FOOTNOTES:

[95] All these figures may now (1875) be at least doubled, except the number of men, as the improvements in mechanical contrivances have materially reduced manual labour since the repeal of the Navigation Laws. In the case of steam ships to nearly one-half. See following table:—

Years.Sailing Ships.Steam Vessels.
Tons.Men.Proportion
of Men
to 100 Tons.		Tons.Men.Proportion
of Men
to 100 Tons.
18523,215,665146,2864·55165,21913,2778·04
18543,516,456146,5224·17212,63715,8947·47
18694,677,275152,1863·25880,02843,3044·92
18704,519,141147,2073·251,039,96948,7554·69
18714,343,558141,0353·251,290,00358,7034·55
18724,245,904137,1013·231,515,70466,6194·40
18734,067,144130,8773·221,680,95371,3624·24
18744,037,564128,7333·191,827,02474,8734·10

[96] The original Bill will be found in vol. iv., Session 1847-8, p. 495.

[97] It was on this occasion that I first appeared before the public as a politician. Following in the wake, but a long way astern, of Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Gladstone, I addressed a number of letters to Lord John Russell, which appeared in the ‘Morning Herald,’ and were afterwards republished in a pamphlet. They had a very large circulation, and caused considerable excitement among shipowners at the time. They were written in a homely style, commencing, “I am a plain man of business, daily to be found at my office in one of the City lanes, in the midst of my clerks, in the centre of a large dingy room. Business is my politics, not politics my business. If I have a leaning it is towards Free-trade principles,” and so forth. But I soon learned that my “principles,” as I laid them down, were, however plausible, fundamentally and radically wrong. Sound enough they no doubt were, if all nations had been prepared to adopt them; and if they could have been applied to the world at large, no system could have been more perfect. But, unfortunately, Foreign States were not prepared to adopt Free-trade; and if we adopted retaliation against those which did not, we reverted to Protection in its most pernicious form. Consequently we pursued the policy most likely to suit our own interests, and very wisely did not attempt to enforce it on other nations. Therein Government was right and I was wrong.

[98] See ‘Parliamentary Papers,’ vol. li., 1849, p. 237, et seq.

[99] Ante, p. 63.

[100] In truth, the policy of the American Government, since that country became an independent nation, has with few exceptions been throughout in favour of Protection. When Congress was first inaugurated in 1789, one of the measures of that year (4th July) was “An Act for levying Duty on Goods,” &c., and another (20th July, 1789) was passed, entitled “An Act imposing Duties on Tonnage.” Indeed, so thoroughly Protectionist were the great founders of the Republic, that Mr. Adams, writing to Mr. Jay in Paris on the 26th February, 1786, says: “If the United States would come to the resolution to prevent all foreign vessels from coming to their ports, and confine all exports and imports to their own ships and seamen, they would do for anything that I know the wisest thing which human prudence could dictate.” Further he says: “On the other hand, if the United States would adopt the principle of the French economists, and allow the ships and merchants of all nations equal privileges with their own citizens, the consequence would be the sudden annihilation of their manufactures and navigation.” And this has been in a great measure the opinion entertained by the Americans throughout, no doubt under the impression that, with so vast a territory, where they had within themselves almost everything they required, they could do without foreign nations. They have not yet seen the advantages they would derive by being allowed to purchase in the cheapest market, wherever that market may be,—home or abroad.

[101] See Mr. Buchanan’s letter in full, vol. li., ‘Parliamentary Papers,’ p. 239.

[102] It was presented on the 8th May, 1820, by Mr. Alexander Baring, afterwards Lord Ashburton. The whole case is reported in Tooke’s ‘History of Prices.’ Appendix, p. 332.

[103] Vide ‘Lord George Bentinck: a Political Biography.’ By the Right Hon. B. Disraeli. Pp. 421, 422. See also p. 409, a curious story of the marine picture in the Miracle Room at the cathedral of Antwerp.

[104] The Americans have, however, persisted in this policy to this day; a fact which cannot be too often repeated.

[105] It may be said that the reason for maintaining the coasting trade was not so much the fear of injuring the shipowners employed in it as destroying “the nursery for our seamen.”

[106] See ‘Hansard,’ March 23, 1849, vol. ciii. p. 1229.

[107] The original Bill, and the Bill as amended in Committee, will be found in vol. iv., 1849, pp. 331 and 347.

[108] In the first draft of the Constitution of the United States, the power of Congress was limited by a special provision that “No Navigation Acts should be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each House.” See Pitkin’s ‘Political and Civil History of the United States;’ and, though this proposal was afterwards reported against, it remains in force to the present day.