APPENDIX.

[Vide ante, p. 415 note.]

ON THE LETTER TO CÆSARIUS (Chrys. Op. vol. iii. p. 755).

The history of this letter, and the controversy connected with it, are curious and interesting. Peter Martyr transcribed a Latin translation of it, which he found in a manuscript at Florence, carried it with him to England, and deposited it in the library of Archbishop Cranmer. After Cranmer’s death, and the dispersion of his library, the letter disappeared. Peter Martyr had not stated the source from which he had derived it, and, therefore, when the assailants of the doctrine of Transubstantiation wished to make use of it, their opponents always maintained that it did not exist. In 1680, however, Emericus Bigotius discovered a copy in the library of St. Mark’s Convent, at Florence, probably the same which Peter Martyr, himself a Florentine, had transcribed. Emericus appended it to his edition of Palladius’s “Life of Chrysostom,” and in his preface endeavoured to vindicate its authenticity; but the Doctors of the Sorbonne suppressed the letter, and such portions of the preface as related to it. Emericus, however, had retained in his own possession some of the entire copies after they were printed, before they came into the licenser’s hands. The translation was published by Stephanus Le Moyne in 1685, by Jacob Basnage in 1687, and in 1689 by Harduin, a Jesuit, who strenuously maintained the Roman Catholic interpretation of the passage on the Eucharist. Montfaucon adopted Harduin’s version of it, annexing a few fragments in the Greek, picked out of Anastasius and John Damascene.

John Damascene, Anastasius, and Nicephorus refer to the letter as authentic, nor does Harduin venture to dispute it; but there are several points of evidence which seem to mark it as belonging to a later age than that of Chrysostom. It is not quoted before Leontius, in the latter part of the sixth century, although it might usefully have been employed against the Eutychians. There are expressions in it which were not in common use till after Cyril of Alexandria had employed them against Nestorius. The language generally is that of one who had lived in the midst of the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, and the style of the Greek fragments, as well as the tone of the Latin translation, are extremely unlike Chrysostom’s manner: the sentences are abrupt and rugged, and a kind of scholastic, dogmatic tone pervades the whole composition. The general scope of the letter is clear: it is to maintain the doctrine of the two natures under one person in Jesus Christ, against the heresy of the Apollinarians; or, if we accept the theory of Montfaucon, the intention of the author, living in the time of the Eutychian heresy, was to strike a blow at that by forging a letter supposed to be addressed by Chrysostom to a friend, warning him against Apollinarian errors, which had much in common with the Eutychian. The passage in which the writer illustrates his position by a reference to the Holy Eucharist has been construed by Roman Catholics and Protestants in a sense agreeable to their own views on the subject. The writer has been labouring to prove that there were two distinct natures in the one person of God the Son Incarnate, and he proceeds as follows:—“Just as the bread before consecration is called bread, but when the Divine grace sanctifies it through the agency of the priest it is liberated from the appellation of bread, and is regarded as worthy of the appellation of the Lord’s body, although the nature of bread remains in it, and we speak not of two bodies, but one body of the Son; so here, the Divine nature being seated in the human body, the two together make up but one Son, one Person.”


[FOOTNOTES:]

[1] In the case of Savonarola such a want has now been fairly well supplied by Villari and other writers. For a good portrait of Erasmus, see “Erasmus, his Life and Character,” by Robert Blackley Drummond, B.A. 2 vols., 1873.

[2] “That godly clerk and great preacher” is the description of him in the English Homilies, Hom. i.

[3] “Remains,” vol. iii. Letters to Dr. Woodward and Mrs. Hannah More.

[4] Wall, on Infant Baptism, endeavours to prove that she was a Pagan, in order to account for the delay in Chrysostom’s baptism, but his reasons are far from convincing.

[5] De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. 5.

[6] Julian: Misopogon, p. 363.

[7] Epist. 1057.

[8] Epist. ad viduam jun., vol. i.

[9] Ibid. p. 601.

[10] Adv. Oppug. Vit. Monast. lib. iii. c. 11.

[11] Liban. de fortuna sua, pp. 13-137.

[12] See concluding Chapter.

[13] See concluding Chapter.

[14] Quoted by Isidore of Pelusium, lib. ii. ep. 42.

[15] Sozomen, viii. c. 2.

[16] Isidore Pel., lib. ii. ep. 42; De Sacerdot. i. c. 4.

[17] Gibbon, iii. 52, note; Milman’s edition.

[18] Gibbon, iii. 53; for an account of the character of lawyers at this period see Amm. Marcellinus, lxxx. c. 4.

[19] As Socrates, book vi. chap. 3, has done.

[20] De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. 1.

[21] De Sacerdot. c. iii.

[22] See references in Bingham, vol. iii. b. xi. Wall, vol. ii.

[23] Basil: Exhort. ad Baptismum; Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 40 de Bapt.; Nyssen, de Bapt.; Chrysost. in Acta Apost. vol. ix. hom. i. in fine, and in Illumin. Catechesis, vol. ii. p. 223.

[24] Philostorgius, ii. 7; Socrates, i. 23; Theod. i. 21.

[25] Socr. i. 24; Theod. i. 22.

[26] Athanas. Hist. Arian. 20, 21; Theod. ii. 9, 10.

[27] Socr. ii. 26; he had been deposed from the rank of presbyter because he was a eunuch, in accordance with the provision of the Council of Nice, c. i. Labbe, i. p. 28.

[28] Sozom. iii. 20; Theod. ii. 24.

[29] Sozom. iv. 12-16; Theod. ii. 26. In consequence of an earthquake at Nice, it was removed to Seleucia in Isauria.

[30] Rufin. i. 21; Socr. ii. 36, 37; Sozom. iv. 19; Jerome c. Lucif. 18, 19.

[31] Socr. ii. 42, 43.

[32] Sozom. iv. 28.

[33] Theod. ii. 31; Sozom. iv. 28.

[34] Socr. ii. 45.

[35] The Arian Bishop George having been murdered by the Pagan population, Socr. iii. 5.

[36] Rufin. i. 27; Socr. iii. 6; Sozom. v. 12.

[37] Chrysost. Hom. in Matt. 85, vol. vii. p. 762.

[38] Chrysost. Hom. in Melet.

[39] Tillemont, viii. 374.

[40] Greg. Nazian., Orat. de Bapt. 40; Chrysost. Ep. 132, ad Gemellum.

[41] Tertullian is the first who mentions it; de Prescript. c. 41.

[42] Just. Nov. cxxiii. c. 13.

[43] Quoted in Bingham, vol. i. p. 378.

[44] Conc. Carth. iv. c. 8; Labbe, vol. ii.

[45] Vide quotations in Suicer, Thesaur. sub verbo φιλοσοφία.

[46] De Sacerdot. i. c. 4.

[47] Ibid. c. 3.

[48] Ibid. c. 5.

[49] For the oppressive manner in which taxes were collected see Gibbon, iii. 78 et seq., Milman’s edit.

[50] De Sacerdot. i. c. 6.

[51] Ibid. vi. c. 12.

[52] Socr. vi. c. 3.

[53] Ibid. vi. 3.

[54] In Facund. Hermiana, Pro Def. trium capit., lib. iv. c. 2, in Gall. and bibl. patr. xi. p. 706.

[55] Chrysost. Hom. in Diodor., vol. iii. p. 761.

[56] Socr. vi. 3.

[57] Niceph. σειρά, vol. i. pp. 524 and 436.

[58] Ibid. vol. i. p. 80.

[59] Leont. Byzant. contra Nestor., et Eutych. lib. iii., in Basnage, Thesaur. monum. i. 592.

[60] C. 2-5.

[61] I. c. 8, 9.

[62] C. 9.

[63] C. 10.

[64] Theod. i. c. 11, in initio.

[65] C. 11.

[66] C. 13.

[67] C. 14.

[68] C. 17.

[69] C. 16 and 19.

[70] C. 19.

[71] C. 3.

[72] C. 5.

[73] Tillemont maintains that the Theodore to whom the first letter is addressed must have been a different person from the fellow-student of Chrysostom and eventual Bishop of Mopsuestia, but he stands alone in this opinion, and his reasons for it seem inadequate.—Till. xi. note vi. p. 550.

[74] Possid. Vit. August. c. iv.

[75] Sulp. Sever. Vit. St. Martin. lib. i. p. 224. The affectation of reluctance to be consecrated became a fashion in the Coptic Church. The patriarch-designate of Alexandria is at this day brought to Cairo, loaded with chains, as if to prevent his escape.—Stanley, Eastern Church, lect. vii. p. 226.

[76] C. 5. This word may refer to the bishops or the people. Ambrose calls the people his “parentes,” because they had elected him bishop.—Comment. in Luc. l. viii. c. 17.

[77] μειράκια; vide note at end of Chapter.

[78] I. c. 5.

[79] C. 7.

[80] C. 6.

[81] C. 8.

[82] C. 9.

[83] The words priest and bishop are employed, in the following translations and paraphrases, to correspond with ἱερεὺς and ἐπίσκοπος, which are used in the original without much apparent distinction. Chrysostom is speaking of the priesthood generally, and it is not easy to say which Order he has in his mind at any given moment.

[84] II. c. 2.

[85] III. c. 1, 2, 5.

[86] III. c. 4.

[87] III. 5.

[88] III. 9, 10.

[89] Lamprid. Vita Alex. Sev. c. 45. Paris edit.

[90] Cyprian, Epis. 52.

[91] Ammian. Marcell. lib. xxvii. c. 3. Socrat. lib. iv. c. 29. See a multitude of evidence carefully collected on this subject in Bingham, vol. i. b. iv. ch. 2.

[92] III. 15.

[93] Comp. in Act. Apost. Hom. iii. 5. “Men now aim at a bishopric like any secular office. To win glory and honour among men we peril our salvation.... Consuls and prefects do not enjoy such honour as he who presides over the Church. Go to court, or to the houses of lords and ladies, and whom do you find foremost there? no one is put before the bishop.”

[94] III. c. 14.

[95] III. 16.

[96] III. 17.

[97] IV. c. 3-5 and c. 9.

[98] V. c. 1-4.

[99] V. c. 5.

[100] V. c. 6, 7.

[101] V. c. 8.

[102] VI. c. 1.

[103] VI. c. 4.

[104] VI. c. 6-8.

[105] VI. c. 12.

[106] VI. c. 13.

[107] Which is the date assigned by Socrates, vi. 3.

[108] As stated by Palladius, at least in the Latin translation by Ambrose Camaldulensis.

[109] Zosimus, lib. iv. 13-15. Ammian. Marcell. xxix. c. i.

[110] In Act. Apost. Hom. 38, in fine.

[111] Cyril. Catech. x. n. 19. Athanas. Synopsis.

[112] Euseb. lib. vi. c. 11. Clemens Alex., Hom., Quis Dives salvetur?

[113] Vide Epiphan. 69. Hæres. n. i., whence it appears that Laura, or Labra, was the name of an ecclesiastical district in Alexandria.

[114] Theod. Lector. II. l. c. col. 102-104.

[115] Jerome, Ep. 77, 5; Ambrose, de Virgin. i. 10, 11.

[116] Baron. 398, 49-52; Giesel. I. 251.

[117] Sozom. iii. 14; Sulp. Severus.

[118] At Stridon, on the frontiers of Pannonia and Dalmatia.

[119] Sozom. iii. 14. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, 38.

[120] In Matt. Hom. 8, p. 87.

[121] The custom of one monk reading the Scriptures aloud during dinner was first adopted, according to Cassian, in the Cappadocian monasteries.—Cass. lib. iv. c. 17; Sozom. iii. 14; Jerome’s translation of the rule.

[122] But sometimes later.

[123] Hom. in Matt. 55, vol. vii. p. 545.

[124] Sozom. iii. 14, 15; Cassian., de Cœnob. Instit. iv. x. 22.

[125] Cod. Theod. ix. 40. 16.

[126] Vide Müller de Antiq. Antioch. c. 3.

[127] Chrysost. in Matt. Hom. 69, vol. vii. p. 652.

[128] In Matt. Hom. 68, c. 3. When they received the Eucharist, which they did twice a week, on Sundays and Saturdays, they threw off their coats of skin, and loosened their girdles.—Sozom. iii. 14.

[129] In Matt. Hom. 68, c. 3; 69, c. 3; in 1 Tim. Hom. 14, c. 4, 5.

[130] In Matt. Hom. 72, vol. vii. p. 671.

[131] In 1 Tim. Hom. 14, c. 5.

[132] In Joh. Hom. 44, c. 1.

[133] De Compunct. i. c. 6.

[134] De Compunct. i. c. 1.

[135] C. 2.

[136] C. 3.

[137] C. 4, 5.

[138] C. 7.

[139] C. 8.

[140] C. 9.

[141] De Compunct. ii. 1-3.

[142] C. 5.

[143] ἔχθρα ἀκήρυκτος, lib. i. c. 5.

[144] Lib. i. c. 4.

[145] The word in the decree is “militare,” but this term appears to be applied to civil duties as well as military. Vide Suicer, sub v. στρατεύειν. The Egyptian monks, however, do seem to have been specially forced into the army. De Broglie, v. 303; Gibbon, iv.; Milman, History of Christianity, iii. 47.

[146] Adv. Oppug. Vitæ Mon., lib. i. c. 1-3.

[147] C. 4.

[148] C. 5-7.

[149] C. 8.

[150] Lib. ii. c. 1, 2.

[151] C. 2-5.

[152] C. 6-10.

[153] Lib. iii. c. 6.

[154] Compare similar remarks by Thucydides, book iii., in his account of the Corcyræan sedition, on the misapplication of names to vices.

[155] Lib. iii. c. 6, 7.

[156] C. 8, 9.

[157] Lib. iii. c. 14, 15.

[158] C. 18, 19.

[159] Pallad. Dial. c. v.

[160] Ad Stag. a Dæm. vex., vol. i. lib. i. c. 1.

[161] Ibid. lib. ii. c. 1.

[162] Ad Stag., vol. i. lib. ii. c. 1.

[163] Ibid. c. 5-9.

[164] See ante, Chapter II.

[165] See preface to his Orat. xliii.

[166] The bishops of Egypt and the West generally adhered to Paulinus, Sozom. vii. 11, till by the united efforts of Chrysostom and Theophilus the universal acknowledgment of Flavian was obtained in A.D. 398.

[167] So Jerome, Ep. xxvii.

[168] Conc. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, p. 426.)

[169] Tertull. de Bapt. cxvii. Jerome Dial. contr. Lucif.

[170] Chrysost. Hom. ii. in 2 Cor.

[171] Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 10.

[172] Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57. Chrysost. Hom. xxiv. in Act.

[173] Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 31, 32. Cyprian, Ep. xlix.

[174] Conc. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, p. 426.)

[175] Jerome, Epist. lxxxv. ad Evang.

[176] Chrysost. vol. ii. p. 591.

[177] Ibid. vol. vii. p. 762.

[178] Ibid. p. 629.

[179] Euseb. Vita Const. iii. 50. Chrysost. vol. iii. p. 160 and vol. xi. p. 78. Vide also Müller de Antiq. Antioch., p. 103.

[180] This description of Antioch is mainly collected from Müller’s admirable and exhaustive work on the Antiquities of Antioch, or from the authorities referred to therein.

[181] See Socrates vi. 1, and Montfaucon’s preface to “De Sacerdotio.”

[182] Ad vid. jun. c. 5.

[183] C. 4.

[184] Ad vid. jun., c. 3.

[185] C. 4. Executed in 371 in the reign of Valentinian, Valens, and Gratian; Ammian. Marcell. xxix. 1, who calls him a Gaul, not, as Chrysostom, a Sicilian.

[186] Constans by Magnentius.

[187] Constantine the younger.

[188] Jovian.

[189] Gallus Cæsar by Constantius. The two who died natural deaths were Constantine the Great and his son Constantius.

[190] The widow of Jovian, whose son Varronian was deprived of an eye. See Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 222.

[191] Doubtful; possibly first wife of Valentinian I., divorced from him and sent into exile.

[192] Constantia, wife of Gratian.

[193] Flacilla, wife of Theodosius. Compare this mournful list of tragic deaths of sovereigns with the splendid passage in Shakespeare’s Richard II.:—

“For Heaven’s sake let’s sit upon the ground,

And tell sad stories of the death of kings,” etc.

[194] De Virginitate, c. 15.

[195] C. 14-22.

[196] De Virginitate, c. 57.

[197] τὴν μάλιστα πάντων ἀγαπωμένην, c. 52.

[198] De Virginitate, c. 52.

[199] C. 62, 63.

[200] C. 66, 67.

[201] De Virginitate, c. 83.

[202] Gibbon, iv. p. 111.

[203] Strabo, p. 750.

[204] As Verus, Pescennius Niger, Macrinus, and Severus Alexander.—Herodian, ii. 7, 8, v. 2, vi. 7.

[205] De S. Babyla, c. 14-16.

[206] Hom. in Matt. vol. vii. p. 762.

[207] To the establishment of parochial divisions with separate pastors in Alexandria we have the direct testimony of Epiphanius, Hæres. 69; Arian. c. 1. In Rome, however, and Constantinople, though the churches were numerous, the clergy seem to have been more or less connected with the mother Church.—Vide Bingham, chap. viii. 5, book ix.

[208] μειρακίσκος εὐτελὴς καὶ ἀπεῤῥιμμένος—applied by rather a strong rhetorical licence to a man forty years old.

[209] μηδέπω πρότερον. This seems to prove that he had not preached during his diaconate.

[210] Ecclus. xv. 9.

[211] Hom. xi. in Act. Apost. in fine.

[212] Vol. ii. p. 515.

[213] C. 3.

[214] See the Monitum to these Homilies, vol. i. p. 699.

[215] See Newman’s Arians, chap. i. sect. i.

[216] Arius, in a letter to Eusebius, addresses him as συλλουκιανιστά, “fellow Lucianist,” Theod. i. 5.

[217] I. c. 6, 7.

[218] C. 3.

[219] I. c. 4.

[220] II. c. 3, 4.

[221] II. c. 4, 5; III. 3, 4, 5, 6.

[222] IV. 4.

[223] V. 2, 3.

[224] VII. c. 3, 4.

[225] VII. c. 6, 7.

[226] III. c. 6.

[227] III. c. 6, in fine.

[228] IV. in fine.

[229] The colours represented the seasons, and according as one or other was victorious a plentiful harvest or prosperous navigation was indicated.

[230] Contra Anom. vii. c. i.

[231] De Laz. vii. c. 1.

[232] De Anna, iv. 1.

[233] De Laz. vii. c. 1.

[234] It is a treatise, because too long for a homily, though mutilated of its proper conclusion. It must belong to the first two years of his priesthood, because it promises a more ample discussion of several points, which promise we find redeemed in the homilies against the Jews, and these homilies, again, can be proved, by internal evidence, to have been delivered not later than A.D. 387. See Montfaucon’s Monitum, vol. i. pp. 811 and 839.

[235] C. 1.

[236] See a singular parallel to this thought in the Emperor Napoleon I.’s remarks on Christianity: “Table Talk and Opinions of Napoleon I.”

[237] C. 9.

[238] C. 9.

[239] C. 12.

[240] C. 13.

[241] C. 2.

[242] C. 2-5.

[243] C. 6.

[244] C. 7.

[245] C. 3.

[246] See Perowne, vol. i. in loco; Ps. lxxii. 6; and Delitzsch in Isa. lx. 17.

[247] Milman’s History of the Jews, vol. ii. book xix.

[248] Basnage’s Hist. des Juifs, vi. 41. Newman’s Arians, ch. i. sect. i.

[249] V. in fine; robbers may possibly be used in a figurative sense.

[250] I. c. 7. They seem early to have claimed medical skill. When Simon Ben Jochai went to Rome as ambassador, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, to obtain the abrogation of persecuting edicts, he won the favour of the Emperor by curing his sick daughter—Milman, ii. 443.

[251] II. 3; vii. in initio; i. c. 3, 4.

[252] I. c. 6.

[253] i. c. 7. So the idle youth of Rome turned for amusement into the Synagogue. Horace, Sat. ix. 69.

[254] ἐπιγινώσκετε ἀλλήλους. i. 4. This admonition “Discern one another” was uttered just at the close of the Missa Catechumenorum, when all but the baptized had to depart.

[255] Newman’s Arians, ch. i. p. 16. Hefele, pp. 305, 306.

[256] In Jud. iii. c. 6, iv. c. 4.

[257] According to Theod. iii. 20, the Jews had ceased to offer sacrifices by the reign of Julian, and when he inquired the reason, said, because it was unlawful except on the site of the Temple; and this was one chief reason why Julian commanded the Temple to be restored.

[258] In Jud. v. c. 1.

[259] Ibid. c. 4-7.

[260] He punished the captives by cutting off their ears. It is singular that there is no record of this rebellion in history.

[261] For a full relation of this singular event, see Milman’s Jews, book xx.

[262] Hom. viii. 4, and in fine.

[263] Hom. de Anathemate, delivered soon after the discourses against the Anomœans. See Monitum, vol. i. 944.

[264] The former chiefly in the Hom. de Philog. vol. i. 752; the latter in the Hom. in Nat. Diem Christi, vol. ii. p. 552.

[265] De Beato Philog. vol. i. p. 753.

[266] In Nat. Christi, vol. ii. p. 560.

[267] De Bapt. Christi, c. 4.

[268] In Kalend. c. 2.

[269] In Ephes. Hom. vi. c. 4.

[270] Perhaps that convulsive twitching which we call “quick blood.”

[271] In Ephes. Hom. xii. c. 3. In Hom. viii. and xii. on 1 Cor. he rebukes the heathenish ceremonies performed at the birth of a child. One was, to give it that name which was attached to the candle that burned longest out of a row of candles.

[272] He was executed at Carthage in A.D. 376.

[273] See Gibbon, c. xxvi. xxvii.

[274] Cod. Theod. xvi. 1, 2.

[275] Sozom. vii. c. 12; Gibbon, c. xxvii.; De Broglie, “L’Église et l’Empire,” vi. p. 93.

[276] Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 7, lib. 1, 2.

[277] Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 10, lib. 7, 9. Sozomen informs us (vii. 22) that Eugenius, the usurper, after the death of Valentinian II., was persuaded by divinations to take up arms.

[278] Sozomen, vii. 15. Theod. v. 21.

[279] The most distinguished scholar, and orator, and one of the most upright statesmen of his time—quæstor, prætor, and proconsul of Africa.

[280] Fragments of his speeches preserved in Mai’s collection, vol. i.

[281] Ambrose, Op. vol. ii. Ep. 18.

[282] Libanius: Pro templis non exscind. The oration was certainly not spoken before the Emperor, and probably not even sent to him.

[283] Cod. Theod. xii. 104-115.

[284] Theodor. v. 19. A funeral oration on her and the infant was pronounced by Gregory Nyssen, Op. vol. iii. pp. 515, 527, 533.

[285] Libanius, Or. 12, pp. 391-395.

[286] Probably the prætorium built in the reign of Constantine for the Count of the East, who from that time resided in Antioch; vide Müller, Antiq. Antioch., ii. 16.

[287] Liban. Or. 12, p. 395, and 21, p. 527. Theod. vii. 20. Sozom. vii. 23. Zos. iv. 41.

[288] Chrys. Hom. de Stat. iii. 1; xxi. 1. Zosimus (iv. 41) sends Libanius also to Constantinople, but this is a palpable error. There is no trace of his having gone, either in his own Orations or in any other historian.

[289] Socrat. vi. 5. The most common practice was for the preacher to sit, the people to stand.

[290] Hom. ii. 2.

[291] iii. 6.

[292] iii. 1, 2.

[293] ii. 5.

[294] iii. 3.

[295] iii. 4, 5.

[296] xvi. 6.

[297] iii. 7.

[298] xiv. 1.

[299] v. 7.

[300] xx. 9. A passage in another homily on this subject is curious, as proving that just the same jugglers’ feats were performed in Antioch in the fourth century as at the fairs and races of the present day:—“Persons pretended it was next to impossible to conquer an inveterate habit: this was a paltry excuse, perseverance could conquer any difficulty. To unlearn a habit of swearing could not be more impossible than to acquire the art of throwing up swords, and catching them by the handle, or balancing a pole on the forehead with two boys at the top of it, or dancing on a tightrope.”—Hom. in Dom. Serv.

[301] iv. 1.

[302] iv. 2.

[303] v. 3. τὸ σῶμα τῇ ψυχῇ περίκειται καθάπερ ἰμάτιον. Comp. Shakespeare: “When we have shuffled off this mortal coil.”

[304] v. 3.

[305] ix. 3, 4.

[306] x. 2, 4.

[307] xiii. 2.

[308] xii. 2.

[309] x. 3.

[310] xii. 2-4; xiii. 3. Comp. Aristotle’s distinction between natural and conventional law or justice, Eth. v. 7.1: φυσικόν and νομικόν δίκαιον. Compare also his description of προαίρεσις as the ἀρχἠ κινήσεως in b. iii., and of φρόνησις (nearly = Butler’s “Conscience”) in b. vi.

[311] Comp. again what Aristotle says of the necessity of training to improve the natural gifts, b. x. 9, and of the formation of habits by repeated acts. Comp. Chrys. Hom. xiii. 3, with Arist. Eth. ii. 4, 5.

[312] xiii. 4.

[313] xvi. 1.

[314] Liban. Or. 21, in Helleb. and 20, 517.

[315] Theodor. v. 20.

[316] xvii. 1, 2.

[317] Liban. Orat. 20. De Broglie, vi. 150, 151. Chrys. Hom. xvii. 2.

[318] xvii. 2. The colonnades, especially of the great street which ran through the city from east to west; the περιπάτους or promenades were lined by colonnades with seats.—Vide Müller, Antiq. Ant. ii. 12.

[319] xvii. 2.

[320] xx. 5, and xviii. in fine.

[321] Liban. Or. 21, p. 536.

[322] xxi. 1.

[323] It was the custom to signalise the great festivals by acts of mercy. “The oil of mercy glistens on the Festivals of the Church,” says Ambrose, Serm. 14, on Ps. cxviii. 7. Leo the Great also, Serm. 39, alludes to the custom. But, to prevent any abuse of the practice, it was enacted by Theodosius in A.D. 384-385, that it should apply only to those accused of petty offences: the grosser crimes of robbery, adultery, magic, murder, sacrilege, were to be excepted from claims to this indulgence.

[324] xxi. 1-4.

[325] xxi. 4.

[326] Hom. i. de Anna, vol. iv. c. 1, where he recapitulates the arguments which he had used in the Homilies on the Statues.

[327] Hom. de Anna, i. 1.

[328] Called κυριακὴ τῆς ἐπισωζομένης, this last word being the name of Ascension Day among the Cappadocians, possibly because Christ’s work on earth for man’s redemption was completed by his return into heaven. (Vide Leo Allatius, quoted in Suicer, Thesaur., sub verbo “Episozomene,” and Bingham, Antiq. b. xx. sect. 5.)

[329] Hom. de Stat. xix. 1, vol. ii.

[330] Euseb. de Vita Constant. lib. iv.

[331] Chrys. Hom. xl. in Juvent.

[332] Hom. de Cæmet. et Cruce, vol. ii. c. i. in Ascens. Christi, vol. ii., and de Sanct. Martyr. vol. ii. p. 705. The Sunday corresponding to the present Trinity Sunday was kept as a kind of All Saints’ Day. See Bingham, b. xx. c. 7, sect. 14.

[333] Aug. Hom. xxvi. Gelas. Decret. in Grabe, vol. i. The word “legend” is perhaps derived from these Acts of the Saints, which were to be read—“legenda.”

[334] Adv. Judæos viii. c. 7.

[335] Hom. in Juvent. et Maxim. vol. ii. p. 576.

[336] De Bern. et Prosd. vol. ii. p. 640.

[337] See the letter in Euseb. lib. iv. c. 15.

[338] Aug. de Vera Relig. c. 55.

[339] Aug. contra Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21.

[340] De Droside, vol. ii. p. 685.

[341] Flavian caused the remains of some much-revered saints who were buried beneath the pavement of the church to be taken up, and placed in another separate grave, because the people were distressed that the reliques of such venerated personages should repose in the same vaults with the remains of less saintly, if not heretical, characters.—Hom. in Ascen.

[342] De S. Babyla, c. 12. De Stat. i. 2, and viii. 2. Quod Christus sit Deus, c. 7. De Stat. v. 1.

[343] In S. Ignat. Mart. c. 4.

[344] In Juvent. et Maxim. c. 1.

[345] Hom. in Martyres, vol. ii. p. 663.

[346] In Sanct. Jul. vol. ii. p. 673.

[347] Aug. cont. Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21.

[348] Aug. Confess. lib. vi. 2. Epist. 64, ad Aurel. Conc. Carth. iii. c. 30.

[349] Basil. Regul. Major., quæst. 40.

[350] See Dr. Hessey’s Bampton Lectures, “on Sunday.”

[351] Whether it was a regular custom for the rustic population to visit Antioch on this day, or whether it was the first great influx for trade and legal business after the recent suspension of all business, does not appear.

[352] Ambr. Ep. xx.

[353] Ambr. Ep. xx. p. 854.

[354] Sozomen, vii. 13. Ruf. ii. 16.

[355] Ambr. Ep. xxi. Sermo contra Aux. p. 868.

[356] Ignatius is said to have first introduced antiphonal singing at Antioch, Flavian and Diodorus to have established it there; Socr. v. 8; Theod. ii. 19. Basil refers to it as a common practice, but Ambrose is generally allowed to have introduced it to the Western Church, and on this occasion. Vide Suicer.

[357] Aug. Conf. ix. 7, and preceding books.

[358] Ambr. Ep. xxi.

[359] Ambr. Ep. xxii. Aug. Conf. ix. 7.

[360] Ambr. Ep. xl. and xli.

[361] Cod. Theod. iv. v. 4, lib. 2. De Broglie, vi. 257.

[362] Sozom. vii. 25. Theod. v. 17. Ambr. Ep. li. De Broglie, vi. 302, etc.

[363] Theod. v. 18. De Broglie, vi. 302 et seq.

[364] Sozom. vii. 15. Socr. v. 15. Ambr. Ep. lvi. Theod. v. 23.

[365] Ambr. de ob. Val.

[366] Theod. v. 24. Socr. v. 25. Sozom. vii. 24. De Broglie, vi. 8.

[367] Ambr. Ep. lxi. lxii.

[368] Socr. v. 26. Sozom. vii. 29. Ambrosii Vita a Paul. scripta, de obit. Theod.

[369] Of course I do not forget that the idea and name of Roman Emperor and Roman Empire lived on for centuries more, but the elevation of Charles the Great was a revolt against the old order of things. He can hardly be regarded as a successor of Theodosius so truly as Theodosius was a successor of Augustus.

[370] Claud. de Bello Gild. 293.

[371] Claud. in Ruf. i. v. 137.

[372] Philostorg. xi. 3. For much assistance in his notices of Rufinus and Eutropius, the writer must pay his acknowledgments to the admirable work by Amédée Thierry: “Les trois ministres des fils de Théodose”—Rufin, Eutrope, Stilicon.

[373] Gibbon, iii. 67. Zosim. iv. 51.

[374] Claud. in Ruf. i. v. 220.

[375] See references in Thierry, p. 19.

[376] De Laud. Stil. ii. v. 379.

[377] “Noster Scipiades Stilicho.” De Consulat. Stilic. præf. v. 21.

[378] Claud. de Nupt. Honor. et Mariæ.

[379] Zosim. v. 3.

[380] Symmach. Ep. iv. 15 and 16.

[381] Possibly alluded to by Chrysostom in Hom. iv. de Penitentia, c. 2, where he mentions “incursions of enemies” among other recent calamities. These homilies were probably delivered in A.D. 395.

[382] Thierry, pp. 35-78. Claud. in Ruf. lib. ii.

[383] In Eutrop. i. v. 104, 105.

[384] “Contemptu jam liber erat.”—Claud. in Eutrop. i. v. 132.

[385] Claud. in Eutrop. i. v. 148, 149.

[386] Sozom. vii. 22.

[387] Philostorg. xi. 5.

[388] Claud. in Eutrop. i. 427, etc.; ii. 97, etc.

[389] Thierry, pp. 97-126. Zosim. v. 5. Claud. in Eutrop. ii.

[390] Zosim. v. 8, 9, 12.

[391] Sozom. viii. 7.

[392] Claud. in Eutrop. i. 235, etc.

[393] Synes. de Regno, p. 16.

[394] Claud. in Eutrop. ii. 95. Thierry, p. 162, etc.

[395] Socr. vi. 2.

[396] See Chrysostom’s own remarks in De Sacerdotio, lib. iii., cited above in Ch. iv., and in Act. Apost. Hom. iii. 5.

[397] Epist. xxi. ad Valerium.

[398] Socrat. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2.

[399] Lib. iii. c. 15, 17.

[400] Pallad. Dial. c. 5.

[401] Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2. Pallad. Dial.

[402] Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2.

[403] Pallad. Dial. c. 5.

[404] Sozom. viii. 2. Pallad. Dial. 5.

[405] Socr. vi. 2.

[406] Bingham, b. ii. c. 11, sec. 8.

[407] The title Patriarch is occasionally used in the following pages, although it does not appear to have been a formally recognised title till fifty years later. Socrates (A.D. 440 about) uses it (vide c. 8), but the first occurrence of it in any public document is in the acts of the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451, where it is applied especially to Leo i. of Rome.—Can. 28. Labbé, vol. iv.

[408] Hom. xi. in Anom. vol. i. p. 795.

[409] De Sacerd. lib. vi. c. 6-8, quoted above, p. 53.

[410] Soc. vi. 3. Sozom. viii. 9.

[411] Pallad. Dial. c. v. p. 20.

[412] Lib. xxvii. c. 3.

[413] Epist. ii. ad Nepotianum.

[414] Pallad. Dial. c. v. and xii.

[415] See Hefele, p. 131, and on the date of this synod.

[416] Stanley, Eastern Church, lecture v. Socr. i. 11. Sozom. i. 23. The truth of the story has been disputed, but apparently on insufficient grounds. Vide Hefele, p. 436.

[417] Can. 3. Hefele, p. 379.

[418] Jerome, Ep. xxii. ad Eustoch. Epiphan. Hær. 63.

[419] See references in Bingham, b. vi. c. ii. 13.

[420] Contra eos, etc., vol. i. p. 495.

[421] Ibid. c. 3, 4.

[422] Ibid. c. 7.

[423] Contra eos, etc., c. 9.

[424] Ibid. c. 10.

[425] Ibid. c. 10.

[426] Socr. vi. 4.

[427] Vol. xii. p. 468.

[428] Vol. xii. p. 485.

[429] Contra Lud. et Theat. vol. vi. p. 269, in fine.

[430] Ibid. c. 1.

[431] Contra Lud. et Theat. c. 2.

[432] From this and what follows it would appear that communicants went within the rails to receive, and close to the altar. This was the most primitive custom. Sometimes the recipients stood; vide passages cited in Bingham, b. viii. ch. 6, sec. 7.

[433] Vol. xii. Hom. ix.

[434] In Coloss. Hom. vii., vol. xi. p. 350.

[435] Hom. xviii. in Genes., vol. iv. p. 150.

[436] The use of silk seems from its first introduction into the Empire to have been regarded as the ne plus ultra of luxury. It was condemned by Pliny, vi. 20, xi. 21. Elagabalus was the first man as well as the first Emperor who ventured to wear a material hitherto confined to female dress. See Gibbon, vol. vii. c. 40, and his interesting account of the introduction of silk-worms from China to Constantinople by some Persian monks in the reign of Justinian.

[437] In Matt. Hom. xlix., vol. vii. p. 501

[438] In Psalm. xlviii., vol. v. p. 514.

[439] Hom. i. de Lazaro, c. 8.

[440] In Gen. Hom. xli., p. 382.

[441] In Joan. Hom. lxii., p. 340, and Hom. lxix., p. 380.

[442] In Act. Apost. p. 147 et seq.

[443] Hom. xx. in Act. Apost. p. 162. This set of fifty-five Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles, of which much use is made in this chapter, was delivered in A.D. 400, between Easter and Whitsuntide, in which interval it was customary to read through the Acts in the Lessons for the day: vide Bingham, vol. iv. These homilies are among the least polished of Chrysostom’s productions. Erasmus, who translated them into Latin, was thoroughly disappointed and out of humour with them, and even doubts their authenticity. In a letter to Tonstal, Bp. of Durham, he declares that he could have written better matter himself even when “ebrius ac stertens.” But most persons familiar with Chrysostom’s productions will agree with Montfaucon and Savile that these homilies could have flowed only from that golden vein, though the ore is not so much refined as usual, and that some passages are in his very best style. None of his homilies, except those on the Statues and St. Matthew, contain more curious revelations of the manners and customs of the age.

[444] In Act. Apost. pp. 74 and 98.

[445] In Act. Apost. p. 256.

[446] See Villari’s Life of Savonarola, b. i. c. 3.

[447] In Act. Apost. p. 191.

[448] Hom. in Inscrip. Altaris, i. in initio.

[449] In Act. Apost. pp. 189, 190.

[450] Vol. xii. Hom. vi. adv. Cath. pp. 143 and 491.

[451] Vol. xii. Hom. i., “Quod frequenter,” etc. Socrates, vi. 22. If we may estimate the man from the account by Socrates, his admirer, who relates a number of his so-called witticisms, the book is no great loss.

[452] Greg. de Vita sua, pp. 585-1097. Orat. xxii., xxvii., xxxii.

[453] Vide Gibbon, v. p. 30.

[454] Socrates, vi. 8. Vide Dean Stanley, Eastern Church, pp. 131, 132, for specimens of these Thalia; e.g. one commences, “Where are those who say that the Three are but one power?”

[455] Sozom. viii. 3. Socrat. v. 15.

[456] Epist. xiv. vol. iii.

[457] Vol. xii. Hom. viii.

[458] Theod. v. 30.

[459] Epist. xiv. and ccvii.

[460] Theod. v. 29. Tillemont, xi. p. 155.

[461] Marc. Diac. ap. Baron, an. 401, 49.

[462] Vol. xii. 471. The titles “mother of churches,” “nurse of monks,” “staff of the poor,” etc., were not bestowed till after his return from his first exile, vol. iii. p. 446. M. Thierry has erroneously introduced them into this earlier stage of his life.

[463] Claud. in Eutrop. lib. i. The pathetic appeal is by Claudian put into the mouth of an allegorical impersonation of the city. Claudian was the intimate friend and companion of Stilicho, and may not improbably have assisted at this audience. He is a valuable guide to the history of this period, and especially as an indicator of public opinion on the great events of his day.

[464] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 361. Claudian, De Consul. Mall. Theod.

[465] In Eutrop. ii. 39, 136.

[466] Claud. in Eutrop. ii. 187 et seq.

[467] In Eutrop. ii. 377.

[468] The above account is taken from Zosimus, lib. v.; Claudian in Eutrop. ii. Thierry, “Trois Ministres; Eutrope.”

[469] Zosim. v. 17.

[470] Claud. in Eutr. ii. 474 and 534, etc.

[471] Philostorg. xi. 6. Zosim. v. 18.

[472] Stanley, (Appendix,) “Memorials of Westminster.”

[473] Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 45.

[474] Ibid.

[475] The altar was sometimes called ἄσυλος τράπεζα (Synesius, Ep. lviii.)

[476] Claud. Prolog. in Eutrop. ii. 25. Chrysost. in Eutrop., c. 3. vol. iii.

[477] Chrysost. in Eutrop. c. 2.

[478] De Capto Eutrop. vol. iii.

[479] In Eutrop. i.

[480] De Capto Eutrop. c. 4.

[481] In Eutrop. c. 3.

[482] Socrat. vi. 5.

[483] In Eutrop. c. 1.

[484] In Eutrop. c. 2-4.

[485] Zosimus, v. 18, ἐξαρπάσαντες.

[486] De Capto Eutrop. c. 1.

[487] Zosim. v. 18.

[488] Zosim. v. 18. Cod. Theod. ix. 40, 17. Philostorg. xi. 6.

[489] Zosim. v. 18.

[490] Zosim. v. 18. Socrat. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4.

[491] Hom. cum Saturn. et Aurel. vol. iii.

[492] Socr. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4. Theod. v. 31.

[493] Sozom. viii. 4. Theod. v. 32.

[494] Nili Mon. Epist. i. 70, 79, 114, 116, 205, 206, 286.

[495] Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. Theod. v. 32.

[496] Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. Zosim. v. 19.

[497] Eunap. Sard. Fragm. 60. Sozom. viii. 4.

[498] Vide c. 21.

[499] Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6.

[500] The Alexandrian Chronicle is precise in fixing Dec. 23, A.D. 400, as the date of his defeat on the Hellespont, and Jan. 3, A.D. 401, as the day on which his head was brought into Constantinople. This certainly leaves a very insufficient interval for the events recorded in Zosimus.

[501] Vide c. 33.

[502] Palladius, author of the Dialogue prefixed to Migne’s edition of Chrysostom’s works. On the debated question whether this Palladius was the same Bishop of Hellenopolis who wrote the Lausiaca, vide Tillemont, xi. “Vie de Pallade.”

[503] There was in fact what might be called a floating synod of this kind always in existence in Constantinople; the Patriarch being ex officio President.—Tillemont, xv. 703, 704.

[504] We are in the summer of A.D. 400, and the capture and death of Gaïnas occurred in Jan. A.D. 401.

[505] σοῦ τὴν τιμιότητα; sometimes we have ὁσιότητα, “your Holiness.”

[506] Pallad. Dial. c. 14 and 15.

[507] See, on this whole subject, Bingham, viii. 13. 6; and Robertson, i. pp. 187 and 318, and the authorities there cited.

[508] Pallad. Dial. c. 14, 15. Sozomen (viii. 6) says that Chrysostom deposed thirteen bishops of Asia, Lycia, and Phrygia. This is possible, as the synod may have inquired into other simoniacal cases beyond the original six.

[509] Sozom. viii. 6.

[510] Tillemont, xi. p. 170.

[511] Labbé, ii. p. 947. It must always be borne in mind that Diocese was the name of the largest civil division of the Roman Empire. Each diocese contained several provinces, e.g. Thrace, six; Asia, ten; Pontus, eleven. The whole Empire was divided into thirteen dioceses, and about one hundred and twenty provinces. The Ecclesiastical divisions followed more or less the plan of the civil. An archbishop was bishop of the metropolis of a Province, a Patriarch of one or more Dioceses.

[512] Can. xxviii.; and Can. ix. Chalced. in Labbé, iv. pp. 769 and 798.

[513] Comp. Keble, Christian Year, for Easter Day:—

“Sundays by thee more glorious break,

An Easter Day in every week.”

[514] Vol. iii. p. 421.

[515] Socrat. vi. 11. Sozom. viii. 10.

[516] Vol. iii. p. 424 et seq.

[517] Pallad. Dial. c. 18, pp. 62 and 67.

[518] Socrat. vi. 4.

[519] Sozom. viii. c. 9.

[520] Pallad. Dial. c. 19.

[521] Greg. Naz. Epp. lvii. lviii.

[522] Greg. Naz. Ep. lvii.

[523] Theophilus is said to have fallen down before her and kissed her knees, an obeisance prompted by avaricious hopes on his part, and repelled by genuine humility on hers.

[524] Pallad. Dial. c. 16, 17. Sozom. viii. 9.

[525] Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Tillemont xiv. p. 219 seq.: ἐγὼ αὐτῷ ἀρτύω χύτραν.

[526] Pallad. Dial. c. 5, 6, 18, 19.

[527] Jerome in Ruf. lib. ii. c. 5. Ep. xxxi. p. 203.

[528] Tillemont, xi.: Vie de Theophile.

[529] Euseb. Hist. vi. 3, 19.

[530] Jerome declared that Origen had composed more books than most men would find time to copy.—Epist. xxix.

[531] The Paschal Letter was a circular addressed to clergy and monks throughout the diocese soon after the Epiphany; the primary object was to announce the date of the first day of Lent and of Easter Day, whence the name; but other matters were, as in the present instance, frequently introduced. See Tillemont, xi. 462.

[532] Socrat. vi. 7. Sozom. viii. 11, 12.

[533] Jerome in Ruf. iii.; and Ep. lxi.

[534] In Ruf. iii. 33.

[535] The contest for precedence was eventually decided in favour of Jerusalem. The see was made a Patriarchate in the reign of Theodosius II., and its jurisdiction fixed to the three Palestines by the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 451.

[536] Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.

[537] Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.

[538] Jerome, Ep. cx.

[539] Ibid. Ep. xxxviii. and xxxix.

[540] Jerome, Ep. xxxviii.

[541] Ibid.

[542] Pallad. Lausiaca, p. 901. Tillemont, vol. xi.

[543] Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Other causes of the enmity of Theophilus are mentioned by Socrates, vi. 9, and Sozomen, viii. 12, but not incompatible with the account of Palladius.

[544] Socrat. vi. 7.

[545] Pasch. Epist. of Theoph. quoted in Tillemont, xi. p. 470. Pallad. Dial. 6. Sozom. viii. 12.

[546] Sulpic. Sever. lib. i. c. 3.

[547] Pallad. Dial. c. 7.

[548] Sozom. viii. 13.

[549] Jer. Ep. lxx.

[550] Jer. Ep. lxxviii. in Ruf. Epp. lxvii. lxxiii.

[551] Socrat. vi. 9. Sozom. viii. 14.

[552] Socrat. (vi. c. 13) says that the writings only of Origen, not the man himself, were condemned.

[553] Ep. lxxviii.

[554] Pallad. Dial. c. 8.

[555] Sozom. viii. 13. Pallad. Dial. c. 8.

[556] Ep. xvi.

[557] Socrat. vi. c. 12.

[558] Socrat. vi 12. Sozom. viii. 14.

[559] Sozom. viii. 14 and 26.

[560] Socrat. vi. 14.

[561] Sozom. viii. 14.

[562] Sozom. c. 15.

[563] Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 15.

[564] Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 16.

[565] Pallad. Dial. c. 2 (Epist. of Chrys. to Innocent), and c. 8.

[566] See Tillemont, vol. xi. ch. 71.

[567] Vide ante, Ch. XIII.

[568] So Palladius, c. 8, on the whole the most trustworthy authority. Photius, Biblioth. (c. 59), says there were forty-five.

[569] The language is not very clear in this passage, but such is, I conceive, the drift of it.—c. 8.

[570] This must have been a slight exaggeration, but the members do seem to have been mainly Egyptian.

[571] Pallad. Dial. c. 8.

[572] Phot. c. 59. Chrys. Ep. 125 ad Cyr., where he indignantly repels the charge:—“had he done so, might his name be blotted out from the roll of bishops;” but at the same time he deprecates the treatment of such an offence (had it been committed) with extreme severity: for had not our Lord Himself instituted that holy feast, and had not St. Paul baptized without previously fasting? Chrysostom shrinks in horror from the supposition of such a gross violation of ecclesiastical rule as the act in his case would have been, but refuses to place it on the same footing with the commission of a flagrant moral crime, or direct disobedience to any command of Christ. There are, however, some doubts whether this letter is genuine. See infra, p. 317, and note.

[573] Pallad. Dial. 8. Socr. vi. 15. Soz. viii. 17.

[574] Tillemont, vol. xi.

[575] It contains the celebrated passage: “Herodias again dances and demands the head of John;” which recurs as the exordium of another and spurious homily (vol. viii. p. 485), and also an indignant repudiation of the offence of administering baptism after eating.—vol. iii. 427. Socrates, vi. 16. Sozom. viii. 17, 18.

[576] The authenticity of which has been questioned. The style is perhaps not quite worthy of Chrysostom; but in one of his sermons after his return from exile he apparently alludes to some quotations from Job made in this discourse.

[577] More strictly speaking, “the Hieron,” “the sacred spot” where the Argonauts were supposed to have offered sacrifice to Zeus on their return from Colchis.

[578] Sozom. viii. 18, 19. Socrat. vi. 16, 17. Zosim. v. 23.

[579] Theod. v. 34. Chrys. vol. iii. p. 446.

[580] Socr. vi. 16. Soz. viii. 18. Chrys. Ep. ad Innoc. in Dial. Pall. p. 10.

[581] It appears from subsequent events that Theophilus had not yet actually quitted Constantinople, but he and his partisans had retired for the time discomfited from the field of active opposition; and this would justify the language of Chrysostom, who is speaking under excitement.

[582] Sermones 1 and 2, post red. ab exsil. vol. iii.

[583] Socrat. vi. 17. Sozom. viii. 19.

[584] Ep. ad Innoc. in Pallad. Dial. p. 10.

[585] As distinguished from the Forum of Constantine, which was elliptical in shape.

[586] Cod. Theod. vi. 102.

[587] The celebrated exordium of a homily supposed to be directed against Eudoxia—“Again Herodias rages, again she demands the head of John”—if actually spoken with reference to John the Baptist, may easily have been represented by the malevolent as aimed at the Empress. But the whole homily has been pronounced spurious by Savile and Montfaucon, and on perusal of it their verdict seems reasonable. The discourse is the production of a thorough misogynist, describing with much coarseness and acrimony the misery and trouble caused by the wickedness of women. Most will agree with Savile, that it is “scarcely worth reading, and quite unworthy emendation.”—Vol. viii. p. 485.

[588] Pallad. Dial. c. 9.

[589] Sozom. viii. 20. Socrat. vi. 18. Pallad. Dial. c. 9.

[590] Pallad. Dial. c. 9.

[591] Pallad. Dial. c. 9.

[592] Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Chrysostom (Ep. ad Innoc. vol. iii.) speaks of more than forty friendly bishops.

[593] Vol. iii. p. 533.

[594] Pallad. Dial. c. 9.

[595] Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Sozom. viii. 21.

[596] Pallad. Dial. 10. Sozom. viii. 21, 22. Socrat. vi. 18.

[597] Pallad. Dial. c. 10.

[598] Pallad. Dial. c. 10. Zosim. v. 24. Sozom. viii. 2.

[599] Pallad. Dial. c. 11.

[600] Ep. ad Episcop. vol. iii. pp. 541 and 673.

[601] C. 11.

[602] Epist. cxxv.

[603] Epist. ccxii.

[604] Sozom. viii. 24. Pallad. Dial. c. 20.

[605] Epist. ad Olymp. vi.

[606] Epp. xciv. and civ.

[607] Pallad. Dial. cc. 1, 2, 3.

[608] Ep. cxiii.

[609] Epp. clxviii. clxix. et aliæ.

[610] Pallad. Dial. c. 3.

[611] Sozom. viii. 26.

[612] One previous letter we possess in Chrys. vol. iii. p. 539, in which he expresses his horror at the late outrages in the Church of St. Sophia, and at the gross violation of justice and law in the recent so-called trial of Chrysostom.

[613] Pallad. Dial. c. 4.

[614] Nilus, 2 Epp. cclxv. and cclxxix. Sozom. viii. 25.

[615] Pallad. Dial. 20.

[616] Sozom. viii. 27. Pallad. Dial. 20.

[617] Ep. ad eos qui scandalizati sunt, c. 19.

[618] Pallad. Dial. cc. 15 and 16.

[619] Theod. v. 34.

[620] Epp. x. xi.

[621] Ep. xiii.

[622] Epp. cxx. cxxi.

[623] Ep. cxxv. in fine.

[624] Ep. ccxxi.

[625] Ep. viii.

[626] Ep. xiv.

[627] Epp. xiii. lxxxiv.

[628] Ep. cxxv.

[629] Ep. ccxxxiv.

[630] Epp. ccxxxiv. ccxxxvi. It is not mentioned in Pliny or Ptolemy, but appears in the Itinerary of Antonine as Cocusus (pp. 10, 13). It stood at the confluence of several roads, but apparently not high-roads, one of which connected Antioch with Asia Minor.

[631] Ep. cxxv. in fine.

[632] Ep. xiii.

[633] Epp. xiii. xiv. ccxxxiv.

[634] Vol. iii. p. 549 et seq.

[635] Ep. ii. c. 10.

[636] e.g. Epp. lxxxviii. lxxxix. et aliæ.

[637] Ep. cxxiv.

[638] Ep. cxxxii.

[639] Ep. cxlvii.

[640] Epp. cxxx. ccxxii.

[641] Epp. l. li. lxi. et aliæ.

[642] There seems no doubt that Maruthas was an able and active missionary bishop. Socrates (vii. 8) tells strange stories of his skill in exposing some tricks of the magi, by which they attempted to prejudice the Persian king Isdigerdes against Christianity.

[643] Ep. ccx.

[644] Ep. ccxii.

[645] Ep. ccxvii.

[646] Ep. cciv.

[647] As appears from an edict dated August 29, addressed to Studius, Prefect of Constantinople.—Cod. Theod. vol. ii. p. 16.

[648] Ep. cxiv.

[649] Tillemont, xi. 274.

[650] Vol. v. ch. xxxii.

[651] Ep. vi.

[652] Epp. cxl. cxlvi.

[653] Epp. liii. liv.

[654] Epp. cxxiii. cxxvi.

[655] Photius, p. 1048.

[656] Epp. lxi. lxix. cxxvii. cxxxi.

[657] Ep. clvii.

[658] Ep. clv.

[659] Vol. iii. p. 535.

[660] Ep. cxlix.

[661] Aug. cont. Jul. p. 370.

[662] Ep. v.

[663] Pallad. Dial. pp. 38, 39, who says that they came out of Syria, Cilicia, and Armenia: but how could this be if it took three months to convey Chrysostom from Cucusus to Comana?

[664] Tillemont, xi. 349.

[665] This is his day in the Calendar of the Eastern and Western Church.

[666] The Roman martyrology states that the remains of the saint were afterwards translated to St. Peter’s, Rome, but the statement is not supported by any trustworthy historical evidence.—Tillemont, xi. 352.

[667] I must acknowledge my obligations in the composition of this chapter to the very useful and instructive work of Dr. Th. Foerster, Berlin, entitled “Chrysostomus in seinem Verhältniss zur Antiochenischen Schule.”—Gotha, 1869.

[668] In Rom. Hom. xiii. 2. 1 Cor. Hom. xiii. 3. In Phil. vii. 5.

[669] Hom. de Stat. xi. 2.

[670] In Genes. Hom. xxi. 2.

[671] Ibid. xvi. and xvii.

[672] In Rom. Hom. xii. 6.

[673] In Genes. Hom. xx. 3. In 1 Cor. Hom. ii. 2. In Matt. Hom. lix. 1, 2.

[674] Comp. Jeremy Taylor, “On Original Sin,” ch. vi.: “A man is not naturally sinful as he is naturally heavy, or upright, naturally apt to weep and laugh; for these he is always and unavoidably.” Comp. also Aristot. Eth. ii. c. 1.

[675] In Matt. Hom. xxviii. 3, and lviii. 3.

[676] In Heb. Hom. xii. 2 and 3.

[677] De Fato, Hom. iii.-vi. Comp. Jer. Taylor, Unum Necessar. ch. 6. sec. 5.

[678] De Pœnit. Hom. i. 2; et ad Theod. lapsum.

[679] In Inscrip. Act. ii. 6.

[680] In Psalm. cxlii. 5.

[681] In Act. Hom. xli. 4.

[682] In Matt. xxxii.

[683] De Sanct. Babyla, vol. ii.

[684] In Johan. vol. viii. p. 482.

[685] In Hebr. Hom. v. i.

[686] Contra Julianum, bk. i. ed. Bened. p. 630; but I have failed to find the passage in Chrysostom’s works.

[687] In Rom. Hom. x. 2.

[688] προτρεπτικὴ οὐ βιαστική in Johan. Hom. xlvii. 4; et in Matt. H. lxxx. 3.

[689] In 1 Cor. Hom. vii. 2. In Ephes. Hom. i. 2. In 1 Cor. Hom. ii. 2.

[690] In Rom. Hom. xvi. cc. 8, 9.

[691] In Genes. Hom. xlii. c. 1.

[692] In Johan. Hom. xviii. 3.

[693] In Heb. Hom. xii. c. 3.

[694] De Mac. i. 3.

[695] Ch. VIII.

[696] In Johan. Hom. iii. 2.

[697] In Heb. Hom. ii. c. 2.

[698] In Psal. li. Expos.

[699] In Heb. Hom. iv. 2, 3.

[700] In Rom. Hom. xiii. 5.

[701] In Phil. Hom. vii. c. 3.

[702] In Heb. Hom. iii., Hom. iv. c. iii. In Philog. Beat. In Johan. Hom. xlviii. c. i.

[703] In Matt. Hom. iii.; Expos. in Ps. li.; in 1 Cor. Hom. xxiv. 4.

[704] De Resur. J. Chr. c. 3.

[705] De Bapt. Christi, c. 3.

[706] De Cœmet. et Cruce, i.

[707] De Cœmet. et Cruce, 3. See also in Ephes. Hom. xx.; and esp. In Ascens. J. Chr. c. 2.

[708] De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 276.

[709] In Johan. Hom. xxxiii. c. 1.

[710] In Rom. Hom. viii. c. 5.

[711] In Gen. Hom. v. c. 1.

[712] In Ephes. Hom. iv. c. 2.

[713] In Gen. Hom. xxxi. 2.

[714] De Pœnit. Hom. viii. 2.

[715] Cont. Anom. vii. 7.

[716] De Anna, iv. 5.

[717] Ibid. ii. 2.

[718] Ad illum. Catech. i. c. 3.

[719] De Mut. Nom. iv. in fine.

[720] Ad ilium. Catech. i. 3.

[721] Ibid. ii. 3.

[722] De Bapt. Chr. c. 3.

[723] In Gen. Hom. xl. c. 4.

[724] De Bapt. J. Chr. c. 7.

[725] De Cœmet. et Cruce, in fine, vol. ii.

[726] De Prod. Jud. vol. ii. Hom. i. c. 6.

[727] In Eustath. Ant. vol. ii. p. 601.

[728] In Ep. ad. Hebr. Hom. xvii. c. 3.

[729] Hom. ii. De Stat. c. 9.

[730] De Nat. Christi, c. 7.

[731] De Stat. xi. c. 5. The authenticity of the letter to Cæsarius is so doubtful that I have not ventured to introduce here the celebrated passage which it contains on this subject. It will be found in the Appendix, where the curious history of this letter is related.

[732] Eirenikon, part i. p. 112.

[733] De Laz. Hom. iv. 4.

[734] De Pœnit. Hom. iv. 4.

[735] De Pœnit. Hom. ix.

[736] See Dr. Pusey’s history of the cultus and its mischievous effects, in Parts i. and ii. of the “Eirenikon.”

[737] In Johan. Hom. xxi. 2; and in Matt. Hom. xliv. 1.

[738] De Mundi Creat. vi. 10.

[739] Vide Dr. Pusey, Eiren. i. p. 113: “We could preach whole volumes of the sermons of St. Augustine or St. Chrysostom to our people, to their edification and without offence: were a Roman Catholic preacher to confine himself to their preaching, he would (as it has been said among themselves) be regarded as ‘indevout towards Mary.’”

[740] In Ephes. Hom. iii. in fine.

[741] Vol. iii. p. 362.

[742] I have not thought it expedient to crowd the margin with references to Chrysostom’s works for every one of the liturgical forms above mentioned. They may nearly all be consulted in Bingham, book xv., who has collected them with great care. The fullest passages occur in vol. ii. p. 345; iii. p. 104; x. pp. 200 and 527; xi. p. 323. The so-called prayer of St. Chrysostom in our Prayer-Book is found in the Liturgies of St. Basil and St. Chrysostom, but cannot certainly be traced to either of those fathers. It was inserted at the end of the Litany in 1544, and of the Daily Service in 1661.

[743] Vol. ii. pp. 17, 92, 522, et passim.

[744] Vol vi. 157.

[745] In Isai. v. 3, and vi.

[746] Ibid. vii. 6.

[747] In Is. vii. c. i.

[748] In Ephes. Hom. x. 1.

[749] De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 282.

[750] In Matt. Hom. i. 2.

[751] In Galat. i. 6.

[752] In Matt. i. et in Johan. i.

[753] In Rom. Hom. xxxi. 1.

[754] In Psalm xliv.; in 1 Cor. Hom. xxix. 1.

[755] Vide Tillemont, xi. p. 37.

[756] Socrat. vi. 4.

[757] Suidas; vide verb. Johannes.

[758] Cont. Anom. Hom. iv.

[759] De Sacerdot. iv. 6.

[760] Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. iii. 2.

[761] Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. ii. 4.

[762] De Pœnit. vi. 1.

[763] De Pœnit. ii. 1.

[764] In Johan. Hom. ii. 2, and vol. vii. 30.

[765] Vol. xi. p. 694.

[766] Vol. ix. p. 407. Comp. Jerome: “Quotusquisque nunc Aristotelem legit? quanti Platonis vel libros novere, vel nomen? Vix in angulis otiosi eos senes recolunt; rusticanos vero et piscatores nostros totus orbis loquitur, universus mundus sonat.”—In Galat. iii.

[767] Alex. Knox, “Remains,” vol. iii. pp. 75-77.

[768] Jebb, “Pastoral Discourses,” ii.

[769] Milner, Hist. ii. p. 302.

[770] Dante, Parad. xii. 136.


[INDEX.]


Edinburgh University Press:
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