CHAPTER VII
The Druzes—Their religion—Their character—Druze and Jew—Recent history in Haurân—Druze and Bedawy—War.
The Druzes are generally known by a name which is not of their own choosing, nor, indeed, is it at all to their liking. “Druze” seems to connect them with Durazy, any close relation with whom they disclaim. Had they their own way, they would be called Muwahhedîn, the Arabic equivalent for Unitarians. In this fact we have the key to their distinctive character; for they are essentially a people gathered round a religious idea. This possessed sufficient force to separate them from the first from all surrounding peoples, and made necessary a mutual bond, or alliance, offensive and defensive, among the members of the new society, in order to secure its existence. In due time the society grew into a distinct people, of marvellous cohesion and power of united action against all outsiders. To understand this people, we must know something of their faith.
The sect took its rise in the early years of the eleventh century, during the reign of Caliph el-Hâkim Biamrillah, in Egypt (996-1020). A foolish and dissipated prince, his minister, ed-Durazy, for reasons not now obvious, proclaimed him to be an incarnation of Deity, the last of the long line of incarnations extending from Adam downward. The people of Cairo, however, would have none of his doctrines. Escaping the violence of the mob whom his blasphemies had enraged, he fled to Syria, where, among the mountains of Southern Lebanon, he found asylum for himself, and disciples to accept his teaching. It is, indeed, not darkly hinted that his efforts to enlighten the Syrians were ably seconded by the persuasive powers of Egyptian gold, the worthy el-Hâkim being no way indisposed to undergo the process of apotheosis while it was possible for him to enjoy its honours. The work of ed-Durazy might have proved only transitory in its effects, had not a learned and able Persian, Hamzeh by name, come to his assistance. By a skilful combination of ed-Durazy’s new dogma with ancient superstitions and mystical doctrines, frowned upon by orthodox Mohammedans, he wrought out a religious system which commanded the respect and secured the submission of increasing numbers.
The great doctrine of Islâm, the unity of the God-head, is almost violently emphasised in the Druze religion; but this is associated with a belief in God’s close relation to the world and His eternal love for men, in so far as it is possible to attribute love to a being of whom only one thing can be certainly predicated, namely, existence. This love has resulted in a constant succession of incarnations or manifestations of Himself since the beginning. Therefore all the great prophetic line, from Adam to Jesus Christ, are held in reverence. A place is also accorded to Mohammed; and, further, the divine is seen in ʿAli, Mohammed ibn Ismaʿîl, Saʿid el-Mûhdi, and, last and greatest, el-Hâkim. With regard to this last, death is not to be thought of as terminating his earthly career; it is only a change, to test the faith and sincerity of his followers. One day he will return with invincible might, to bring the whole world into subjection. Of Jesus Christ it is interesting to observe that the Druze agrees with the Mohammedan in believing that the divine incarnation was not put to death; but, while the latter says that His “appearance” was crucified, the former holds that a second Jesus Christ, son of the carpenter, endured the dread penalty, while Jesus Christ, the manifestation of the Divine, passed scathless from the world. In all of this it is not difficult to trace the influence of early Christian heresy.
The Druzes believe in the transmigration of souls. It has been erroneously held that they receive this doctrine in a modified form, not thinking it possible that a human soul should enter one of the lower animals. This is not so. At the very moment of his mother’s death, a calf was born in the herd of a Druze, and he firmly believed that the soul of his mother dwelt in that calf. Along with this, they believe in a series of human lives for the individual in different forms. No man knows if in the first youth he meets he may not salute the spirit of his grandfather. The destination of the soul on parting from the body is determined by the manner in which it has lived: if well, it will be born again in happier conditions; if ill, its next existence will be fraught with pain and sorrow. It is an article of their faith that births do not increase, deaths do not diminish, the actual number of Druzes in existence. That number is known to God only, but it is fixed and unchangeable forever. Birth brings not a new spirit into being, but only begins a new life for one already existing. Death does not slay a spirit, but only introduces the living into a new form of existence. No one born of true Druze parentage can ever become anything else, and no one born of Christian or other parents can ever become a Druze.
It would be a mistake to suppose that all Druzes are acquainted with the whole system of their religion. It would be nearer truth to say that very many know nothing of religion at all. The deeper things are high secrets, which only the ʿAkkâl—men and women of understanding—are given to know. Their place of worship is called Khalweh (“retired spot”), and there the initiated conduct their secret service. Many years ago, during the troubles that have so often convulsed this country, the sacred books of the Druzes were seized and studied by competent scholars; but, like the Freemasons, whom they so much resemble, the Druzes may very well maintain that there are secrets among them which no books can ever reveal. Certain it is that round these repositories of their mysteries the Juhhâl, or ignorant ones, gather with profound veneration. The ʿAkkâl bear themselves with great circumspection. They live sober and temperate lives, abstaining from all alcoholic liquors, from tobacco, and even from coffee, the universal beverage of the Arab.
Hamzeh, who systematised their doctrines and gave something like coherency to their beliefs, they continue to honour as el-Hâdi (“the guide”). Durazy, strangely, they have forgotten, or remember only to repudiate. El-Hâdi is from the same root, and has the same meaning, as el-Mahdi, the expected “guide” of the Moslems, who is to “lead” them to the universal triumph for which they yearn.
The Druzes number in all perhaps something over a hundred thousand. They do not, however, for a moment believe that all real Druzes are confined to Syria. China, for example, is a land of which they have some dim knowledge; it figures vague and vast in their untutored minds. They have heard that there are beliefs common to them and the Chinese; this is sufficient to create the conviction that the Chinese are really Druzes too, whatever name they may be called, and that, when the proper time comes, that mighty empire will pour forth its millions to do battle in the cause of el-Hâkim. The British share, in this regard, their affection and confidence, an impression prevailing widely that they too are a nation of Druzes. If this impression did not come from the kindly treatment of the Druzes by the British, when, after the massacre, they were in imminent danger, it was certainly strengthened thereby. If one of them asks how many Druzes there are in England, and receives the reply that there are none, he is far from being convinced, and most likely he leaves you with the suspicion that you are a Druze yourself. He will think nothing the less of you for your stout denial; for it is permitted to them to assume the outward form and profession of any religion whatever, if their welfare for the time may thereby be promoted, the only condition being that they remain true in heart to the faith of their fathers. In a country where the people excel in clever deceptions, it is often extremely hard for the missionary to distinguish between the true and the spurious convert. There is a well-authenticated case in which a Druze professed conversion to Christianity, was baptized, received into the Church, and, having given proof of his fitness, was at length ordained to the ministry. He continued to exercise his calling with acceptance for several years; then, throwing off the mask by which he had deceived everybody, he openly declared that he was a Druze at heart, and had never been anything else.
The Lebanon for long was the home of the Druzes, but now they are found as far north as Antioch and as far south as Carmel; while since 1860 they have gone eastward, and settled in such numbers on the mountain, that the name Jebel Haurân, by which it was formerly known, is fast giving place to that of Jebel ed-Druze. Wherever the Druze goes, he maintains his well-earned reputation for hospitality and kindly treatment of strangers. This practice is mixed up with the religious ideas that from hoary antiquity have prevailed from the eastern shore of the Mediterranean throughout the whole Arabian peninsula. The guest is in some sense the representative of God, by whose bounty all men live. The traveller who finds himself belated near a habitation of Druzes may generally go forward with good heart, assured that the best of their poor store will be placed ungrudgingly at his disposal. Alongside of this pleasing feature in their character there are others not less prominent, but hardly so attractive. They have a reputation for extreme sensitiveness to insult or injury, excessive vindictiveness, and perfect fearlessness in the exaction of revenge. As may be supposed, therefore, the blood feud among them is a stern reality, and the function of the avenger of blood a solemn obligation. Should an opportunity not come soon for the achievement of their purpose, they can wait with grim patience; and it will be found, in the end, that years have not abated one jot the fury of their desire for vengeance. With this inflexible resolution to take the life of an enemy for the life of a friend, there coexists an equally binding duty to protect a brother Druze who may have shed blood unwittingly or otherwise—to hide him from pursuers, and defend his life with their own. If the avenger’s claim can be settled by payment of money—a mode of settlement not uncommon—the sum to be paid is a tax upon the whole community.
Comparisons are often instituted between the various peoples in the country, in respect of their courage and prowess in the field of battle. By common consent the Druzes and the Beduw receive the highest places. In simple daring and personal intrepidity in sudden attack, the Beduw excel; but in determined courage, power of united action, and stubborn endurance in the face of a powerful foe, they must yield the palm to the Druzes. While we cannot but admire the wild bravery of the Bedawy, it is clear that the qualities possessed by the Druze are more to be desired in the hour of conflict. There is a strain of true nobility in the character of that people who in the hour of victory have ever chivalrously protected defenceless women and little children from all injury and insult.
An interesting parallel might be drawn between the ancient Israelites and the modern Druzes. The latter cannot indeed trace their descent from a single jadd, or ancestor, as the former did from Abraham. They are of mixed parentage, the old Syrian element probably predominating. Passing from this, we find that the impulse separating both from surrounding peoples was religious; their isolation is preserved by devotion to the national religious idea. Both are essentially theocracies; their idea of a “state,” if we may so use the term, would be that of “the church acting civilly.” The central doctrine with both is the unity of God. Their national aspirations are strikingly similar. Israel aspired to universal dominion as the people of God; the Druzes aspire to nothing less. The hope of Israel was in the coming of the Messiah; that of the Druzes, in the return of el-Hâkim. If we take the Jewish conception of the work of the Messiah prevalent at the time of Christ, and substitute the name of el-Hâkim for Messiah, and Druzes for Jews, we have very accurately the Druze conception of the work of el-Hâkim, the coming conqueror. In both a marvellous unity has been preserved through long generations; and each, in feature and dress, is easily distinguishable from all others.
Although widely scattered, their organisations are perfect. The community touched at any point feels through all. The sheikhs of the ʿAkkâl, as leaders of the religious commonwealth, perform functions corresponding in some degree to those of the old Hebrew judges and prophets. At their word the hosts gather from far and near, place themselves under the command of chosen chiefs, and go forth to warfare. They also convene solemn councils for the discussion of weighty matters of religion or policy. But gatherings for such purposes without other ostensible object would attract more attention than is desirable. Advantage is therefore taken of ordinary occasions which call for the presence of friends, more especially funerals, when men gather “frae a’ the airts” and transact the necessary business. Doubtless the company of chiefs we saw at ʿIry was convened to discuss the special circumstances in which they were then placed, and to arrange for concerted action in the immediate future. Presenting a united front to the outside world, had they been equally at one among themselves, they might ere now have played a distinguished part in the affairs of the East. But the ambitions of rival families have sundered them; their attention has been engaged with domestic broils, their energies frittered away in the quarrels of factions, when they might and ought to have been preparing themselves to make a broad mark in the military history of their country. It is precisely in knowing how skilfully to fan such internal fires, and excite domestic strife that the Turkish Government has proved its ability to keep such peoples in hand. How like the case of the Jews, when the bands of iron were closing upon them!
Until recently the Government has had very little power in the Haurân; and if its power to-day is more than nominal, past history forbids the belief that it will now prove permanent. The chief military stations are Sheikh Saʿad, the seat of the governor; Busr el-Harîry, on the southern border of el-Lejâʾ; and Suweida. There is also a small force in the fortress at Basra Eski Shâm. While fighting has been done, the position was not won by arms in the usual sense. The old policy has been pursued. The various sections of the people have been played off against each other with great adroitness, and, on the whole, with success. The common enemy, ever on the alert for advantage, calmly appropriated the territory of victor and vanquished alike.
The Druzes and the Beduw bear each other no love. Nothing was easier than to breed bad blood between them. They could not have played into the hands of the Government more thoroughly, had that been their design, than by weakening each other in internecine strife. The Government claimed from the Druzes a certain tax; but, as mentioned above, they were willing to do anything rather than pay it, and up till recently the Government did not see its way to enforce payment. Things began to look more hopeful, and the secession of the ʿAtrash family inspired the belief that taxes and all arrears might be collected. They had not reckoned with the proud, unbending spirit of the Druze nation. A Solomon might be submitted to; a band of Rehoboams, never. The demand for arrears, accompanied by an implied threat, met with the response one might have expected from these fiery mountaineers. The sheikhs of the house of ʿAtrash had to seek asylum under the wing of the Government in Damascus. This was a bold bid of defiance which no government could afford to ignore. Exact information as to succeeding events is extremely difficult to obtain, but what follows may be taken as a fairly accurate account, as far as it goes.
We visited the district in April 1890. There was an evident alertness in all the bearing of the men. We could descry numerous figures on walls and roofs long before we reached any place of importance; and, coming nearer, we saw that our approach was eagerly watched until our peaceful appearance satisfied the sentinels. The fact was that even then affairs had taken an unpleasant turn; and only ten days after we passed the seceding sheikhs had to flee for their lives, and the Government resorted to arms to quell “the rebellion,” as it was called. On their part the Druzes, under popular chiefs, cheerfully prepared for the fray.
The Government troops, under Memdûh Pasha, military and civil governor of Haurân, assembled in the neighbourhood of Busr el-Harîry. Memdûh sent to the rebel chiefs, calling upon them to surrender. In reply, a deputation of the chiefs themselves came to him by night, made strong protestations of loyalty, and affected not to understand why they should be classed as rebels; they were true friends to the sultan, and wished prosperity to his Government. Memdûh was not deceived. He required that they should come with their friends in open day and formally make their submission. They could hardly have expected to persuade the pasha of their loyalty. Probably they hoped by their visit only to gain knowledge of the strength of the enemy and the purposes of the leader. In any case, they did not come back, but sent instead an insulting message, which reminds one of Goliath of Gath’s challenge to the youthful David. They declared themselves ready to receive him; and if he had courage to come, they promised to make mincemeat of him and his soldiers. “Come, O Memdûh,” they said, “and we will give thy body to be chopped into small pieces!” The pasha simply replied, “The loyal will receive honour; the rebel must take the consequences of his conduct.” The soldiers advanced towards Suweida, which they found almost deserted. Several merchants from Damascus were taken into the market and made prisoners on suspicion of supplying the rebels with munitions of war. The Druzes meantime had taken up a strong natural position among their rocky fortresses. The soldiers advancing upon them were unable to sustain the Druze fire, being completely exposed, while the latter were as completely covered among the rocks. One of the first to fall was the son of one of the ʿAtrash sheikhs, who was recognised and shot by a Druze marksman. Thus early and dearly did they pay for their defection.
The attack was relinquished until reinforcements came bringing several light field-pieces. Meantime one of the Druze sheikhs, who had received some injury, real or imaginary, had taken one of the terrible oaths in which the history of the East abounds, invoking upon himself the most awful curses, both in this world and in the next, if he slew not Memdûh Pasha with the edge of the sword. In renewing the attack the pasha had recourse to an ancient stratagem of which the Druzes ought to have been aware. He planted the field-pieces at some distance in the rear, behind a little eminence. A party with definite instructions was sent forward. On their approach the Druzes opened fire. The soldiers wavered, broke, and fled. The defenders, believing this to be a real defeat, waxed bolder, and left their rocks to pursue, hoping to turn defeat into a rout. The soldiers simply retired behind the cannon, and immediately fire was opened on the now unprotected Druzes with murderous effect. The issue of the battle was not one moment in doubt; but many were the displays of individual bravery and personal prowess, which shall be related by children’s children, to fan the flame of patriotism in the bosom of youth; to beguile the tedium of the winter days, and enliven the hours of rest from toil among the mountains. One Druze who rode a fine horse charged literally past the cannon’s mouth, slew the gunner with his sword, captured the musket of the fallen soldier, and dashed back, amid a rain of bullets, like one bearing a charmed life. This exploit he repeated three times, inspiring his foes with dread. Yet a fourth time he spurred his charger to the attack. This time he came in the line of fire; but a soldier who had followed him was now between him and the cannon, and the gunner hesitated. “It matters not! Fire!” roared the officer in command, quaking for his own safety. The piece was fired: soldier and Druze hero entered eternity together.
The sheikh who had sworn to slay the pasha saw where the commander stood, and, turning thither, rushed forward wildly, brandishing his sword and hoarsely shouting, “Il yaum yaumak, ya Memdûh; ya Memdûh, il yaum tamût!”—“This is thy day, O Memdûh! O Memdûh, to-day thou shalt die!” Thus threatened, the ranks closed around the general, but the dauntless chief cared not; he would hew down all opposition until the object of his wrath was reached. Nor was his an idle boast. In his fierce onslaught six stalwart soldiers fell beneath his keen blade, and he had even penetrated to the very inmost ring of the pasha’s guard ere he was arrested by sheer weight of wounds piled upon him from every side. He would have died cheerfully had the pasha’s blood mingled with his own. He had almost touched his enemy when the waters of the river of death rose over him and he sank forever. One who stood by severed his head from the trunk with a blow of his sword, and, casting the bleeding horror at the pasha’s feet, exclaimed, “Thus perish all thine enemies, O thine excellency, and those of our glorious sultan!”
Of the numbers who fell on either side we shall probably never obtain complete information. Suffice it to say that the Druzes suffered so heavily as to be practically at the mercy of their conquerors. The latter showed a disposition to take full advantage of their success and exact “the last farthing” of their claims. The Druzes were in despair. It seemed, indeed, as if only ruin were before them. Through the kindly mediation of European consular agents, an arrangement was come to which saved the vanquished from the worst consequences of defeat. Compromise was all the Druzes could now hope for, and they gained more than the most sanguine could have anticipated. Arrears were not to be demanded, and they agreed to pay a tax of about half the amount originally imposed. They were, however, required to receive again the sheikhs of the house of ʿAtrash. On these conditions they might return and dwell in safety, all prisoners taken in war being restored to them. One other condition it must have been hard to accept. They were to be prohibited from carrying arms, save by special licence obtained from the Turkish officials. But they could not well reject terms proposed to them by their mediators and accepted by their conquerors. Thus it happened that where every man one met was loaded with instruments of death, soon almost the only weapon to be seen, save in the hands of soldiers, was the shepherd’s “club,” or naboot, with which the very poor all over the land are wont to defend themselves and attack their foes; and a formidable weapon it is in practised hands.
The Government naturally sought to secure the advantage thus gained. The importance attaching to Suweida as the key to Jebel ed-Druze became apparent. Preparations were immediately begun for the erection of a kalʿat, or fortress, there, by means of which the turbulent spirits might be overawed. Thus another step is taken towards the subjugation of all that district to Ottoman rule. There is no need to suppose that the Druzes acquiesce calmly and finally in this condition of things. It is as certain as anything mundane can be that they simply “bide their time,” and when that time comes, their old, proud, freedom-loving spirit will assert itself again, undimmed and unbroken.