AN EXECUTIVE OVERSIGHT—POSSIBLY.
We will now detach ourselves from these wearisome figures and more wearisome figuring, using figures only as a sort of garnishment to chief courses served to us by the President and our Postmaster General.
The receipts of the Postoffice Department, as published in its annual reports, were $34,317,440.53 greater for the fiscal year 1910-11 than for the year 1908-9.
Both the President and Mr. Hitchcock are eloquently ebullient because of the appearance of a tender shoot or bud of a surplus in a place where nothing but deficits grew before. But neither of them appears to have boiled over in either message or report to show the people what splendid things have been accomplished in two years with that thirty-four millions of increased revenues. I wonder why? Possibly the failure of ebullition at the point indicated is the result of oversight. Of course, it may have resulted from lack of thermic encouragement or inducement. Or, it may be, that some “induced draft” drew the major part of the thirty-four millions up the smoke-stack without leaving a B. T. U. equivalent under the kettle.
“The Postmaster General recommends, as I have done in previous messages, the adoption of a parcels post, and the beginning of this in the organization of such service on rural routes and in the city delivery service first,” says President Taft.
If the President really has recommended in “previous messages” the “beginning” of a parcels post “experiment” in “the City Delivery Service” such recommendation entirely escaped my notice. A “test” of a parcels post service on rural routes—yes. That was much talked of a year or more since. But of an “experimental test” of an improved parcels post in urban carrier service, little or nothing was said or, if said, it did not make sufficient noise for The Man on the Ladder to hear. However, I presume it is as permissible for the conceptions and concepts of a President to broaden, enlarge and improve as it is for those of a Postmaster General to broaden, enlarge and improve. For that matter, a proportional, if not entirely corresponding thought-expansion may be occasionally noticed in the Department of the Interior as conducted and operated by common, ordinary mortals.
As the parcels post is the subject of a later chapter which is already in type, further consideration here is unnecessary. It may be said, however, that extending the proposed test—any “test”—of a parcels post service to city free delivery routes, instead of confining it to a few “selected” rural routes as Mr. Hitchcock proposed it should be confined in his 1910 report, is a step in the right direction—a step in advance. Still, such a step is but dilatory; is but procrastinating. A cheap, efficient, general parcels post service must come and, now that the people are aroused—aroused as to the criminal wrongs inflicted upon them by a Postoffice Department and a Congress that have acted for thirty or more years as if indifferent to or not cognizant of those wrongs—it must come quickly, unless, of course, it should develop that the people are, really and truly, as big fools as railroad, express companies and certain public officials have treated them as being.
“The commission reports that the evidence submitted for its consideration is sufficient to warrant a finding of the approximate cost of handling and transporting the several classes of second-class mail known as paid-at-the-pound-rate, free-in-county, and transient matter, in so far as relates to the services of transportation, postoffice cars, railway distribution, rural delivery, and certain other items of cost, but that it is without adequate data to determine the cost of the general postoffice service and also what portion of the cost of certain other aggregate services is properly assignable to second-class mail matter.… It finds that in the fiscal year 1908 … the cost of handling and transporting second-class mail matter … was about 6 cents a pound for paid-at-the-pound-rate matter, and for free-in-county, and transient matter, each approximately 5 cents a pound, and that upon this basis, as modified by subsequent deductions in the cost of railroad transportation, the cost of paid-at-the-pound rate matter, for the services mentioned” (I have not mentioned all the “services” enumerated by the President, all being covered in the words “handling and transportation”), “is approximately 5½ cents a pound.” …
That is from the President’s Washington Day message. Can you beat it? Well, it will take a smooth road and some going to do it.
First, it is cheerfully admitted that the Commission (the Hughes Commission) had no “adequate data to determine the cost of the general postoffice service and also what portion of the cost of certain other aggregate services is properly assignable to second-class mail matter,” and then our President proceeds—with equal cheerfulness and smiling confidence (or is it indifference?) to assure us that the Commission proceeded to figure 6 cents a pound as the cost of handling and carriage of paid pound-rate second-class matter and 5 cents a pound as the cost of corresponding service for free-in county and so-called “transient” matter!
Again I ask, can you beat it? If you can, please send me your picture—full size and two views, front and profile. I would derive much pleasure from a look at your front and side elevations. Of course, the President has an official right to a “style” of his own. A “style” of expression, however, cannot be protected by copyright, otherwise, as stated at the opening of this interpolated chapter, President Taft would be guilty of infringement. Other presidents have run into verbose verbosity in expressing themselves. It is an official convenience at times to do so, however ludicrously open of intent or “phunny” it may appear to laymen.
The President, in the paragraph of his message above quoted, recalls two of his “arguments” before the Swedish American Republican League, of Chicago, which arguments I had the honor to hear. In one instance he was flourishing about our ideal of popular government and said: “What we are all struggling for, what we all recognize as the highest ideal in society, is equality of opportunity.… Of course perfect equality of opportunity is impossible,” then why it is impossible followed for a paragraph.
It was so nicely and redundantly redundant, so resilient in phrasing, so honestly earnest, that one just had to go along with our President, whether or not one could see how “the highest ideal in society” could possibly be found in a chase after the “impossible.”
At another point in his kindly persuasive Come-unto-me discourse, he pointed out to us how liable a “majority of the people” is to “make mistakes by hasty action and lack of deliberation.” Then, after a paragraph of beautiful foliage, the President cited the anti-trust law of 1890 as an evidence of the advantages and beneficent results of ample “deliberation” before taking action in matters of “grave import”. He explained that the decision of the Supreme Court was at first “misunderstood, or if not misunderstood, was improperly expressed, so as to discourage those who were interested in the federal power to restrain and break up these industrial monopolies. After twenty years’ litigation the meaning of the act has been made clear by a decision of the Supreme Court, prosecutions have been brought and many of the most dangerous trusts have been subjected to dissolution.”
It was all so fine, so lulling if not luring! It made one feel as if he were lost or had gone to sleep looking for himself. But when in a comfortable seat, in the owl car, where the jostle of the wicked world was so toned down and gentled as to permit a little analytic thought, that beautiful illustration of the value of making haste slowly and of long, careful “deliberation” when acting on matters of vast import recurred to us—that Anti-trust Act.
“After twenty years” careful deliberation, the Supreme Court was able to decide what the act meant! Was able, also, to decide what its own prior decisions meant and prosecutions were then brought and “many of the most dangerous trusts have been subjected to dissolution!”
All of it listened very well, but it don’t stand the wash very well. It is matter of common knowledge that during the twenty years the Supreme Court was industriously trying to find out what the Anti-Trust Act and its own decisions meant, the trust organizers and promoters got away with more than eight billions of unearned values—some set the figure above fifteen billions. The Supreme Court made haste slowly in its “deliberation,” while the respectable get-rich-quick Wallingfords were going after the people’s money and going in high-powered cars with the speed levers pulled clear down. No making haste slowly or duly prolonged deliberation with Wallingfords’.
Then, if one will take the trouble to glance at market quotations of the stocks of any of “those dangerous trusts” which “have been subjected to dissolution,” he will find that they have passed through the trying ordeal of “dissolution” without the turn of a feather. All are smiling. Why should they not? Stock quotations show that Standard Oil is over $250,000,000 better off than before its deliberated judicial dissolution. The Tobacco Wallingfords are also many millions ahead of the game since “dissolution” set in. And “Sugar”—well since the Sugar Trust was “busted” and subjected to the “dissolution” process nearly all its controlled saccharine matter appears to be trickling into its bank account. Similar “most dangerous trusts” show similar evidences of “dissolution” since the Supreme Court processed them.
What has this to do with our immediate subject? Nothing whatever. It is a mere interpolation—with a purpose. Its purpose is to evidence what appears to be a practiced habit with our President—a florescence or foliation similar to that displayed in the quotation I have made from his Washington Day Message. In the quoted paragraph, the reader will observe that he first says the Hughes Commission was “without data to determine the cost” of certain very important factors in the aggregate expense of handling and transporting the mails, and then he immediately proceeds to inform us that the Commission finds that the “cost of handling and carriage of paid-at-the-pound rate matter was about 6 cents a pound,” etc.—a virtual impeachment of the Commission’s finding before the finding is stated.