BLACKLISTING BEGINS.
The strike situation was now in the balance. The managers and their faithful allies the press, had given it out that the strike was off. One fact that could not be denied, was that P. M. Arthur, of the General Managers Association,—though still representing the engineers—was doing great work for the companies, as the engineers were returning to work pretty generally throughout the country. Sargent of the firemen was also playing his cards well, but not meeting with the same success as the "grand old chief." Wilkinson of the trainmen was sending out his orders and ultimatums, thick and fast and his men were now fast returning to their old positions.
It was now a question of whether the men would prove loyal to themselves and their best interests, or loyal to the companies who were putting forth their best efforts to trample them to earth, and it is a painful fact that many of them were so blinded to their own interests,—through their craven cowardice—that they returned to work, and, to what will be in the near future beyond a question of a doubt, longer hours, less wages, and the complete annihilation of all semblance of rights.
The strike was fast resolving itself into a switchmen's fight against the railroads. The yards were in the worst imaginable shape, and the engines were sadly in need of repairs. Shopmen, freight handlers, trackmen, and car-repairers were still out. Office men were now back at work with the exception of a few. The majority of the strikers were still loyal to the cause and the American Railway Union was sure of winning. The Knights of Labor did not respond to the call of Grand Master Workman Sovereign as generally as was expected, and the Federation of Labor had decided not to strike at present, perhaps this may be accounted for by the reports given out by the general managers that the strike was off and trains running as usual.
The United States troops in the pay of the government were still doing service for the railroad corporations.
Authenticated reports—given out by the striking committees—from different parts of the country would not seem to bear out the statements of the general managers.
These committees had reports in regards to the operation of the roads, as complete as the officials of the roads themselves. They were thoroughly posted on the number of cars moved each day by each company, the number and character of switch crews at work and the number of strikers who had gone back to work. In short, everything that had a bearing on the result. This was part of the duties imposed upon them and they were faithfully carried out.
Thirteen Pan Handle switchmen brought to Chicago from Pittsburg through misrepresentation, when informed of the true state of affairs, refused to go to work, and demanded transportation back to Pittsburg. They were given orders for the necessary transportation, but on presentation the companies refused to honor them. This was also true in the case of half a dozen men brought in by the Ft. Wayne road.
The scabs on the Chicago & Eastern Illinois, through ignorance and incompetency burned up five engines and wrecked as many more. One splendid new engine was blown up twenty miles from Terre Haute, while en route to Chicago. Yard service was of the worst possible kind.
The Illinois Central was doing no freight business to speak of, in fact the condition of this road was still worse than the Chicago & Eastern Illinois.
The Northwestern shops at Fortieth street, employing over 2300 men, were idle, only about twelve men signifying their willingness to work. The Galena division of this road, while making quite a bluff at handling freight, was not accomplishing very much, as it took them two days to unload a stock train.
The Milwaukee road was doing better, having at work fifteen engines days and fourteen nights, but being manned mostly by green and incompetent men, were not making great headway. In all some 350 cars were gotten out and about 300 received in one day which is very small business for this line.
The Wabash had only one engine at work nights, and this was guarded by a company of troops and about twenty deputy police. They succeeded in breaking down two posts, one at Polk street and another at Taylor street station, causing a damage of some $300 which was all accomplished in one night. The Chicago and Blue Island were now working two engines (this company generally worked ten), manned by scabs, one of whom was a nigger.
A committee man from the Grand Trunk reported that only three men had returned to work.
He said a personal friend of mine, a business man from Valparaiso, and whom I know, is in touch with the Grand Trunk, informed me that a Grand Trunk official had said in his presence that his company could not do business unless they made some kind of a settlement with the switchmen.
Through John Downey and Miles Barrett, of the Switchmen's Mutual Aid Association, a meeting of switchmen was called in a hall at Eden to induce the switchmen to return to work. This meeting was "packed" in order to secure a majority vote in favor of returning but the scheme did not work.
All the officials on the Pan Handle admitted that they could do nothing without the assistance of the old men. They had a few "stake" men whom they were paying $5.00 per day, but not enough to do any business.
At Union Stock Yards all switchmen and assistant yard masters were out, and at the yard of the Street Stable Car Co. out of 300 men only three were at work.
All men at the Burton Stock Car Co., the Canada Cattle Car Co. and the American Life Stock Co.'s yards were out, and refused to work under police protection. At Armour's car shops only nine men returned out of sixty who went on strike, and at Swifts only five out of forty-two. The yard trackmen were all out, as were also the Illinois Central switchmen and the Rock Island machinists and boiler makers.
This was the condition of the strike in Chicago and the same existed in all parts of the strike district. Messages were received from many points saying that only those men who were subservient to the orders of their chiefs had returned to work, and from some points came the news that the strike had gained strength owing to the arrest of President Debs.
The enemies of the American Railway Union had now began a systematic course—as dark and devilish as it was designing—of poisoning the public mind against Debs, who was, so to speak, a gagged prisoner and unable to defend himself.
Such reports as: Mrs. Highenbotham was dying in Montana and Mr. Highenbotham appealed to Mr. Debs to allow her to be brought home by special train and see her friends, and Mr. Debs' brutal answer that not a wheel would turn.
Whole columns of such falsehoods were published and circulated broadcast throughout the land, but not one word was written of the generous acts of this noble hearted man. When he was seen to pause in the most trying moment of his life to listen to the tale of distress and suffering related by a poor widow woman, and going down into his pocket, hand her a five dollar bill, all he had with him, this great and just public press was silent.
Then the blacklisting of ex-employes began, the Missouri Pacific taking the initiatory step. The following certificate given to a yard clerk will speak for itself.
"This is to certify that —— has been employed in the capacity of yard clerk of the Missouri Pacific system from April, 1893 to June, 1894, at which time it was necessary to lay him off on account of a strike in the yards. He applied for work on July 18th, but in the meantime it was learned that he was a member of the American Railway Union and was in sympathy with the strike movement, so we could not re-employ him. His work and conduct up to the time of the strike was perfectly satisfactory.
J. S. Jones,
Terminal Supt."