The History of Pinpurz Kutan
“I was not seven years old, when my father, taking a child’s garment, in value about a quarter of a rupee, and selecting one of the best of our herd, desired me to accompany him to the morrt[16] of Kinōri. This Kinōri had, a month or two before, a daughter born to him. Soon after we had arrived at the morrt, it being understood that Kinōri gladly consented to the propositions which had been made by my father, I was directed to bow myself down, and in the presence of the whole family to ask his foot. This I did; and touching it with my forehead, the buffalo and the garment were presented him, and I was considered to be affianced to his daughter. We remained there for some days, during which period it was agreed upon, what number of kine I was to receive in dower, on my intended spouse coming of age, and we again set out to return to our own morrt. I had no brothers, or they also would have been affianced to my intended, as this was part of the agreement, in case of my father having any more sons born to him. In this case Kinōri’s daughter would have been wife to us in succession as we arrived at manhood, and we should have formed one united family—the supreme authority, however, still resting with me. The next year, my father presented to my intended bride a garment, double in value to the first which he had presented, and in each succeeding year, one proportionately increasing in value. We also sacrificed a buffalo, and presented a kutch[17] on every occasion of a death among any of the relations of my intended’s family, and one also at their obsequies. In case of any accident of the kind in our family, we expected the same to be observed towards us, except the presenting of the kutch, from which my bride’s father was exempted on account of the dower he had to give with her, which would greatly exceed in amount any expense which I could be [[538]]to my father. My father died, and when I had attained man’s estate, I was not pleased with my betrothed; and presenting her father with three kine, the contract was by mutual consent dissolved. Had the reverse been the case, and the bride or her father had declined to allow of consummation, I could have claimed of the latter a fine equal to fifty kine, and till this fine was paid the former could not marry any other. Freed from my contract with my first bride, I sought to affiance myself in a manner more to my own inclinations, and wishing to be connected with the family of my present wife, Pilluvāni, who was then only six years of age, I spoke to her father, and, obtaining his consent, presented her with a garment in value, according to her age, of about a rupee and a half, and a milch buffalo. I continued to present her with a garment every succeeding year; and on the occurrence of a death among any of the relations of her family, and at the obsequies, I always sacrificed a buffalo, and presented the kutch. Pilluvāni was afterwards betrothed to two others, Khakhood and Tūmbŭt. When she had arrived at a certain age, and had for eight days been living with one of her female friends in a dwelling separate from those of the family,[18] intimation was sent to me, and I went to her father’s morrt, that is, Kerjwan’s, her second father, the first one being dead. I was feasted and bedded; and after a few days, Kerjwan, laying on his hands, gave us his blessing, and I returned with my wife to my own morrt, receiving with her in dower four buffalo kine; her father also presented to her on this occasion a pair of ear-rings, a pair of armlets, a necklace, a brazen salver, and five rupees.
“Now, according to our customs, Pilluvāni was to pass the first month with me, the second with Khakhood, and the third with Tūmbŭt; and the two latter, waiting in succession on the father-in-law, were to ask his blessing and claim their privilege in right. I was to give her raiment the first year, Khakhood the second, and Tūmbŭt the third. I had the option of claiming the first three children, Khakhood the second three, and Tūmbŭt the third three; when the option again revolved to me. It was my place to go to her father [[539]]two or three months prior to the birth of a child, and, delivering to him a small piece of wood, which we call a billu,[19] to claim the forthcoming infant, whether male or female, and acknowledge before him and his relations that I would protect and nourish it; and that, whatever might happen, I allowed this to be in satisfaction of one of my claims. On this occasion, also, I was to present him either five or ten rupees, and in return he was to allow me to select, if I presented him five rupees, three; if ten rupees, six of the best kine of his herd. If the child proved a boy he would have to present me with a heifer, and another one also on the birth of each son, but not on the birth of a daughter, as it is supposed that she will soon be betrothed, and that a fortune will accrue to her in that way.
“After the third birth the same observance and privilege would have fallen to Khakhood and Tūmbŭt successively, or if I chose to give up any of my rights the two latter would successively have had choice of adoption, &c., &c. We all three should have been equally bound to protect the whole of the children, to marry, and to give them in marriage; but the superior authority would always have rested with me.
“The case of Pilluvāni and myself, however, was at variance with this custom. We were very fond of one another and determined not to separate. I offered to pay the usual fines, but the other party would not accept of them. I had been unfortunate. A murrain had attacked my herd; the greater part of Korrorr,[20] and which belonged to my fathers, had been forsaken by the Marvs and Cūvs,[21] from the oppression of some of their rulers, and from being a leading man among my own people I was now reduced, but principally by the oppressions of my wife’s relations, to comparative poverty.” [[540]]
[1] The probable rule is that the day must not be a madnol or palinol. [↑]
[2] In cases of polyandry the names of the husbands are enclosed in square brackets. [↑]
[3] See his account at the end of this chapter. [↑]
[4] I use the term ‘fatherhood’ instead of ‘paternity’ because the latter term seems to imply a meaning which does not belong to the Toda notion of ‘father.’ [↑]
[5] For an instance, see p. [535]. [↑]
[6] It will be noticed that I am using the term ‘Levirate’ in a wider sense than that in which it is sometimes employed, for Sargveli was not a childless widow. [↑]
[8] Ter is also used in the sense of ‘fine,’ but is only used when the fine takes the form of a buffalo or buffaloes. A money fine is called saver. [↑]
[9] For an instance in the past see p. [538]. [↑]
[10] For an instance see p. [535]. [↑]
[11] Mokh here means ‘child’ in general, not son. [↑]
[12] For a full account see p. [366]. [↑]
[13] Grigg’s Nilgiri Manual, Appendix, p. lxxiv. [↑]
[14] The definite appearance of jealousy in the history of Kwoten must, however, be noted in this connexion. [↑]
[16] This is evidently the same word as marth, which occurs in [Chapter XIV] as a word for village. [↑]
[17] This is the kach. Harkness states that it was generally a piece of dyed or printed cotton as at present. [↑]
[18] This is a custom of which I failed to obtain any account. [↑]
[19] This is evidently due to misunderstanding of the pursütpimi ceremony. The Tamil word for ‘bow’ is vil. [↑]
CHAPTER XXIII
SOCIAL ORGANISATION
In this chapter I propose to bring together a number of matters connected with the social organisation; to consider the various sections into which the clan is divided for social or ceremonial purposes, the method of government, the laws concerning property and inheritance, and the position of women.
We have already seen that the primary fact in the social organisation of the Todas is the existence of two divisions, the Tartharol and the Teivaliol,[1] and the last chapter has shown that these divisions form endogamous groups, each of which is divided into a number of exogamous septs or clans. In some respects the clan is a definite unit in the social organisation with a certain amount of power in regulating its own affairs, owning property and having in many cases social or religious usages peculiar to itself.