FOOTNOTES
[1] Ἀνάπλους Βοσπόρου, ed. C. Wescher, 1874, p. 5.
[2] Notitia Dignitatum, eds. Pancirolus, Venice, 1602, and Seeck Berlin, 1876. The date given by Seeck for the Notitia is 411-413 A.D.
[3] Ἑλληνικὸς Φιλολογικὸς Σύλλογος; παράρτημα, 1885.
[4] Ed. Bonn, i., p. 494.
[5] Lydus speaks of a fire spreading from the “Forum of Zeuxippus” to that of Constantine (p. 265). The baths of Zeuxippus are placed at the north end of the Hippodrome by Labarte and Mordtmann.
[6] Christodorus, a fifth-century poet.—F. Baumgarten, 1891.
[7] Hist. ed. Bonn, p. 97.
[8] Rawlinson’s Herodotus, 1875, vol. iv., p. 467.
[9] Mordtmann, Esquisse topo. de Constantinople, p. 48 and map.
[10] The Museum of Classic. Antiq. 1857, p. 305. The Capitol was beyond Forum Cons. Lydus speaks of “the porticoes that pass through the city and lead to the Forum of Constantine, and the broad space is screened symmetrically with great and beautiful columns. [Some of] these porticoes are said to have been built by men from Naples and Puteoli who came to Byzantium to please Constantine.” (Ed. Bonn, p. 266.)
[11] Imperium Orientale, Paris, 1711.
[12] Bury, A History of the later Roman Empire (395 A.D. to 800 A.D.), vol. i., p. 57. Mr. Bury, in an excellent review of Paspates’ book in The Scottish Review, Ap. 1894, gives up the position assigned to the Augusteum by that author.
[13] D. Byéljajev, Byzantina, St. Petersburg, 1891, reviewed in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1892, p. 344.
[14] MSS., plans, and descriptions, in the Library of R. Inst. Brit. Architects.
[15] Paspates, The Great Palace, p. 20. Mr. Metcalfe’s translation is intended throughout.
[16] Lib. lxxiv., ch. 10.
[17] Mordtmann, Esquisse, pp. 4 and 5.
[18] Esquisse Top. p. 3.
[19] Zosimus (p. 139) and Lydus (p. 265) say that the Emperor Julian built a Senate. So also according to Sozomen (ii. 3) and the Paschal Chron. did Constantine.
[20] Hist. eccles. lib. vi., ch. xviii.
[21] Ecc. Hist. lib. i., xvii.
[22] Du Cange, Descriptio S. Sophiae, ed. Bonn, p. 62.
[23] Eusebius, De Vita Cons. lib. iv., cap. lviii-lix.
[24] De Vita Cons. lib. iii., cap. xlviii.-xlix.
[25] Eccl. Hist. ii., xvi.
[26] Du Cange, p. 63. He quotes the fifth-century author Idatius.
[27] Ed. Bonn, i., p. 523, and i., p. 530.
[28] Socrates, Hist. Eccl. vi., 18.
[29] Du Cange, § 3.
[30] Pasch. Chron. ed. Bonn, i., p. 572.
[31] Eccl. Hist. ix., 1.
[32] See Tozer’s note, Finlay, vol. i., 45.
[33] Justinian’s church was opened at Christmas.
[34] Art. “Orientirung” in Real Encyklopädie der Christlichen Alterthümer, 1886, based on Mothes’ schedule in Die Basilikenformen, 1865. We hope to show on another occasion that the present church at Bethlehem which points to the east was entirely rebuilt by Justinian. There is no proof that S. George Salonica is older than fifth cent.
[35] Homilies xxvi. and lx.
[36] De Sepulcris Imperatorum, Migne S. G., vol. 157, p. 726.
[37] Migne, p. 674.
[38] Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian Church, vol. iii., p. 120.
[39] Revue Archéologique, vol. iv., p. 659, and Kugler, Geschichte der Baukunst, vol. i., p. 372.
[40] For similar early circular baptisteries see Martigny, Dict. Christ. Antiq.
[41] See Salz., plate xx., figs. 4, 5.
[42] Ibid. p. 19.
[43] Chron. Pasch. ed. Bonn, p. 622.
[44] Zonaras also gives the true date; according to the Byzantine era the year of the world 6040. In Cedrenus it appears as 6008, a copyist’s error in writing ηʼ for μʼ.
[45] Ed. Bonn, p. 338.
[46] Migne, S.L. vol. li., p. 943.
[47] Ed. Bonn, p. 378.
[48] Theo. p. 359.
[49] Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, 1893, p. 42. Ramsay says it could not have been completed until 560. See Historical Geography of Asia Minor, p. 205.
[50] λιθολόγος—really one who picks out and lays stones.
[51] ἁψίς, “a binding together,” used for either an arch or a semidome.
[52] λωρός, “a thong” or a belt.
[53] The author seems here to mistake the piers for the temporary support of the arch while it was being built.
[54] Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. Bonn, vol. i., p. 359.
[55] Chron. Pasch. ed. Bonn, and Zonaras.
[56] Chron. ed. Bonn, p. 369.
[57] Krumbacher, p. 49.
[58] Agathias, lib. v. ed. Bonn, p. 296.
[59] τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ κυρτώματος οἰκοδόμιαν.
[60] Krumbacher, p. 53.
[61] Hist. Eccles. iv., chap. 31.
[62] The dimensions appear so inaccurate that we do not attempt to explain them.
[63] Salz. Alt. Baud.
[64] καὶ κέντρον ἕλειν καὶ σχῆμα χαράξαι.
[65] ἄντυξ, the circular rim of a shield. Used here for the bema-arch.
[66] Column does not stand directly over column.
[67] σφαίρης ἡμιτόμοιο, the ἡμισφαίριον of Agathias and Evagrius. This word is used by Eusebius for the dome of the Holy Sepulchre.
[68] ἔγραφε leaves no doubt that a mosaic cross on the interior is intended, and not, as Salzenberg suggests, a cross on the outside. The full expression for representations in mosaic was καταγράφειν ψηφῖδι: as in Joannes Lydus († 550), De Magistratibus ii. 20, in his description of the palace built by the Praetorian Prefect.
[69] Near Antioch.
[70] A town of Lycia.
[71] ἄνθος, a bud, sprout or flower; hence brightness and bloom generally.
[72] θύρετρος is elsewhere a door. But “twin doors” has no meaning here. See plan.
[73] January; the consuls then entered on their year of office, and wore chitons of gold thread. See Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 22.
[74] This custom at Antioch is mentioned as early as the time of S. John Chrysostom in a sermon on the Baptism of Christ.
[75] ψηφῖδες—pebbles. The usual word for mosaic tesserae.
[76] In Macedonia. The mines are mentioned by Herodotus.
[77] The promontory on the south of Attica. The mines were at Laurium.
[78] πολυγλώσσοιο ὁμίλου, the choir.
[79] νῶτον, a back, and hence, any wide, flat surface.
[80] μύρμηξ, the ant; here the silkworm.
[81] οὐρίαχος. Used in Homer of the butt end of a spear; hence long narrow glass lamps. See our [Fig. 17].
[82] ἐπακτρίς, a small row-boat.
[83] See Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 70.
[84] Called ὀπισθάμβωνος εὐχή, the “back” of the ambo.
[85] Ed. Bonn, p. 74. See also our page [79].
[86] See Nicetas also on our p. [75].
[87] La Messe., Art. “Ambon,” vol. iii., p. 9.
[88] Hopf, Chroniques Gréco-Romanes, p. 96.
[90] Cantacuzenus, Hist. lib. i., chap. 41, ed. Bonn, p. 196.
[91] A shortened form of κεκράκται.
[92] ἡ μεγάλη εἴσοδος, when the Bread and Wine are brought from the table of the prothesis and placed upon the Holy Table, while the Cherubic Hymn is sung in honour of “the King of all, invisibly attended by the spears of the Angelic Hosts.” See Dr. Freshfield’s article in the Archaeologia, vol. xliv., p. 386; he translates a parallel account from Codinus.
[93] A Russian pilgrim describing the coronation of Manuel in the fourteenth century says, “The imperial procession advanced so slowly that it took three hours to walk from the royal door to the thrones.” Soc. de l’Orient Latin, séries géog. vol. v., p. 143.
[94] De Officiis Palatii, chap. xvii., ed. Bonn, p. 87.
[95] In Nicephori Bryennii ... Pauli Silentiarii comment.
[96] Hist. Byz. duplici commentario illustrata.
[97] Introduction to the History of the Eastern Church.
[98] Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 49.
[99] Ed. Bonn, p. 259.
[100] Cons. Porphyr. in Labarte, Pal. Impérial, p. 92.
[102] See Anon. p. [138] below.
[103] The Euchologium, ed. 1647, p. 499, speaks of taking the garments of those about to become conventuals and placing them on or in the “little sea” (thalassidion) of the Holy Table. Here Goarus interprets it as “the hollow recess of the Holy Table,” which seems to have been beneath the table, and used for washing the vessels, like the piscina in the later Latin church.
[104] “ἔλεκτρον or ἀλλότυπον united with glass and fine stones; such is the material of which the Holy Table of S. Sophia is made.” Glossary of Suidas quoted by Labarte in Recherches sur la Peinture en Email, p. 89.
[105] Porphyrogenitus describes the table in the chapel built by Basil the Macedonian as “a mixture of all precious materials placed in order and bound together by fire into a many-coloured mass of surpassing beauty, which is the wonder of all nations.” We also read of “Holy Tables of silver, having gold and precious stones and pearls poured over them, forming a compact union together.”
[106] Hopf, Chroniques Gréco-Romanes.
[107] Nic. Chron. Hist., ed. Bonn, p. 758.
[108] Vera Historia Unionis, Hague, 1660.
[109] A MS. Greek service-book made for Basil II. (976-1025) now in the Vatican Library. A folio was printed from it at Urbino in 1727.
[110] Migne, S. L. vol. 106, p. 610.
[111] Migne, S. L. vol. 106, p. 603.
[112] Pachymeres, de Mich. Pal. ed. Bonn, vol. ii., p. 385.
[113] Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 57.
[114] Texier, Arch. Byz., p. 134.
[115] De Fleury, La Messe, vol. ii. and plate cii.
[116] Du Cange, § 58.
[117] Bingham, Antiq. Christ. Church, vol. iii., p. 123, note.
[118] Ed. Bonn, vol. i., p. 433.
[119] Migne, S. G. Tom. 147, p. 414.
[120] Ed. Bonn., pp. 450 and 697.
[121] Figured in Ongania’s Il Tesoro di San Marco.
[122] Bayet, L’Art Byzantin.
[123] De Fleury, La Messe.
[124] Hopf, Chroniques Gréco-Romanes.
[126] Archaeologia, vol. xxxiv.
[127] Paulinus, describing the church at Nola, writes: “Cum duabus dextra laevaque conchulis intra spatiosum sui ambitum apsis sinuata laxetur, una earum immolanti hostias jubilationis antistiti patet, altera post sacerdotem capaci sinu receptat orantes.” Migne, S.L., vol. 61, p. 337.
[128] Suicerus, Thesaurus Ecclesiasticus verb. Diaconicum.
[130] Cer. pp. 636 and 565.
[131] Du Cange, § 76.
[132] Cer. p. 27. A Holy Well is frequently found in the Prothesis.
[133] Quellen für Byzantischer Kunstgeschichte.
[134] Cer. pp. 17 and 167.
[135] Cer. pp. 157 and 160.
[136] See account of Coronation in previous chapter and of Adoration of Cross below.
[137] On Mount Athos; “the Kanonarches, or master of the choir, prompts the cantors, who sing without books.” A. Riley’s Mount Athos.
[138] The Great Palace, p. 96.
[139] Compare S. Germanus; La Messe, iii., p. 91.
[140] Theoph. Contin., ed. Bonn, p. 333.
[141] Mr. Conway in Art Journal, 1891.
[142] Great Palace, pp. 120, 129.
[143] Vol. iii., p. 321.
[144] Fossati: also Paspates’ Byzantinae Meletai, p. 343.
[145] Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople, p. 160. This idea he may have obtained from Rosweyd’s note to Paulinus (1569), saying fountains in front of churches were succeeded by lustral vases placed at the vestibule of the temple. “The rim of such a one seems to be figured in Gruter, p. 1046, with an inscription which was selected from the Anthology, as is shown by Rigaltius. This line was [also] written on the sepulchre of St. Diomede.”
[146] Paciaurdi 1758, De sacris Balneis, tab. vi.
[147] Ed. Bonn, vol. i., p. 262.
[148] E. Muntz, Tapisserie.
[149] Ed. Bonn, p. 402 and p. 894.
[150] Cer. I., p. 591.
[151] Soc. Orient. Latin, séries Géographique, vol. v. 1889, p. 143.
[152] See E. Muntz, Tapisserie, and M. F. Michel, Recherches sur ... des étoffes de Soie.
[153] Jahrbuch des Vereins von alterthumsfreunden in Rheinlande, 1892, p. 224.
[154] Across the Jordan.
[155] See Paspates and Salz.
[156] Ed. Bonn, vol. i., p. 182.
[157] Vol. i., p. 801.
[158] Sigillographie de’ l’Empire Byzantin. The seal of the church itself represents Justinian and the Virgin or Theodora supporting the building. Cp. Lenormant, Revue Numismatique, 1864, p. 268, pl. xii.
[159] Explicatio Officiorum sanctae ac magnae Ecclesiae, Auctore incerto a Bernardo Medonio edita, 1655. A Tupikon or Ritual Book of S. Sophia has been recently found at Patmos: Byz. Zeit., 1893.
[160] Cantacuzenus, Bonn, ii., p. 15.
[161] Cedrenus, vol ii., p. 609.
[162] Pal. Pil. Text. Soc.
[163] In the Ceremonies, book ii., we read that the three crosses kept in the palace were anointed by the protopapas with balsam, before being shown. Ed. Bonn, p. 549.
[164] Ed. Bonn, p. 125.
[165] κατηχούμενα, a “place for instruction,” used both of upper and lower aisles.
[166] The college with a provost (didaskalos) and twelve fellows was between S. Sophia and the Chalkoprateia (see Bury, ii., p. 433), and therefore according to Mordtmann north of S. Sophia. Descending steps are only found in the north porch, and this is conclusive against Labarte and Paspates, who saw in the Didaskalion a mere passage attached to the south side of the church. Paschalia are the tables of Easter.
[167] At this time more than one “life-giving cross” was kept at the palace and occasionally taken to S. Sophia. Cerem. 549.
[168] Ed. Bonn, p. 14.
[169] Drapeyron, L’Empereur Heraclius, 279.
[170] Fortunatus celebrated its acceptance by a hymn.
[171] J. of Ephesus, ed. R. P. Smith, 140.
[172] Figured in Molinier’s L’Emaillerie, Paris, 1891.
[173] Figured in Schlumberger’s Nicephorus Phocas.
[174] See Ongania, Il Tesoro, Fig. 33 and p. 102.
[175] Riant, Ex. Sac. C.P., vol. ii., p. 213.
[176] Paspates, Byzantinae Meletae, p. 285.
[177] Des Dépouilles Religieuses enlevées à Constantinople au xiii siècle par les Latins, 1875, and the fuller work, Exuviae Sacrae Constantinopolitanae, 1877.
[178] Soc. Orient Latin. Séries Géog., vol. v.
[179] Alluded to on a single page of MS. in the British Museum (Cott. Claud. iv.)
[180] In the reign of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, see Ceremonies, vol. ii., ch. xv.
[181] The French translation has Diakonikon: Riant, in Exuv. Sacrae, C.P. says “smaller sanctuary:” the Anon. says skeuophylakium.
[182] This must be the same as Robert de Clari’s “buhotiaous” fastened to the ring of the great door of S. Sophia.
[183] I.e., the iconoclasts, of whom a number of stories are told by the Russian pilgrims.
[184] See this story in Golden Legend, “Exaltation of the Cross.”
[185] Lazarus was a martyr in the cause of image-worship. See Bayet, L’art Byzantin.
[186] Cedrenus, ii., p. 609. Irene gave a cross “distinguished for its pearls”: Theo. Cont., p. 703.
[187] Ongania, Il Tesoro di San Marco, pp. 57, 59. Rohault de Fleury, La Messe.
[188] Exuviae Sacrae Constantinopolitanae.
[190] Theoph. Contin., ed. Bonn, p. 211.
[191] Ibid., Life of Basil, ch. 79.
[192] La Messe, vol. vi., p. 78.
[193] See fig. in Byz. Zeitschrift, 1893, p. 142.
[194] In the [figure 18] the attachment for the chain is shown at A, the chain of monograms is taken from Rossi, B shows the provision for the chains in the last example ([Fig. 17]), where there is a slight mistake, the alternate piercings in the rim being crosses as here shown.
[195] Adapted from a photographic view in A. Riley’s Mountain of the Monks.
[196] Du Cange.
[197] Lib. iii. This was at Milan.
[198] For this and other lamps see especially La Messe and Il Tesoro.
[199] A. Riley, Mountain of the Monks.
[200] P. 154.
[201] Constantinopolis und aer Bosporus, vol. i., pp. 36-44.
[202] The images were restored in S. Sophia on the 19th of February. Pagi. Critica in Universos Annales Baronii, vol. iii., p. 587.
[203] Goar’s Euchologium, 1647, p. 560.
[204] Cons. Porph. Life of Basil, ch. 79.
[205] Leo Diaconus, ed. Bonn, p. 176.
[206] Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 35.
[207] Paspates, Byzantinae Meletae.
[208] Pachymeres, ed. Bonn, i., p. 172.
[209] Hist. Byzan., ed. Bonn, p. 273.
[210] Ed. Bonn, lib. iv., p. 29.
[211] Nicephorus Gregoras, p. 749.
[212] Cantacuz., ed. Bonn, p. 30.
[213] Compare Tozer’s Turkey, i. 97. He says Constantinople is still constantly called “the City” all over the Levant.
[214] Gyllius reports a similar story.
[215] Wright’s Early Travels in Palestine.
[216] “Constantine, the last emperor of the Greeks.”
[217] Brit. Mus. MSS. Add. 6,417.
[218] Salzenberg, Altchristliche Baudenkmale.
[219] Relation d’un Voyage de Constantinople, 1680.
[220] MS. Harl., 3,408.
[221] From Originum Rerumque Constantinopolitarium, variis auctoribus, manipulus, F. Franciscus Combefis, Paris, 1664. The same anonymous description is also given by Banduri, Imperium Orientale, ed. 1711, vol. i.
[222] Evidently meant for lower aisles.
[223] If this interpretation can be accepted for στοαί.
[224] Bricks stamped with long inscriptions of this kind were frequently used: one from Sirmium is mentioned in Byzantinische Zeitschrift for 1894, p. 222: “O Lord Christ, help this city, keep off the Avars and guard Romania and him who writes this, Amen.”
[225] This may mean the thickness of the marble wall lining in some places gilt—if it has a meaning.
[226] σειζαὶ, a network, studded with jewels, suspended from processional crosses, and from the sides of crowns, see [Fig. 15].
[227] Reading ἐπὶ for ἀντί.
[228] βοτρυιδόν, “like bunches of grapes.”
[229] φίνες, Graecised form of the Latin fines.
[230] Quoted in Ibn Batuta, Orient. Trans. Socy.
[231] Du Cange, notes on Bondelmontius.
[232] Glycas, Annalium, Pars V., ed. Bonn, p. 498.
[233] Du Cange, op. cit.
[234] Hopf, Chroniques Gréco-Romanes, Berlin, 1873, p. 67.
[235] Altchristliche Baudenkmale von Constantinopel, published by the Prussian Government, Berlin 1854, with metrical version of the Silentiary’s poem by Dr. Körtum.
[236] Salzenberg here suggests that these formerly supported equestrian statues. See his plates ix.-xii. and compare our [fig. 29].
[237] Salz. xx., figs. 9 and 10.
[238] All dimensions in this chapter are in Prussian feet, 100 of which = 103 English.
[239] See Salz., plate vi.
[240] Salz., plate vii.
[241] Salz., plates vii., viii., and illustration of stairs in text.
[242] Salz., plate vi.
[243] Ibid., plate xx.
[244] Only a short time was allowed to Salzenberg for its examination. He was convinced it was not a baptistery, but gives no reasons.
[245] Salz., plate xviii., figs. 9, 13.
[246] Salz., plate vi.
[247] Salz., plate vii.
[248] Salz., plate vi.
[249] Salz., plates vi., x.
[250] It is probable, writes Salzenberg, that originally the buttress masses reached only up to the roof of the gynaeceum, level with the springing of the great arches; as Cedrenus describes how Justinian, at the restoration after the fall of the dome, made outside the building, in the neighbourhood of the main piers, above the roof of the gynaeceum four staircases, “cochleas” which reached up to the dome “to strengthen the vaulting.” Theophanes also speaks of new piers which Justinian erected to strengthen the dome. The circumstances mentioned by Procopius seem to indicate that the abutments of the great arches were not sufficient. See our chap. [x]., § 1, for another interpretation.
[251] These Salzenberg thought later additions, “for the stone projections are not bonded to the piers, and the Silentiary says columns stood in these positions.” We do not so interpret the lines of the poem, and, although Choisy here follows Salzenberg, it is impossible to see, if there were additions subsequent to the completion of the building, how it is that the perfectly symmetrical disposition of the marble panelling shows no disturbance, and the beautiful carved cornice which mitres round these projections has had no additions made to it (our [Fig. 47]). The straight joints, which Choisy in another place specially notes as a method of Byzantine building, were here most wisely applied; for on one side the great pier was of stone, and on the other the buttress pier is of brick.
[252] Salzenberg conjectures from Agathias that these arches were a later addition made when the dome was restored by Justinian. But without them, as he remarks, there would not have been originally a square base for the circle of the dome. See explanation of original form, p. [210].
[253] Salzenberg assumes from Paulus that “the dome was surmounted by a cross”: the cross was of mosaic inside.
[254] See Salz., plate x. The right-hand side is a section through one of the domical vaults, and the left through the barrel-vault which connects two domical vaults. The plans, plates vi. and vii., and the section plate xi., show how close some of the columns stand to the piers, to which they are joined by small barrel-vaults, intersecting the domical vaulting.
[255] A mistake for vertical circles; the large number of cisterns where the vaults are uncovered make this certain. See our p. [221].
[256] Salz., plate xxiv.
[257] Salz., plate xxiii.
[258] See figure in Salzenberg’s text.
[259] Salz., plate xi.
[260] Preparation for the gold.
[261] Salzenberg’s plate xv., fig. 6. The inclination of the sides of that shown is much exaggerated, if in any case it exists.
[262] Salz., plate xvi., fig. 1, 5.
[263] Plate xvi., figs. 5, 6.
[264] Salz., plate xvii., figs. 12 and 13. Fig. 14 gives the base, fig. 2 a complete column.
[265] Salz., plate xv., figs. 7, 8.
[266] See Salz., plate xv., figs. 1, 4, 5 for lower cornice; plate xvi., 2 and 3 for upper, figs. 3, 4 for dome cornice, fig. 9 aisle cornice. This last, says Salzenberg, “is mended in many places with gypsum, and comes from an earlier building.” We do not know what earlier building could have furnished a quarter of the quantity used in S. Sophia. Is it possible that the whole of it is of gypsum? (See our chapter [xii].) The marble skirtings are shown on plates xv. and xvi.
[267] In a note Salzenberg draws attention to Paulus speaking of eight windows in this wall, and conjectures that instead of the five upper windows there was one large opening here.
[268] Salz., plate xx., fig. 4. Fig. 6 is a capital that was found on one of the four parapet posts, and removed at the “restoration”; fig. 7 was not found in S. Sophia; fig. 8 was an isolated capital in north aisle; figs. 9-11 show upper mouldings to the piers of the propylaeum.
[269] Salz., plate xx., fig. 12 shows the underside of the beam in the middle of the west gynaeceum; fig. 15 is the side, and fig. 16 the underside of one in the south gynaeceum; figs. 13 and 14, one in the north gynaeceum.
[270] Salz., plate xiv.
[271] Plate xvii., figs. 1-7.
[272] See Salz., plate xvii. Fig. 3 is the upper capital, fig. 4 the lower, figs. 5 and 6 the base, and fig. 7 the under side of the architrave. Figs. 8, 9, 10 are details of large west window.
[273] Salz., plate xviii.
[274] Plate xviii., figs. 10-14.
[275] See plates vi. and xi.
[276] Salz., plate iii., fig. 7.
[277] Salz., plate xix.
[278] See Salz., plate ix.
[279] Salz., plate xvi., fig. 4.
[280] Salz., plate xvi.
[281] Salz., plates xxi., xxii. Plate xxii., fig. 1 shows the upper frieze and the panels beneath.
[282] Salz., plate xxi., fig. 18, and our [fig. 9].
[283] Bury, vol. ii., 202.
[284] J. of Ephesus wrote circa 590, R. Payne Smith’s translation.
[285] See also Rambaud, Revue des Deux Mondes, Aug. 1871.
[286] See plan and view in Strzygowski und Forchheimer, Die Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel.
[287] Imperium Orientale, p. 664.
[288] See Ancien Plan de Constantinople imprimé entre 1566 et 1574, avec Notes explicatives par Caedicius, 1890.
[289] Ed. 1562, p. 91.
[290] Hakluyt Society, 1859, p. 34.
[291] Migne, S.G. vol. 133, p. 695.
[292] Texier figured in the Revue Archéologique, 1845, a small fountain found near the hippodrome to which it probably formerly belonged.
[293] Nicetas, ed. Bonn, p. 857.
[294] An organ is shown on the sculptured base of the obelisk of Theodosius.
[295] MS. Mus. Brit., Sloane 2742, xvi. c.
[296] Procopius.
[297] Hakluyt Soc., p. 36.
[298] Nuremberg Chronicle.
[299] Constantinopolis Christiana, lib. i., ch. xxiv.
[300] La Syrie Centrale, p. 75.
[301] Ed. Bonn, p. 307 et seq.
[302] Nicetas, p. 733.
[303] Quoted by Buzantios.
[304] Ceremonies, appendix ad lib. i., p. 502.
[305] Ed. Bonn, v., p. 266.
[306] Hakluyt Soc. series.
[307] Anna Comnena also speaks of the houses of the Great Church.
[308] See Curtis, Broken Bits of Byzantium, part 2.
[309] Paspates, p. 40.
[310] See Curtis, Broken Bits of Byz., part 2.
[311] It may be mentioned that an Italian cantharus, or font, of the twelfth century, in the possession of Mr. Brindley, has the Latinised form of the same word in an inscription around its rim which reads
Artificum summus cui nullus in orbe secundus Hunc luterem clarum sollerer sculpsit aquae....
[312] Quoted by Paspates, Byzan. Mel. Note on p. 340.
[313] Lanciani, Pagan and Christ. Rome.
[314] Labarte, Pal. Imp.
[315] Pachymeres de Michael Palaeol., ed. Migne, p. 703. See also Du Cange, S. Sophia, § 22.
[316] Inscriptiones Antiquae totius orbis Romani.
[317] Grelot is vague in regard to it. Banduri understood him to mean that the inscription was on the inner water vessels. The Greek patriarch Constantios accepts it as having belonged to the Phiale. Buzantios wildly says baptistery.
[318] An inscrip. in Baptistery Florence, reads—
EN GIRO TORTE SOL CICLOS ET ROTOR IGNE.
[319] See p. [84] and Kraus for other similar inscriptions.
[320] The first, he says, “stands by the entrance to an old Bagno,” it was 4′ 3½″ in diameter. “The second stands in the midst of the cistern in the square court of the supposed St. John’s Church.” This was 2′ 6″ in diameter.
[321] Migne, Pat. Cur. Com. Series Graeca, vol. i.
[322] Euchologium, ed. 1647, p. 463.
[323] Ed. 1647, p. 560.
[324] Relation Nouvelle d’un Voyage de Constantinople.
[325] In [Fig. 29] we have followed his drawings disregarding his estimate of height.
[326] Curtis, Broken Bits of Byz., Part II.
. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . .
. . .
[328] See P. D. Kouppas, The Building of Byzantine Churches. Ἑλλην. Φιλολ. Συλλ. παραρ. vol. 20-22, p. 38.
[329] For gold tesserae of second cent. see Bull. Soc. des Ant., 1893, p. 76.
[330] Eastern Palestine Memoirs, 1889, p. 172.
[332] From the Hellenic Society’s supplement to their journal.
[333] See also Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 1894.
[334] The inscription states that the work was done while Paul was archbishop. And—
ΜΗΝΙΝΟΕΜΒΡΙΩΙΝΔΙΚΤΙΟΝΙΤΕΤΑΡΤΗΕΤΟΥϹ ΑΠΟΚΤΙϹΕΩϹΚΟϹΜΟΥϲ̣
The vital numerals were defaced, but there seemed no doubt that the last fragment was a part of S (6000) and as the writer states that there was only room for one more letter, SΔ or 6004 (495) is the only year that will fit the fourth indiction. “The architect Bubroff is about to show that the church was built in the fifth century.”
[335] A book on mechanics (περὶ παραδόξων μηχανημάτων) has been ascribed to Anthemius.
[336] Procopius in Pal. Pilg. Text., p. 48.
[337] Lib. xiii., tit. iv.
[338] Edit. by Waddington, p. 18.
[339] Giacomo Boni, Il Duomo di Parenzo, in Archivio Storico dell’Arte, 1894, p. 5.
[340] Migne, S.G., vol. xxxvii., p. 1090.
[341] There is no doubt about these arches being truly pointed. They were drawn so by Dr. Covel about 1675, they appear so in the careful engraving in Miss Pardoe’s Bosphorus, and these are fully confirmed by Strzygowski and Forchheimer, Die Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel, pp. 12 and 71. The use of the pointed arch in the east is probably an unbroken tradition from early days in Egypt.
[342] Die Wasserbehälter, p. 130, &c.
[343] 1799, p. 236.
[344] Journal of Roy. Inst. Brit. Archts., Jan. 1893.
[345] See also p. 247, 1892, for the conditions of stability of dome of S. Sophia.
[346] Ἑλλην. Φιλολ. Συλλ. παραρ. vol. xx., 1892.
[347] P. 485.
[348] Die Byzantinischen Wasserbehälter, p. 22.
[349] In another place Covel gives the following. Lukium—unslaked lime, burnt brick (both in a fine powder), cotton wool very fine pulled and strewed on, linseed oil. Cistern plaister—Lime, burnt brick, cotton or flax, water [use] almost dry, smooth it and saturate with oil.
[350] Blasii Caryophili opusculum de antiquis marmoribus, 1743.
[351] Trattato delle pietre antiche, 1833.
[352] Ancient Art.
[353] Chronologie von Egypten, p. 365.
[354] Revue des deux Mondes, 1841.
[355] In MS. notes lent by Mr. Brindley.
[356] Histor. Geography of Asia Minor, p. 433.
[357] See Boni, who corrects Corsi, in La Basilica di San Marco.
[358] Ἑλλην. Φιλ. Συλλ. παραρ. 1885, p. 10.
[359] Mittheilungen, etc., Arch. Inst. Athens, 1889, xiv. 286.
[360] Mr. Brindley has shown us a photograph of a half worked Byzantine column with a flat necking, still attached in a horizontal position to the rock on its underside while the upper part is rounded.
[361] Η. Κωνσταντινουπολις, p. 500.
[362] Survey of Western Palestine, vol. iii., p. 357.
[363] Walsh, A Residence at Constantinople, “Errata” to p. 80.
[364] Ἑλλην. Φιλ. Συλλ. παραρ., vol xvi., 1885, p. 34.
[365] See Bayet, L’Art Byzantin.
[366] A.M. 5508 of Byzantine chronology coincides with A.D. 1 up to September 1st. Indictions were cycles of fifteen years commencing in 312 A.D. Both the years of the world and the Indictions began on September 1st.
[367] Ἑλλην. Φιλολ. Συλλ. παραρ., vol. xvi., p. 30.
[368] Essai sur la Chronologie Byzantine.
[369] Finlay, vol. i., p. 165.
[370] Mordtmann, p. 36.
[371] Shown in Salzenberg’s plate.
[372] Η. Κωνσταντινουπολις, vol. i. p. 500
[373] Curtis, Broken Bits of Byz., part ii.
[374] Le Bosphore et Constantinople, 1873.
[376] See Salz., plate xxiii. Fig. 2 is one of the tympana, the centre one has figures: fig. 3 transverse arches; fig. 5 soffite of a window.
[377] Salzenberg’s plate xxiv. gives details of the lower aisles.
[378] Fig. 2 is the barrel vault near the window; fig. 3 arches and vault adjoining; fig. 6 the intrados of the arches opening to the nave; fig. 7 a pattern of the west gynaeceum.
[379] Plate xxvi., fig. 6.
[380] See fig. 3 for this cornice, the band beneath, and the edges of the great arches.
[381] Fig. 7 gives the borders of the windows in semidomes.
[382] Salz., plate xxvii.
[383] Salz. xxxii., fig. 4.
[384] Salz., plate xxviii.
[385] Salz., plate xxix.
[386] Reading ΚΥΡΙΕ.
[387] Salz., plate xxx.
[388] The figure of Jeremiah at S. Clemente, Rome, bears the same inscription.
[389] Salz., plate xxv., fig. 3.
[390] Salz., plate xxii.
[391] Salz., plate xxxi.
[392] Salz., plate xxxi.
[393] Salz., plate xxxi., fig. 7.
[394] Ibid. fig 8.
[395] Arts Industriels.
[396] Hist. of Painting, vol. i., p. 234.
[397] Recherches.
[398] Bury, vol. ii. 432.
[399] R. Walsh, Essays on Ancient Coins, &c., 1828, gives the Greek.
[400] American Journ. Archæol., iv. 143.
[401] Theoph. Cont. ed. Bonn, p. 99.
[402] A composition of this kind at Parenzo appears to go up to the sixth or seventh century.
[403] See Diehl in Byz. Zeits., 1893.
[404] Il Tesoro.
[405] Pératé, Archéol. Chrétienne, with figure, p. 265.
[406] Relievi storico artistici sulla architettura Bizantina.
[407] See [note] above the index.
[408] Il Duomo di Parenzo, p. 26.
[409] Middleton, Anc. Rome, i. 31.
[410] See Labarte, Arts Indust., vol. iii., p. 331.
[411] Boni, Il Duomo di Parenzo, pp. 4, 5.
[412] Stones of Venice, I., xxiii., 13.
[413] Ἑλλην. Φιλ. Συλλ. παραρ., vol. xvi., 1885, p. 13.
[414] In our illustration the same capital is distinguished by a letter, the two sides by 1 and 2, the monograms reading in the direction of the reference to their position. Those of “N. Aisle” for instance read from left side of page.
[415] Two varieties of monograms on capitals at S. Mark’s have been the subject of much study which Cattaneo sums up in Boïto’s text of the great monograph on S. Mark’s, but they have never been deciphered. One (see Photos, vol. ii., p. 127) is a perfect example of Justinian; three which show in capitals of the upper stage south side are perfect examples of Basileos—if corresponding monograms probably on the hidden sides of these capitals are examined, they too may be found to contain the Justinian monogram. For monograms at S. Sergius see Byz. Zeit. for 1894.
[416] In L’Art de Bâtir and Revue Archéologique, 1876.
[417] Die Wasserbehälter von Konstantinopel, p. 245.
[418] Curtis, Broken Bits of Byzantium, pt. ii.
[419] Ἑλλ. Φιλ. Συλλ. παραρ., vol. xvi. p. 29.