discovered or decided upon, however, whole series of research investigations become necessary.

Technical Method of Preparation;—Filling Problem;—Protection;— Half-Scale Investigation.—The substance must be prepared in the most efficient manner for manufacture, which may not be the mode of its discovery. It must be used in shells, cylinders, or some other war chemical device. Each device represents a different filling problem, different difficulties with regard to contact of the war chemical and the envelope of the container. If a projectile is in question the ballistics become of importance. More important than any of these, except production, is the question of protection. It is axiomatic that an army proposing to use a new offensive chemical must be protected against it. It may, therefore, be necessary to modify the existing mask or protective appliance, or to create an entirely new one. If research reveals the necessity for the latter course of action it may provide sufficient reason for abandoning the substance. In addition, according to productive difficulties, it may be necessary to undertake comprehensive and very expensive research on half-scale methods for production. It is impossible in many cases to proceed directly from the laboratory process to large scale manufacture without serious risk of failure.

Two Classes of Research.—Broadly, these research functions form two classes, those concerned with policy and approval of a substance and those concerned with work which follows automatically upon such approval. There must be, of course, a certain amount of overlapping and liaison between the two classes.

Herein lay one of the great advantages enjoyed by the Germans. Their great producing organisation, the I.G., was able to take over automatically certain of these research functions, in particular all those with regard to preparation and production, even of protective appliances. The Government reserved what we have called the policy functions, and was responsible, we assume, for the mass, of physiological and design research which must always precede approval or a decision on policy.

Signs were not lacking, further, that the I.G. was even employed on certain occasions for this latter type of research.

Conclusion.—From the facts at our disposal there can be no doubt that the total material facilities at the disposal of the Allies for chemical warfare investigation were considerably more extensive and expensive than those of Germany with the one notable exception of trained technical organic chemists. It is very doubtful whether the German field experiments were as largely provided for as those of the Allies. When we think of the French grounds at Versailles and Entressin, the British at Porton, the American grounds in France and in America, and the Italian organisations, there can hardly be any doubt that the total German facilities were much smaller. Under the actual circumstances of the war, however, it was difficult to develop more co-operation than was possible by a very close liaison. The fact that all the experimental developments from these grounds required special modification to meet the peculiar needs of artillery and other equipment for each ally, prevented the adoption of uniform types of projectile or other appliances. Even uniform shell marking was found impracticable.

The "Outer and Inner Lines."—The Allied situation compelled the multiplication of cumbersome organisations in the different countries. Lack of a strong organic chemical industry placed each ally at a considerable disadvantage, compared with Germany, in the development of such organisations. Using a strategic comparison, we can say that Germany not only possessed the "inner lines" in the chemical war, but an exceptionally efficient system to exploit them, in the shape of the great I.G.