The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic / An Introduction to the Study of the Religion of the Romans

by W. Warde Fowler

INDEX OF GREEK AUTHORS QUOTED

Aelian, Hist. Anim. 12. 34	[329]
Apollonius Rhodius, 4. 478	[315]
Aristophanes,
Knights, 41	[133]
Lysistrata, 537	[133]
“ 691	[133]
Aristotle, Oecon., p. 1349 b	[155]
Dio Cassius,
37. 35	[102], [255]
47. 18	[174]
55. 77	[296]
58. 7	[157]
Diodorus Siculus, p. 337 (15. 14)	[155]
Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
1. 21	[223]
31	[258]
32	[310]
33	[206], [246]
34	[269]
38	[112], [116]
40	[138], [193]
79, 80	[310]
88	[79], [80], [83]
2. 19	[70]
23	[305], [313]
31	[229]
40	[306]
48	[323]
50	[303]
70	[39]
71	[38]
73	[114]
75	[237]
3. 22	[238]
32	[271]
45	[114]
69	[56], [326]
4. 14	[280], [282]
15	[56]
26	[199]
40	[156]
49	[95]
58	[135], [141]
5. 13	[278]
16	[262]
6. 1	[269], [274]
13	[133], [296]
89	[75]
7. 1	[76]
9. 60	[135], [141]
10. 42	[75]
12. 9	[186]
13. 7	[130]
Eustathius,
ad Hom. Od. 22. 335	[138]
Lucian, Dea Syria 49	[92]
Lydus, Laurentius,
“ 3. 3	[294]
” 3. 29	[46], [50]
“ 4. 2	[41], [284], [289]
” 4. 24	[306]
“ 4. 36	[46], [50]
” 4. 42	[60], [62]
“ 4. 45	[67]
” 4. 49	[71]
Fragm. p. 118, ed. Bekker	[265]
Nicolaus Damascenus,
Vita Caesaris 21	[320]
Plutarch,
Romulus 4	[276]
“ 11	[211]
“ 21	[101], [291], [310], [314]
” 27	[175] foll.
“ 29	[175] foll.
Camillus 33	[175] foll.
Poplicola 14	[217]
Coriolanus 3	[296]
C. Gracchus 17	[187]
Marius 26	[165], [297]
Cicero 19 & 20	[102], [255]
Caesar 61	[310]
Quaestiones Graecae 12	[49]
” Conviviales, 6. 8	[49]
“ ” 7. 1	[240]
“ Romanae 3	[200]
” “ 4	[199], [201]
” “ 16	[155]
” “ 18	[195]
” “ 20	[103]
” “ 22	[289]
” “ 28	[138], [327]
” “ 30	[141]
” “ 34	[270], [276]
” “ 40	[207]
” “ 42	[270]
” “ 45	[86], [87]
” “ 46	[324]
” “ 51	[100]
” “ 55	[158]
” “ 56	[290]
” “ 60	[194]
” “ 68	[101]
” “ 69	[266] foll.
” “ 74	[69]
” “ 86	[115], [119]
” “ 87	[303]
” “ 90	[194]
” “ 94	[278]
” “ 97	[242]
” “ 111	[311]
Parallela 41	[227]
de Fortuna Romanorum 5. 10	[145]
de Iside et Osiride 31	[91]
Polybius, 12. 4b	[241]
“ 21. 10	[44], [250]
Procopius,
de Bell. Goth. 1. 25	[283]
“ 3. 13	[117]
Strabo,
p. 180 (Bk. 4. 5)	[200]
p. 226 (Bk. 5. 9)	[84], [155]
p. 613 (Bk. 13. 64)	[89]
p. 639 foll. (Bk. 14. 20)	[40]
p. 660 (Bk. 10. 8)	[117]

THE END

OXFORD: HORACE HART

PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

By W. Warde Fowler, M.A.

The City State of the Greeks and Romans. A Survey Introductory to the Study of Ancient History. By W. Warde Fowler, M.A., Sub-Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford. Crown 8vo, 5s.

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Footnotes

[1]. The difficult questions connected with this subject cannot be discussed here. Since Mommsen wrote his Römische Chronologie it has at least been possible to give an intelligible account of it, such as that in the Dict. of Antiquities (second edition), in Marquardt’s Staatsverwaltung, iii. 281 foll., and in Bouché-Leclercq, Pontifes, p. 230 foll. There is a useful summary in H. Peter’s edition of Ovid’s Fasti (p. 19). Mommsen’s views have been criticized by Huschke, Das Römische Jahr, and Hartmann, Der Röm. Kalender; the former a very unsafe guide, and the latter, unfortunately, an unfinished and posthumous work. The chief ancient authority is Censorinus, De die natali, a work written at the beginning of the third century A.D., on the basis of a treatise of Suetonius.

[2]. Chron. 48 foll.; Marq. 284 and notes.

[3]. Huschke, op. cit. 8 foll.; Hartmann, p. 13.

[4]. 1 Censorinus, De die natali, 20. 4.

[5]. Mommsen (Chron. 13) believes it to have been a Pythagorean doctrine which spread in Southern Italy. Hartmann, on the contrary, calls it an old Italian one adopted by Pythagoras. See a valuable note in Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 561, inclining to the latter view.

[6]. Probably by the Decemvirs, B.C. 450, who are said to have made some alteration in the calendar (Macrob. 1. 13. 21.)

[7]. See Dict. Ant. i. 337 and 342. It is highly probable that there was a still older plan, which gave way to this at the time of the Decemvirate: the evidence for this, which is conjectural only, is stated by Mommsen in the first chapter of his Chronologie. The number of days in this cycle (also of 4 years) is computed at 1475, and the average in each year at 368-3/4.

[8]. Or, according to Mommsen, in alternate years after the 23rd and 24th, i. e. in the year of 378 days 23 days were inserted after the Terminalia; in the year of 377 days 22 days were inserted after the 24th (Regifugium). Thus February would in the one case have 23, and in the other 24 days; the remaining 5 and 4 being added to the intercalated period. The object of the Decemvirs (if it was they who made this change) in this curious arrangement was, in part at least, to keep the festival of the god Terminus on its original day (Mommsen, Chron. 38). Terminus would budge neither from his seat on the Capitol (Liv. 1. 55) nor from his place in the calendar.

[9]. Probably in order that the beginning of the year might coincide with a new moon; which actually happened on Jan. 1, 45, and was doubtless regarded as a good omen.

[10]. He added 10 days to the normal year of 355: January, Sextilis, December, receiving two; April, June, September, November, one only. These new days were placed at the end of the months, so that the days on which religious festivals fell might remain as before.

[11]. Mommsen, Chron. 220. In no other Italian calendar of which we have any knowledge is March the first month (ib. 218 foll.): but there cannot be much doubt that these too had undergone changes. Festus (150), representing Verrius Flaccus, says, ‘Martius mensis initium fuit anni et in Latio et post Romam conditam,’ &c.

[12]. Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 11 foll.

[13]. See below, under [March 1].

[14]. Mommsen, Chron. 103 foll.

[15]. Not the real new moon, which is invisible. The period between the new moon and the first quarter varies.

[16]. Varro, L. L. 6. 27. This was the method before the publication of the calendar by Flavius: Macr. 1. 15. 9. The meaning of Covella is doubtful; it has generally been connected with cavus and κοῖλος, and explained of the ‘hollow’ crescent of the new moon. See Roscher, Lex. s. v. Iuno 586.

[17]. Aust, s. v. Iuppiter, in Roscher’s Lexicon, p. 655.

[18]. Varro, L. L. 6. 29 ‘Dies fasti, per quos praetoribus omnia verba (i. e. do, dico, addico) sine piaculo licet fari.’

[19]. Liv. 9. 46.

[20]. Macr. 1. 16. 14. Cp. the mutilated note of Verrius in Fasti Praenestini (Jan. 3).

[21]. Gell. 4. 9. 5. Varro, L. L. 6. 29. 30.

[22]. Livy, 6. 1. 11. Macrob. i. 16. 22.

[23]. Festus 165. See Mommsen’s restoration of the passage in C. I. L. 290 B.; another, less satisfactory, in Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 240.

[24]. Mommsen (C. I. L. 290, A) still holds to his view that NP is only an old form of N, brought into use for purposes of differentiation. His criticism of other views makes it difficult to put faith in them; but I cannot help thinking that the object of the mark was not only to distinguish the religious character of the days from those marked N, but to show that civil business might be transacted on them after the sacrificial rites were over, owing to the rapid increase of legal business. Ovid may be alluding to this, though confusing NP with EN, in Fasti i. 51, where the words, ‘Nam simul exta deo data sunt, licet omnia fari,’ do not suit with Verrius’ note on EN, but may really explain NP.

[25]. Fasti Praen., Jan. 10. Varro, L. L. 6. 31. Maer. 1. 16. 3.

[26]. For the names of the fragments of Fasti, see next section.

[27]. ‘Fastos circa forum in albo proposuit, ut quando lege agi posset sciretur,’ Liv. 9. 46. 5; Cic. Att. 6. 1. 8. On the latter passage Mommsen has based a reasonable conjecture that the Fasti had been already published in one of the last two of the Twelve Tables, and subsequently again withdrawn. (Chron. 31 and note.)

[28]. Macrob. 1. 12. 16.

[29]. C. I. L. 207 B. Petronius (Cena 30) suggests the way in which copies might be set up in private houses. In municipia copies might be made and given to the town by private persons (so probably were Maff. and Praen.) or put up by order of the decuriones.

[30]. Including the Fasti Maffeiani, which is almost complete.

[31]. No. 20 in C. I. L. (Guidizzolenses), found at Guidizzolo between Mantua and Verona.

[32]. Maffeiani, Tusculani, Pinciani, Venusini.

[33]. Those of Caere, Praeneste, Amiternum, and Antium.

[34]. Suet. de Grammaticis, 19.

[35]. Circ. A.D. 10: cf. C. I. L. 206. There are a few additional notes apparently by a later hand.

[36]. Menologium rusticum Colotianum, and Men. rusticum Vallense in C. I. L. 280, 281.

[37]. Merkel’s edition (1841), with its valuable Prolegomena, is indispensable; very useful too is that by H. Peter; Leipzig, 1889.

[38]. Tristia, ii. 549.

[39]. C. I. L. 297 foll. (de feriis).

[40]. To these we may perhaps add the Poplifugia and Lucaria in July, the legends about which we can neither accept nor refute.

[41]. See Festus, 245; and Dict. Ant. s. v. Sacra.

[42]. Varro’s works, de Antiquitatibus humanis and divinis, and many others, only survive in the fragments quoted by later authors.

[43]. Paul the deacon was one of the scholars who found encouragement at the court of Charles the Great. His work is an abridgement of that of Festus, not of Verrius himself. On Verrius and his epitomators, as well as on the other writers who used his glosses, see H. Nettleship’s valuable papers in Essays in Latin Literature, p. 201 foll.

[44]. For more information about Lydus see Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii. 183, and below under [March 14].

[45]. They will be found in Bücheler’s Umbrica (containing the processional inscription of Iguvium with commentary and translation), and Henzen’s Acta Fratrum Arvalium.

[46]. Preller’s Römische Mythologie (ed. 3, by H. Jordan) and Marquardt’s third volume of his Staatsverwaltung (ed. Wissowa) are both masterpieces, not only in matter but in manner.

[47]. Among the others may especially be mentioned Aust, a pupil of Wissowa, to whom we owe the excellent and exhaustive article on Jupiter; and R. Peter, the author of the article Fortuna and others, who largely reflects the views of the late Prof. Reifferscheid of Breslau.

[48]. ‘Hoc paene unum superest sincerum documentum,’ Wissowa, de Feriis, p. 1.

[49]. This is well illustrated in the Acta Fratrum Arvalium referred to above.

[50]. A succinct account of these tendencies will be found in Marquardt, p. 72 foll. There is a French translation of this invaluable volume.

[51]. A short account of these will be found in the author’s articles in the new edition of Smith’s Dictionary of Antiquities, on ‘Sacra,’ ‘Sacerdos,’ and ‘Sacrificium.’ On the domestic rites, there is an excellent book in Italian, which might well be translated: Il Culto privato di Roma antica, by Prof. De-Marchi of Milan, of which only Part I, La Religione nella vita domestica, has as yet appeared.

[52]. Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, iii. p. 2.

[53]. N. Maff. Cf. Mommsen, C. I. L. 294 b.

[54]. F. Tusc. Cf. Mommsen, C. I. L. 294 b.

[55]. NP. Antiat. N. minores 6.

[56]. F. Antiat. Allif. NP Vall.

[57]. NP Vall. C. Antiat. C. I. L. 294.

[58]. C. Vall. Antiat.

[59]. N. Antiat. Cf. C. I. L. 294.

[60]. F. Maff.

[61]. See Nissen, Italienische Landeskunde, i. 404; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 235—

Quid, quod hiems adoperta gelu tunc denique cedit,

Et pereunt victae sole tepente nives,

Arboribus redeunt detonsae frigore frondes,

Uvidaque in tenero palmite gemma tumet:

Quaeque diu latuit, nunc se qua tollat in auras,

Fertilis occultas invenit herba vias.

Nunc fecundus ager: pecoris nunc hora creandi,

Nunc avis in ramo tecta laremque parat.

Tempora iure colunt Latiae fecunda parentes

Quarum militiam votaque partus habet.

Here we have the fertility of man, beast, and crop, all brought together: the poet is writing of March 1. The Romans reckoned spring from Favonius (Feb. 7) to about May 10 (Varro, R. R. 1. 38); March 1 would therefore usually be a day on which its first effects would be obvious to every one.

[62]. Sat. 1. 12. 6; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 135 foll.

[63]. Ovid only mentions one ‘curia’: in Macrobius the word is in the plural. Ovid must, I think, refer to the curia Saliorum on the Palatine (Marq. 431), as this was the day on which the Salii began their rites. Macrobius may be including the curia of the Quirinal Salii (Preller, i. 357).

[64]. See below, on the Vestalia in June, p. [147].

[65]. Julius Obsequens, 19.

[66]. Roscher, Myth. Lex. s. v. Mars, 2427. Roscher regards the use of laurel in the Mars-cult as parallel with that in the Apollo-cult and not derived from it. The point is not however certain. The laurel was used as an ἀποτρόπαιον at the Robigalia, which seems closely connected with the Mars-cult (Plin. N. H. 18, 161); here it could hardly have been taken over from the worship of Apollo.

[67]. Mommsen, C. I. L. 254.

[68]. Fasti, 5. 253. There is a good parallel in Celtic mythology: the wife of Llew the Sun-hero was born of flowers (Rhys, Celt. Myth. 384). The myth is found in many parts of the world (Lang, ii. 22, and note).

[69]. By Usener, in his remarkable paper in Rhein. Museum, xxx. 215 foll., on ‘Italische Mythen.’ He unluckily made the mistake of supposing that Ovid told this story under June 1 (i. e. nine months before the supposed birthday of Mars). There is indeed a kind of conjunction of June and Mars on June 1, as both had temples dedicated on that day; but neither of these can well be earlier than the fourth century B.C., and no one would have thought of them as having any bearing on the birth of Mars but for Usener’s blunder (Aust, de Aedibus sacris Pop. Rom. pp. 8 and 10, and his valuable note in Roscher’s article on Mars, p. 2390). Usener also adduces the derivation of Gradivus in Fest. 97 ‘quia gramine sit ortus.’

[70]. The practical Roman mind applied the myth chiefly to the history of its state, and in such a way that its true mythic character was lost, or nearly so. What became in Greece mythic literature became quasi-history at Rome. Thus it is that Romulus is so closely connected with Mars in legend: the race-hero and the race-god have almost a mythical identity. The story of the she-wolf may be at least as much a myth of the birth of Mars as Ovid’s story of Juno, in spite of the fatherhood of Mars in that legend.

[71]. Aust, as quoted above. The date was probably 379 B.C. (Plin. N. H. 16. 235).

[72]. Roscher in Lex. s. v. Juno, p. 576.

[73]. Marq. 571, where is a list of passages referring to these gifts. Some are familiar, e. g. Horace, Od. 3. 8, and Juvenal, 9. 53 (with the scholiast in each case).

[74]. Schol. Cruq. on Horace, l. c., and the scholiast on Juvenal, l. c.

[75]. See e. g. the mysterious scene on a cista from Praeneste given in Roscher, Lex. 2407, to which the clue seems entirely lost.

[76]. Lex. s. v. Mars, 2399; s. v. Juno, 584.

[77]. Ovid, 3. 351 foll.; Plut. Numa, 13.

[78]. Dion. Hal. 2. 71.

[79]. Ovid, l. c. 381 foll.

[80]. Marq. 430, and note.

[81]. Festus, p. 131; Usener in Rhein. Mus. xxx. 209 foll. Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564 foll. Jordan (Preller, i. 336) had however doubts about the identification of Mars and Mamurius.

[82]. The place is not quite certain. Ambrosch (Studien, 7), who believed them to be part of the armour of the god, placed them in his sacrarium in the king’s house, with Serv. Aen. 7. 603, and this falls in with Dionysius’ version of the myth, that the shield was found in Numa’s house. With this view Preller agreed. Marquardt, (431) however, believed they were part of the armour of the priests, and as such were kept in the Curia Saliorum, which might also be called sacrarium Martis. The question is not of the first importance.

[83]. Dionysius (2. 70. 2) says that each was girt with a sword, and carried in his right hand, λόγχην ἢ ῥάβδον ἤ τι τοιοῦθ ἕτερον. Apparently, assuming that he had seen the procession, he did not see or remember clearly what these objects were. A relief from Anagnia (Annali del Inst. 1869, 70 foll.) shows them like a double drumstick, with a knob at each end.

[84]. See also Myth. Lex. s. v. Mars, p. 2404 and Apollo, p. 425.

[85]. Virg. Aen. 4. 143.

[86]. Strabo, 639 foll. The same also appear in the cult of Zeus; Preller-Robert, Greek Myth. i. 134.

[87]. G. B. ii. 157-182; Tylor, Prim. Cult. i. 298 foll. We have survivals at Rome, not only in the periodic Salian rites, but on particular occasions; Martial 12. 57. 15 (of an eclipse); Ovid, Fasti, 5. 441; Tibull. 1. 8. 21; Tac. Ann. 1. 28 (this was in Germany). I have known the church bells rung at Zermatt in order to stop a continuous downpour of rain in hay-harvest.

[88]. G. B. ii. 210.

[89]. Jordan, Krit. Beiträge, p. 203 foll.

[90]. Cato, R. R. 143.

[91]. Liv. 1. 20. Cp. 9. 40, where the chosen Samnite warriors wore tunicae versicolores. In each case the dress is a religious one, of the same character as that of the triumphator, and would have its ultimate origin in the war-paint of savages, which probably also has a religious signification. The trabea was the old short cavalry coat.

[92]. See Marq. 432, and Dict. of Antiq. s. v. Salii for details.

[93]. Fest. 131. The fragments may be seen in Wordsworth’s Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, pp. 564 foll. In the chief fragment the name of Janus seems almost certainly to occur (cf. Lydus, 4. 2); and in another Lucetius (= Iupiter?). Juno and Minerva are also mentioned. See Dict. of Antiq. s. v. Salii. It is curious that Mars is more prominent in the song of the Arval Brothers.

[94]. Liv. 5. 52. 7.

[95]. Dionysius, 2. 71.

[96]. Usener in Rhein. Mus. xxx. 218; Roscher, Lex. s. v. Mars 2419, can only quote two very vague and doubtful passages from late writers in support of the view that the shields were symbols of the months; Lydus 4. 2. who says that the Salii sang in praise of Janus, κατὰ τὸν τῶν Ἰταλικῶν μηνῶν ἀριθμόν; and Liber glossarum, Cod. Vat. Palat. 1773 f. 40 v.: Ancilia: scuta unius anni.

[97]. For the evidence on this point, and others connected with the Salii, I must refer the reader to Mr. G. E. Marindin’s excellent article ‘Salii’ in the new edition of Smith’s Dict. of Antiquities, the most complete and at the same time sensible account that has appeared in recent years. (The article ‘Ancilia’ in the new edition of Pauly’s Real-Encycl. is disappointing.) Dionysius, Varro, and Plutarch are all at one about the shape of the shields, and Mr. Marindin is quite right in insisting that Ovid does not contradict them. (See the passages quoted in the article.) The coins of Licinius Stolo and of Antoninus Pius (Cohen, Méd. Cons. plate xxiv. 9, 10, and Méd. Imp. ii, no. 467) give the same peculiar shape. The bronze of Domitian, A.D. 88 (Cohen, Méd. Imp. i. plate xvii), and the coins of Sanquinius, B.C. 16 (both issued in connexion with ludi saeculares), on which are figures supposed to be Salii with round shields, have certainly been misinterpreted (e. g. in Marq. 431). See note at end of this work.

[98]. Jordan, in Commentationes in hon. Momms. p. 365. There could not b feriae on this day, as it was a dies fastus.

[99]. Fast. 3. 429 ‘Una nota est Marti Nonis; sacrata quod illis Templa putant lucos Vediovis ante duos.’

[100]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 33.

[101]. Polyb. 21. 10 (13); Liv. 37. 33.

[102]. See his article in Dict. Ant. He further suggests that in Philocalus’ note ancilia is an adjective, and that arma ancilia means the shields only, as the spears of Mars do not seem to have been used by the Salii.

[103]. The day is of course not given in these almanacs; but the position is between Isidis navigium (March 5) and Liberalia (March 17).

[104]. de Feriis, ix. foll. Cp. C. I. L. 311.

[105]. The usual sacrifice to Jupiter on the Ides is also mentioned by Wissowa in this connexion; but I should hardly imagine that it would have had a sufficiently popular character to cause any such alteration as he is arguing for. But the first full moon of the year may have become over-crowded with rites; and it was the day on which at one time the consuls entered on office, B.C. 222 to 154 (Mommsen, Chron. 102 and notes).

[106]. Wissowa takes both as lustrations of cavalry. Mommsen, C. I. L. 332, disapproves of Wissowa’s reasoning about this day.

[107]. C. I. L. 311.

[108]. C. I. L. 254.

[109]. Cf. Usener’s article on Italian Myths in Rhein. Mus. vol. xxx—a most interesting and suggestive piece of work, which, however, needs to be read with a critical mind, and has been too uncritically used by later writers, e. g. Roscher in his article on Mars. Frazer (G. B. ii. 208) adopts his conclusions about Mamurius, but, with his usual care, points out some of the difficulties in a footnote.

[110]. Usener, p. 211.

[111]. Lydus, 3. 29 and 4. 36. The words are rather obscure, but the meaning is fairly obvious. See Usener’s paraphrase, p. 210.

[112]. See above, p. [38].

[113]. Cp. what he says of the Salii singing of Janus κατὰ τὸν τῶν Ἰταλικῶν μηνῶν ἀριθμόν (4. 2).

[114]. e. g. in Numa 13.

[115]. Aen. 7. 188. Thilo and Hagen seem to think that Servius wrote peltas (shields) on the evidence of one MS, wrongly, I think.

[116]. Octavius, 24. 3.

[117]. What is the meaning of vetera here?

[118]. Golden Bough, ii. 208.

[119]. Mr. Frazer is careful to point out in a note that Lydus only mentions the name Mamurius. But as we know that Mamurius was called Veturius in the Salian hymn, and as Veturius may perhaps mean old, it is inferred that the skin-clad man was ‘the old Mars.’ The argument is shaky; its only strength lies in the Slavonic and other parallels.

[120]. Lydus is thought to have made a mistake in attributing it to the 15th (Ides); if so, he may have confused other matters in this curious note. But he is certainly explicit enough here (4. 36), and refers to the usual sacrifice to Jupiter on the Ides, and to ‘public prayers for the salubrity of the coming year,’ which we may be sure would be on the Ides, and not on a day of even number. I do not feel at all sure that Lydus was wrong as to the date, the more so as the Ides of May (which month has a certain parallelism with March) is the date of another curious ceremony of this primitive type, that of the Argei.

[121]. This was first noticed by Grimm (Teutonic Mythology, Eng. Trans., vol. ii. 764 foll.). Since then Mannhardt (Baumkultus, 410 foll.) and Mr. Frazer (G. B. i. 257 foll. and 264 foll.) have worked it out and explained it (see especially i. 275). It is generally believed that Death, or whatever be the name applied to the human being or figure expelled in these rites, signifies the extinct spirit of vegetation of the past year. I agree with Mr. Frazer, as against Usener and Roscher (Lex. s. v. Mars), that it is not any abstract conception of the year, or at least was not such originally.

[122]. This fusion of two apparently different ideas in a single ceremony has previously been explained by Mr. Frazer, pp. 205 foll. On p. 210 he notices the curious and well-authenticated rite of driving out hunger at Chaeronea (Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. 6. 8), which would offer an interesting parallel to the Roman, if we could but be sure of the details of the latter. Another from Delphi (Plut. Quaest. Graec. 12, mentioned by Usener, does not seem to me conclusive); but that of the ‘man in cowhide’ from the Highlands (G. B.. ii. 145) is singularly like the Roman rite as Lydus describes it, and took place on New Year’s eve.

[123]. See above, p. [47].

[124]. I am the more disposed to suspect Lydus’ account, as in the same sentence he mentions a sacrifice which is conducted by priests of the Magna Mater Idaea: ἱεράτευον δὲ καὶ ταῦρον ἑξέτη ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσιν ἀγρῶν ἡγουμένου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῶν κανηφόρων τῆς μητρόχου· ἤγετο δὲ καὶ ἄνθρωπος κ.τ.λ. For the difficulties of this passage, and suggested emendations, see Mommsen, C. I. L. 312, note on Id. Mart; Marq. 394, note 5. What confusion of cults may not have taken place, either in Lydus’ mind or in actual fact?

[125]. Both these notes are additamenta: Anna does not appear in the large letters of the Numan calendar. We cannot, however, infer from this that her festival was not an ancient one; for, as Wissowa points out, the same is the case with the very primitive rite of the ‘October horse’ (de Feriis, xii). The day is only marked EID in Maff. Vat., the two calendars in which this part of the month is preserved; i. e. the usual sacrifice to Jupiter on the Ides was indicated (cp. Lydus, 4. 36), and the Ides fixed for the 15th. The additional notes, according to Wissowa, were for the use of the priests; but, considering the popular character of the festival, I am inclined to doubt this rule holding good in the present instance.

[126]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 523 foll.

[127]. ‘Via Flaminia ad lapidem primum’ (Vat.): this would be near the present Porta del Popolo, and close to the river.

[128]. See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 240, for the jovial character of some primitive forms of religion, and the absence of a sense of sin.

[129]. Ov. l. c. 541 ‘Occurri nuper: visa est mihi digna relatu Pompa. Senem potum pota trahebat anus.

[130]. Sat. 1. 12. 6. Cp. Lydus, de Mens. 4. 36.

[131]. Annare perennare is to complete the circle of the year: cp. Suet. Vespas. 5 ‘puella nata non perennavit.’ Anna Perenna herself is probably a deity manufactured out of these words, and the idea they conveyed (cf. Janus Patulcius and Clusius, Carmenta Prorsa Postverta); not exactly a deity of the year, but one whom it would be desirable to propitiate at the beginning of the year.

[132]. Ov. l. c. 545 foll. Sil. Ital. 8. 50 foll. Ovid also says that some thought she was the moon, ‘quia mensibus impleat annum’ (3. 657): but this notion has no value, except as indicating the belief that she represented the circle of the year.

[133]. Aeneas und die Penaten, ii. 717 foll. The cautious Merkel long ago repudiated such fancies; preface to Ovid’s Fasti, p. 177.

[134]. Liv. 1. 2. The Punic Anna is now thought to be a deity = Dido = Elissa: see Rossbach in the new edition of Pauly’s Encyl. i. 2223.

[135]. Her grove was not even on the Tiber-bank, but somewhere between the Via Flaminia and the Via Salaria, i.e. in the neighbourhood of the Villa Borghese: as we see from the obscure lines of Martial, 4. 64. 17 (he is looking from the Janiculum):

Et quod virgineo cruore gaudet

Annae pomiferum nemus Perennae.

Illinc Flaminiae Salariaeque

Gestator patet essedo tacente, &c.

There is no explanation of virgineo cruore: but I would rather retain it than adopt even H. A. J. Munro’s virgine nequiore. See Friedländer, ad loc.

[136]. This seems to be Usener’s suggestion, p. 207.

[137]. Fasti, 3. 675.

[138]. No doubt this should be Nerio: see below on March 17.

[139]. There is some ground for believing that the two words implied two deities on occasion or originally: Varro, Sat. Menipp. fr. 506 ‘Te Anna ac Peranna’ (Riese, p. 219).

[140]. Wissowa (de Feriis x) thinks Ovid’s tale mere nugae: but this learned scholar never seems to be able to comprehend the significance of folk-lore.

[141]. Fasti, 3 661 foll.

[142]. Varro (L. L. 6. 14) calls them ‘sacerdotes Liberi,’ by courtesy, we may presume: and it is noticeable that Ovid describes this old Anna as wearing a mitra, which, in Propert. v. (iv.) 2. 31, is characteristic of Bacchus: ‘Cinge caput mitra: speciem furabor Iacchi.’

[143]. Op. cit. 208.

[144]. See Pauly, Encycl. vol. i. 2223. This is Wissowa’s opinion.

[145]. See on [Jan. 9].

[146]. Cic. ad Fam. 12. 25. 1; Att. 9. 9. 4; Auct. Bell. Hisp. 31.

[147]. Varro, L. L. 6. 14 ‘In libris Saliorum, quorum cognomen Agonensium, forsitan his dies ideo appellatur potius Agonia.’ So Masurius Sabinus (in Macrob. Sat. 1. 4. 15), ‘Liberalium dies a pontificibus agonium Martiale appellatur.’

[148]. See above, p. [53], where I have expressed a doubt whether this custom originally belonged to the Liberalia. It is alluded to in Ovid, Fasti, 3. 725 foll., and Varro, L. L. 6. 14.

[149]. This is the view of Wissowa in Myth. Lex. s. v. Liber, 2022. Cp. Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 662.

[150]. It is only once attested of Roman worship, viz. in the calendar of the Fratres Arvales (Sept. 1 ‘Iovi Libero, Iunoni Reginae in Aventino,’ C. I. L. i. 214); but is met with several times among the Osco-Sabellian peoples.

[151]. So Hehn, Kulturpflanzen, &c., p. 70 foll. But Hehn is only thinking of the later Liber, whom he considers an ‘emanation’ from Jupiter Liber = Dionysus, introduced with the vine from Greece. See Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 662.

[152]. See on [April 23].

[153]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 771 foll.

[154]. Marq. Privatleben, i. 122 note 2.

[155]. Ovid, l. c., 783 foll.; Marq. l. c. and 123, 124. Military service began anciently at seventeen (Tubero, ap. Gell. 10. 28): though even praetextati sometimes served voluntarily (Marq. op. cit. 131). Even if not called out at once, the boys would begin the practice of arms from the assumption of the toga virilis.

[156]. Marq. op. cit. 124. Libero in Ca[pitolio], Farn. For Iuventas, Dion. Hal. 3. 69, 4. 15.

[157]. This result is obtained by comparing Ovid, Fasti, 3. 791

Itur ad Argeos—qui sint, sua pagina dicet—

Hac, si commemini, praeteritaque die.

(where he refers to his description of the rite of May 15, and appears to identify the simulacra and sacella), with Gell. N. A. 10. 15, who says that the Flaminica Dialis, ‘cum it ad Argeos’ was in mourning dress: also with the fragments of the ‘Sacra Argeorum’ in Varro, L. L. 5. 46-54. These have been shown by Jordan (Topogr. ii. 271 foll.) to be fragments of an itinerary, meant for the guidance of a procession, an idea first suggested by O. Müller. The further questions of the route taken, and the distribution of the sacella in the four Servian regiones, are very difficult, and need not be discussed here. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 123 foll.

[158]. L. L. 5. 85 ‘Salii a salitando, quod facere in comitio in sacris quotannis et solent et debent.’

[159]. i. p. 81 (Keil). Why the Comitium was the scene does not appear. Preller has suggested a reason (i. 364), which is by no means convincing.

[160]. It was adopted by Usener (p. 222, note 6), but has obtained no further support. For another curious etymology of the latter part of the word latrus, which, however, does not assist us here, see Deecke, Falisker, p. 90 (Dies ater = dies alter = postridie).

[161]. Wissowa, de Feriis, ix.

[162]. Mommsen, in C. I. L. 312.

[163]. Mommsen, R. H. i. 78, note 1.

[164]. Festus, 254 ‘Quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum qui fere his (? feriis iis) celebrantur: qui scilicet errant tam hercule quam qui triduo Saturnalia, et totidem diebus Compitalia; nam omnibus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vocabuli eius exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, quod post diem quintum Iduum est is dies festus, ut apud Tusculanos Triatrus,’ &c.

[165]. Wissowa, op. cit. viii. We find one in April, between the Fordicidia (April 15) and Cerialia (April 19).

[166]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 809 ‘Una dies media est, et fiunt sacra Minervae,’ &c.

[167]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 835 foll.

Caelius ex alto qua mons descendit in aequum,

Hic ubi non plana est sed prope plana via,

Parva licet videas Captae delubra Minervae

Quae dea natali coepit habere suo.

As from the note in Praen. we learn that March 19 was also the dedication-day of Minerva on the Aventine, there must either be a confusion between the two, or both had the same foundation-day. About the day of Minerva Capta there is no doubt; for that of Minerva on the Aventine see Aust, de Aedibus, p. 42.

[168]. Preller, i. 342; Usener, Rh. Mus., xxx. 221; Roscher, Myth. Lex. s. v. Mars, 2410; Lyd. de Mens. 4. 42; Gell. 13. 23 (from Gellii Annales) is the locus classicus for Nerio.

[169]. Nerio gen. Nerienis (Gell. l. c., who compares Anio Anienis).

[170]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 850: ‘forti sacrificare deae,’ though clearly meant to refer to Minerva, is thought to be a reminiscence of a characteristic of Nerio (‘the strong one’), attached to her supplanter.

[171]. Aul. Gell. l. c.

[172]. Usener, l. c., passim.

[173]. H. Jordan expressed a somewhat different view in his Symbolae ad hist. Ital. religionum alterae, p. 9. He thinks that ‘volgari opinione hominum feminini numinis cum masculo coniunctionem non potuisse non pro coniugali aestimari.’ But this would seem to imply that the opinio volgaris was a mistaken one: and if so, how should it have arisen but under Greek influence?

[174]. Mommsen, in a note on the Feriale Cumanum (Hermes, 17. 637), calls them weibliche Hilfsgöttinnen; and this is not far removed from the view I have expressed in the text. The other alternative, viz that we have in these names traces of an old Italian anthropomorphic age, with a mythology, is in my view inadmissible. I see in them survivals of a mode of thought about the supernatural which might easily lend itself to a foreign anthropomorphizing influence.

[175]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 835 foll.

[176]. Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Minerva 2986: a model article, to which the reader must be referred for further information about Minerva.

[177]. Lydus, 4. 42, adds ‘Nerine,’ and further tells us that this was the last day on which the ancilia were ‘moved’ (κίνησις τῶν ὅπλων). The Salii were also active on the 24th (Fest. 278).

[178]. The note is thus completed by Mommsen from Varro, L. L. 6. 31 ‘Dies qui vocatur sic, Quando Rex Comitiavit Fas, is dictus ab eo quod eo die rex sacrificulus itat [we should probably read litat] ad comitium, ad quod tempus est nefas, ab eo fas’ (see Marq. 323, note 8). The MS. has ‘dicat ad comitium.’ If we adopt litat with Hirschfeld and Jordan, we are not on that account committed to the belief corrected in Praen., that it was on this day and May 24 that the Rex fled after sacrificing in comitio (see Hartmann, Röm. Kal. 162 foll.). The question will be discussed under Feb. 24.

[179]. Röm. Chronol. p. 241; Staatsrecht, iii. 375.

[180]. Gaius, 2. 101 ‘Comitia calata quae bis in anno testamentis faciendis destinata erant.’ Cp. Maine, Ancient Law, 199.

[181]. It may have been of Etruscan origin: Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 206. A special kind of tuba seems to have been used at funerals: Gell. N. A. 20. 2; Marq. Privatleben, i. 341.

[182]. For the military use, Liv. ii. 64. They were also used in sacris Saliaribus Paul. 19, s. v. Armilustrium. Wissowa (de Feriis xv) mentions a relief in which the Salii are preceded by tubicines laureati (published in St. Petersburgh by E. Schulze, 1873).

[183]. C. I. L. 313. He is of opinion that the note was among those ‘non tam a Verrio scriptas quam male ex scriptis eius excerptas.’

[184]. de Div. i. 17. 30.

[185]. Varro, L. L. 5. 91.

[186]. Varro, L. L. 6. 33; Censorinus, 2. 20. Verrius Flaccus in the heading to April in Fasti Praen.: ... ‘quia fruges flores animaliaque et maria et terrae aperiuntur.’ Mommsen, Chron. 222. Ovid quaintly forsakes the scholars to claim the month for Venus (Aphrodite), Fasti, 4. 61 foll. I do not know why Mr. Granger should call it the boar-month (from aper), in his Worship of the Romans, p. 294.

[187]. Segetes runcuri, Varro, R. R. I. 30. Columella’s instructions are of the same kind (II. 2).

[188]. C. I. L. 280.

[189]. Röm. Jahr, 216.

[190]. February has thirteen, all but two between Kal. and Ides. The Nones and Ides are NP. April has thirteen between Nones and 22nd; or fourteen if we include the 19th, which is NP in Caer. The Ides are NP, Nones N.

[191]. See the fragmentary heading to the month in Fasti Praen.; Ovid, l. c.; Lydus, 4. 45; Tutela Veneris, in rustic calendars; Veneralia (April 1), Philocalus.

[192]. Varro, R. R. 1. 1. 6: ‘Item adveneror Minervam et Venerem, quarum unius procuratio oliveti, alterius hortorum.’ Cp. L. L. 6. 20 ‘Quod tum (Aug. 19) dedicata aedes et horti ei deae dicantur ac tum fiant feriati holitores.’ Cf. Preller, Myth. i. 434 foll. The oldest Venus-temple was in the low ground of the Circus Maximus (B.C. 295). “Venus, like Ceres, may have been an old Roman deity of the plebs, but she never entered into the State-worship in early times.” Macrob. 1. 12. 12 quotes Cincius (de Fastis) and Varro to prove that she had originally nothing to do with April, and that there was no dies festus or insigne sacrificium in her honour during the month.

[193]. 4. 45 Ταῖς τοίνυν καλάνδαις ἀπριλλίαις αἱ σεμναὶ γυναικῶν ὑπὲρ ὁμονοίας καὶ βίου σώφρονος ἐτίμων τὴν Ἀφροδίτην· αἱ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους γυναῖκες ἐν τοῖς τῶν ἀνδρῶν βαλανείοις ἐλούοντο, πρὸς θεραπείαν αὐτῆς μυρσίνη ἐστεμμέναι, κ.τ.λ. Cp. Macrob. 1. 12. 15.

[194]. C. I. L. 315.

[195]. We shall find some reason for believing that in the early Republican period new cults came in rather through plebeian than patrician agency (see below, on Cerealia). But in the period of the new nobilitas the lower classes seem rather to have held to their own cults, while the upper social stratum was more ready to accept new ones. See below, on April 4, for the conditions of such acceptance. The tendency is to be explained by the wide and increasing sphere of the foreign relations of the Senatorial government.

[196]. Fasti, 4. 133-164.

[197]. Ovid, l. c. 149 foll.

[198]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 456.

[199]. Quaest. Rom. 74.

[200]. Ovid, l. c., 4. 160 ‘Inde Venus verso nomina corde tenet.’

[201]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 28. About a century earlier a statue of this Venus was said to have been erected (Val. Max. 8. 15. 12; Plin. H. N. 7. 120), as Wissowa pointed out in his Essay, ‘de Veneris Simulacris,’ p. 12.

[202]. See above, p. [67], note 2.

[203]. Religion of the Semites, p. 450 foll.

[204]. Preller, i. 446.

[205]. Livy, 29. 10 and 14; Ovid (Fasti, 4. 259 foll.) has a fanciful edition of the story which well illustrates the character of his work, and that of the legend-mongers; cp. Preller, ii. 57.

[206]. Preller, ii. 55.

[207]. Plin. H. N. 18. 16; Arnobius, 7. 49.

[208]. Livy, 29. 10, 14.

[209]. See above, Introduction, p. [7].

[210]. de Harusp. Resp. 12. 24 ‘Qui uni ludi ne verbo quidem appellantur Latino, ut vocabulo ipso et appetita religio externa et Matris Magnae nomine suscepta declaretur.’

[211]. Dion. Hal. 2. 19. A very interesting passage, in which, among other comments, the historian points out that in receiving the goddess the Romans eliminated ἅπασαν τερθρείαν μυθικήν.

[212]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, pp. 22 and 49.

[213]. Gell. 18. 2. 11 (patricii); cp. 2. 24. 2 (principes civitatis). Cp. Lydus, 4. 45; Verrius’ note in Praen., ‘Nobilium mutitationes cenarum solitae sunt frequenter fieri,’ &c.

[214]. See Marq. 370 foll. The Ludi eventually extended from the 4th to the 10th inclusive (C. I. L. 314).

[215]. Or Hordicidia, Fest. 102; Hordicalia, Varro, R. R. 2. 5. 6; Fordicalia, Lydus, 4. 49. ‘Forda ferens bos est fecundaque, dicta ferendo,’ Ovid, Fasti, 4. 631.

[216]. Ovid, l. c. 635 ‘Pars cadit arce Iovis. Ter denas curia vaccas Accipit, et largo sparsa cruore madet.’ Cp. Varro, L. L. 6. 15. Preller, ii. 6, understands Ovid’s ‘pars’ as meaning more than one cow.

[217]. Ovid, l. c. 633 ‘Nune gravidum pecus est, gravidae nunc semine terrae; Telluri plenae victima plena datur.’

[218]. Ovid, l. c. 637.

Ast ubi visceribus vitulos rapuere ministri,

Sectaque fumosis exta dedere focis,

Igne cremat vitulos quae natu maxima Virgo,

Luce Palis populos purget ut ille cinis.

[219]. See below, p. [83].

[220]. This appears plainly in Ovid’s account (Fasti, 4. 633 foll.), and also in that of Lydus (4. 49): περὶ τὰ σπόριμα ὑπὲρ εὐετηρίας ἱεράτευον. Both doubtless drew on Varro. Lydus adds one or two particulars, that the ἀρχιερεῖς (?) scattered flowers among the people in the theatre, and went in procession outside the city, sacrificing to Demeter at particular stations; but he may be confusing this festival with the Ambarvalia.

[221]. See Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 190; cp. Frazer, G. B. ii. 43.

[222]. Fasti Praen.; C. I. L. 235, and Mommsen’s note (where Apr. is misprinted Aug.). ‘[Hoc biduo sacrific]ium maximum Fortunae Primg. utro eorum die oraclum patet, II viri vitulum I.’

[223]. Liv. 30. 39; Friedländer in Marq. 500; Mommsen, Münzwesen, p. 642, note; Staatsrecht, i. 586.

[224]. C. I. L. 298.

[225]. In the Salian hymn duonus cerus = creator bonus (of Janus): cf. Varro, L. L. 7. 26; Mommsen, Unteritalische Dialekten, 133. See articles cerus (Wissowa) and Ceres (Birt) in Myth. Lex.; Bücheler, Umbrica, 80 and 99.

[226]. ‘Ceres a creando dicta,’ Serv. Georg. 1. 7. It is worth noting that in Nonius Marcellus, 44, cerriti = larvati, where cerus seems to mean a ghost. If so, we have a good example of a common origin of ghosts and gods in the animistic ideas of early Italy.

[227]. Arnob. 3. 40, quoting one Caesius, who followed Etruscan teaching, and held that Ceres = Genius Iovialis et Pales. See Preller-Jordan, i. 81.

[228]. Preller-Jordan, i. 62. They were not even certain whether the Genius Urbis was masculine or feminine; Serv. Aen. 2. 351.

[229]. Henzen, Acta Fr. Arv. p. 48. In later times Ceres took the place of Mars at the Ambarvalia, under Greek influence.

[230]. So Henzen, l. c. and his Introduction, p. ix.

[231]. Myth. Lex, s.v. Ceres, 861. He does not, however, dogmatize, and has little to adduce in favour of his opinion, save the statement of Servius (Georg. 1. 7) that ‘Sabini Cererem Panem appellant.’

[232]. Preller Jordan, ii. 26.

[233]. Aust, de Aedibus, pp. 5 and 40. Preller-Jordan, ii. 38.

[234]. Birt (Myth. Lex. 862) gives the authorities.

[235]. The trias of itself would prove the Greek origin: cf. Kuhfeldt, de Capitoliis, p. 77 foll.

[236]. Plin. H. N. 35. 154. The names of two Greek artists were inscribed on the temple.

[237]. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 2, 468, note.

[238]. Dion. Hal. 6. 89; 10. 42; Liv. 3. 55 says sacer Iovi, but the property was to be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber, and Libera. The corn-stealer also was sacer Cereri.

[239]. Liv. 10. 23; 27. 6; 33. 25.

[240]. Mommsen, Hist. i. 284, note. Cp. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. ii. 275, note 3, who thinks of an aerarium plebis there. See also i. 606 and ii. 278, note 3. According to Liv. 3. 55 senatus consulta had to be deposited in this temple.

[241]. Burn, Rome and the Campagna, p. 204; Liv. 3. 31 and 32 fin.; cp. 10. 31.

[242]. e. g. by Ihne, vol. i. p. 160.

[243]. Schwegler, R. G. i. 783 foll.

[244]. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 2. 468, note 2, is doubtful as to the date of the cura annonae of the plebeian aediles. But Plin. H. N. 18. 3. 15 attributes it to an aedile of earlier date than Spurius Maelius (B.C. 438); and though the Consuls may have had the general supervision, the immediate cura, as far as the plebs was concerned, would surely lie with their officers. Two points should be borne in mind here—(1) that the plebeian population to be relieved would be a surplus population within the city, not the farmer-population of the country; (2) that it would probably be easier to transport corn by sea than by land, as roads were few, and enemies all around.

[245]. Dion. Hal. 7.1, exposes the absurdity of Roman annalists in attributing the corn-supply to Dionysius; but he himself talks of Gelo. Cp. Ihne, i. 160. Ihne disbelieves the whole story, believing it to be copied from events which happened long afterwards.

[246]. Ambrosch, Studien, p. 208. Tradition told that the Tarquinii had stored up great quantities of corn in Rome, i. e. had fed their workmen. Cp. Liv. 1. 56 and 2. 9.

[247]. Mommsen, R. H., bk. i. ch. 13 fin.

[248]. See under August 13 (below, p. [198]) for the parallel foundation of the temple of Diana on the Aventine, which also had a Greek and plebeian character.

[249]. Fasti, 4. 681 foll. Ovid does not distinctly say that the foxes were let loose in the Circus, but seems to imply it.

[250].

‘Factum abiit, monimenta manent; nam vivere captam

Nunc quoque lex volpem Carseolana vetat.’

The best MSS. have ‘nam dicere certam.’ Bergk conjectured ‘namque icere captam.’ The reading given above is adopted from some inferior MSS. by H. Peter (Leipzig, 1889), following Heinsius and Riese. Mr. S. G. Owen of Ch. Ch., our best authority on the text of Ovid, has kindly sent me the suggestion namque ire repertam, comparing, for the use of ire, Ovid, Am. 3. 6. 20 ‘sic aeternus eas.’ This conjecture, which occurred independently to myself, suits the sense and is close to the reading of the best MSS.

[251]. J. Grimm, Reinhardt der Fuchs, cclxix (quoted by Peter). Ovid’s explanation is of course wrong; the story is beyond doubt meant to explain the ritual, or a law to which the ritual gave rise.

[252]. Preller-Jordan, ii. 43. See under Robigalia.

[253]. Myth. Forsch. 107 foll.

[254]. Ovid’s word is terga, but he must, I think, mean ‘tails.’

[255]. Mannhardt, op. cit. 185. Cp. Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 408; ii. 3 and 28 (for fertilizing power of tail).

[256]. Zoological Mythology, ii. 138.

[257]. It may be as well to note that the custom of tying some object in straw—wheel, pole with cross-piece, man who slips out in time, &c.—and then burning it and carrying it about the fields, is common in Europe and elsewhere (Frazer, G. B. ii. 246 foll.). At the same time animals are sometimes burnt in a bonfire: e.g. squirrels, cats, foxes, &c. (G. B. ii. 283). The explanation of Mannhardt, adopted by Mr. Frazer, is that they were corn-spirits burnt as a charm to secure sunshine and vegetation. If the foxes were ever really let loose among the fields, damage might occasionally be done, and stories might arise like that of Carseoli, or even laws forbidding a dangerous practice.

[258]. In C. I. L. 315 this mark is confused with those of the 23rd.

[259]. The letters an also appear in a fragment of a lost note in Esq. Mommsen quotes Ovid, Fasti, 4. 775, and Tibull. 2. 5. 81 for the idea of an annus pastorum beginning on this day. I can find no explanation of it, astronomical or other. Dion. Hal. 1. 88 calls the day the beginning of spring, which it certainly was not.

[260]. For the form of the word see Mommsen, C. I. L. 315. (In Varro, L. L. 6. 15, it is Palilia.) Preller-Jordan, i. 416.

[261]. ‘Palilia tam privata quam publica sunt.’ Varro, ap Schol. in Persium, 1. 75. See on Compitalia, below, p. [279].

[262]. Serv. Georg. 3. 1: ‘Pales ... dea est pabuli. Hanc ... alii, inter quos Varro, masculino genere vocant, ut hic Pales.’ There can be no better proof of the antiquity of the deity in Italy.

[263]. L. L. 5. 53.

[264]. There was a flamen Palatualis (Varro, L. L. 7. 45, and Fest. 245) and an offering Palatuar (Fest. 348), connected with a Diva Palatua of the Palatine, who may have been the urban and pontifical form of Pales.

[265]. Ovid is borne out or supplemented by Tibull. 2. 5. 87 foll.; Propert. 4. 4. 75 foll.; Probus on Virg. Georg. 3. 1; Dionys. 1. 88, &c.

[266]. It is noticeable that sheep alone are mentioned in the ritual as Ovid describes it.

[267]. A. W. F. p. 310. Cp. Frazer, G. B. ii. 246 foll.

[268]. Chambers’ Journal, July, 1842. For the custom in London, Brand, Pop. Antiquities, p. 307.

[269]. So I understand Ovid: but in line 742 in mediis focis might rather indicate a fire in the atrium of the house, and so Mannhardt takes it. In that case the fire over which they leaped (line 805) was made later on in the ceremony.

[270]. Cp. Hom. Od. 22. 481 Οἶσε θέειον, γρηύ, κακῶν ἄκος, οἶσε δέ μοι πῦρ, Ὄφρα θεειώσω μέγαρον.

[271]. Tibull. 2. 5. 28 ‘Et facta agresti lignea falce Pales.’ Tib. seems here to be transferring a rustic practice of his own day to the earliest Romans of the Palatine. But he may be simply indulging his imagination; and we cannot safely conclude that we have here a rude Italian origin of anthropomorphic ideas of the gods.

[272]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 743-746. esp ‘dapibus resectis.’ We can hardly escape the conclusion that the idea of the common meal shared with the gods was a genuine Italian one; it is found here, in the Terminalia (Ovid, Fasti, 2. 655), and in the worship of Jupiter. See on Sept. 13 and Feb. 23.

[273]. Fasti, 4. 763 foll.

[274]. Four is unusual; three is the common number in religious rites.

[275]. ‘Conversus ad ortus Die quater, et vivo perlue rore manus.’ Ovid may perhaps be using ros for fresh water of any kind; see H. Peter’s note (Pt. II, p. 70). But the virtues of dew are great at this time of year (e. g. May-day). See Brand, Pop. Ant. 218, and Mannhardt, A. W. F. 312. Pepys records that his wife went out to gather May-dew; Diary, May 10. 1669.

[276]. The word is camella in Ovid, Fasti, 4. 779; cp. Petron. Sat, 135, and Gell. N. A. 16 7.

[277]. Or as Propertius has it (4. 4. 77):

‘Cumque super raros foeni flammantis acervos

Traiicit immundos ebria turba pedes.’

[278]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 801 foll.; Prop. 4. 4. 73; Varro, R. R. 2. 1. 9. Many other references are collected in Schwegler, R. G. i. 444, note 1. The tradition was certainly an ancient one, and the pastoral character of the rite is in keeping with that of the legend. It is to be noted that the sacrificing priest was originally the Rex Sacrorum (Dionys. 1. 88), a fact which may well carry us back to the earliest Roman age.

[279]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 733 foll. ‘Sanguis equi suffimen erit vitulique favilla. Tertia res durae culmen inane fabae.’ Whether the bonfire was burnt on the Palatine itself does not seem certain, but it is a reasonable conjecture.

[280]. He points out (p. 316) that the throwing of bones or burnt pieces of an animal into the flames is common in northern Europe: hence bonfire = bonefire.

[281]. A. W. F. 316; Frazer, G. B. ii. 274 foll.

[282]. Preller-Jordan, i. 268. Soranus is thought to be connected etymologically with Sol. With this, however, Deecke disagrees (Falisker, 96).

[283]. So called by Virg. Aen. II. 785 and Serv. ad loc. Who the deity really was, we do not know. Apollo here had no doubt a Graeco-Etruscan origin. Deecke (Falisker, 93) thinks of Dis Pater or Vediovis; quoting Servius’ account and explanation of the cult. That the god was Sabine, not Etruscan, is shown by the word hirpi.

[284]. Or of Soracte, if Soranus = Soractnus (Deecke).

[285]. Serv. l. c. tells the aetiological legend. Cp. Plin. N. H. 7. 11. It has been dealt with fully by Mannhardt, A. W. F. 318 foll.

[286]. Plin. l. c.; Varro (ap. Serv. l. c.) asserted that they used a salve for their feet which protected them. The same thing is said, I believe, of the Harawara in India.

[287]. According to Strabo, p. 226, this fire-ceremony took place in the grove of Feronia, at the foot of the hill. Feronia may have been a corn- or harvest-deity, and of this Mannhardt makes all he can. We may at least guess that the rite took place at Midsummer.

[288]. Cp. the cult of Zeus Lykaios in Arcadia; Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, i. 41.

[289]. Myth., Ritual, and Religion, ii. 212.

[290]. This peculiar notation is common to this day and Aug. 19 (the Vinalia Rustica), and to the Feralia (Feb. 21). See Introduction, p. [10].

[291]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 877, asks: ‘Cur igitur Veneris festum Vinalia dicant, Quaeritis?‘

[292]. Varro, L. L. 6. 16; Fest. 65 and 374. The latter gloss is: ‘Vinalia diem festum habebant, quo die vinum novum Iovi libabant.’ Ovid, Fasti, 4. 899, after telling the Mezentius story (alluded to in the note in Praen.), adds

Dicta dies hinc est Vinalia: Iuppiter illam

Vindicat, et festis gaudet inesse suis.

[293]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 871

Templa frequentari Collinae proxima portae

Nunc decet; a Siculo nomina colle tenent.

He seems to have confused this temple with that on the Capitol (Aust, de Aedibus, 23).

[294]. Liv. 40. 34. 4.

[295]. Aust, ib. p. 24. Varro wrote a satire ‘Vinalia περὶ ἀφροδισίων.’ Plutarch (Q. R. 45) confuses Vinalia and Veneralia.

[296]. Festus, 264 and 265; in the Vallis Murcia (or Circus maximus), and the lucus Libitinae. (In 265, xiii Kal. Sept. should be xiv.) For the date of the former temple, 293 B.C., Liv. 10. 31. 9.

[297]. Varro, R. R. 1. 1; Fest. 265; Preller-Jordan, i. 441.

[298]. C. I. L. iv. 2776.

[299]. Varro, L. L. 6. 16. See Myth. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 704 foll.

[300]. Mommsen, C. I. L. 326. Vindemia is the grape-harvest. Hartmann, Röm. Kal. 138, differs from Mommsen on this point.

[301]. Q. R. 45.

[302]. Fest. 65.

[303]. H. N. 18. 287.

[304]. L. L. 6. 16. Hortis is Mommsen’s very probable emendation for sortis of the MSS. O. Müller has sacris, which is preferred by Jordan (Preller, i. 196).

[305]. 264.

[306]. Mommsen (C. I. L. 326) thinks that there is no mistake in the gloss; but that the Vinalia Rustica represent a later and luxurious fashion of allowing a whole year to elapse before tasting the wine, instead of six months. From the vintage, however (end of September or beginning of October), to August 19 is not a whole year. See under August 19.

[307]. ‘Tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant, propter quod instituerunt ferias diesque festos, Robigalia, Floralia, Vinalia.’ That the Vinalia here referred to is the August one is clear, not only from the order of the words, but from what follows, down to the end of sec. 289. Secs. 287 to end of 288 deal with the Vinalia priora parenthetically; in 289 Pliny returns to the Vinalia altera (or rustica), after thus clearing the ground by making it clear that the April Vinalia ‘nihil ad fructus attinent.’ He then quotes Varro to show that in August the object is to avert storms which might damage the vineyards. Mommsen, C. I. L. 326, seems to me to have misread this passage.

[308]. Ovid, Fasti, 877 foll.: the legend was an old one for it is quoted by Macrob. (Sat. 3. 5. 10) from Cato’s Origines. See also Hehn, Kulturpflanzen, 65 foll., who is, however, in error as to the identification of Jupiter (Liber) with Ζεὶς Ἐλευθέριος.

[309]. See Columella, 2. 12; Plin. N. II. 18. 91; and article, ‘Mildew,’ in Encycl. Brit. For the botanical character of this parasite see Worthington Smith’s Diseases of Field and Garden Crops, chs. 21 and 23; and Hugh Macmillan’s Bible Teachings from Nature, p. 120 foll.

[310]. N. H. 18. 273: cp. 154. Pliny thought it chiefly the result of dew (cf. mildew, German mehlthau), and was not wholly wrong.

[311]. The masc. is no doubt correct. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 907, uses the feminine Robigo, but is alone among the older writers in doing so: see Preller-Jordan, ii. 44, note 2.

[312]. Indigitation is the fixing of the local action of a god to be invoked, by means of his name, if I understand rightly Reifferscheid’s view as given by R. Peter in Myth. Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, p. 137. The priest of the Robigalia was the flamen Quirinalis: Quirinus is one form of Mars.

[313]. de Spectaculis, 5.

[314]. Cato, R. R. 141; Preller-Jordan, i. 340.

[315]. Strabo, 613: see Roscher, Apollo and Mars, p. 62. Ἐρυσίβη = mildew, of which ἐρυθίβη is the Rhodian form.

[316]. See Mommsen’s ingenious explanation in C. I. L. 316.

[317]. Fasti, 4. 901 foll. The victims had been slain at Rome and in the morning; and were offered at the grove later in the day (see Marq. 184).

[318]. Villis mantele solutis (cp. Serv. Aen. 12. 169).

[319]. R. R. 141.

[320]. So we may perhaps translate quo sidere moto: but Ovid certainly thought the star rose (cf. 904). Hartmann explains Ovid’s blunder by reference to Serv. Georg. 1. 218 (Röm. Kal. 193). See also H. Peter, ad loc.

[321]. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 107 foll.

[322]. Festus, 285; Paul, 45. It was outside the Porta Catularia, of which, unluckily, nothing is known.

[323]. N. H. 18. 14 ‘Ita est in commentariis pontificum: Augurio canario agendo dies constituantur priusquam frumenta vaginis exeant et antequam in vaginas perveniant.’ For ‘et antequam’ we should perhaps read ‘nec antequam.’ The vagina is the sheath which protects the ear and from which it eventually protrudes; and it seems that in this stage, which in Italy would occur at the end of April or beginning of May, the corn is peculiarly liable to ‘rust.’ (So Virg. Georg. 1. 151 ‘Ut mala culmos Esset robigo’: i. e. the stalks including the vagina.) See Hugh Macmillan, op. cit. p. 121.

[324]. Myth. Forsch. 106. Mr. Frazer (G. B. ii. 59: cp. i. 306) takes the other view of this and similar sacrifices, but with some hesitation.

[325]. It must be confessed that the occurrence of red colour in victims cannot well be always explained in this way; e. g. the red heifer of the Israelites (Numbers xix), and the red oxen of the Egyptians (Plut. Isis and Osiris, 31). But in this rite, occurring so close to the Cerialia, where, as we have seen, foxes were turned out in the circus maximus, the colour of the puppies must have had some meaning in relation to the growing crops.

[326]. ‘Ludi cursoribus maioribus minoribusque.’ What these were is not known: Mommsen, C. I. L. 317.

[327]. Usener, Religionsgeschichte, i. 298 foll.

[328]. See Introduction, p. [15].

[329]. Plin. N. H. 18. 286; two years earlier, according to Velleius, 1. 14. This is, I think, the only case in which a deity taken in hand by the decemviri sacris faciundis cannot be traced to a Greek origin; but the characteristics of Flora are so like those of Venus that in the former, as in the latter, Aphrodite may be concealed. The games as eventually organized had points in common with the cult of Aphrodite at Hierapolis (Lucian, Dea Syr. 49; Farnell, Cults, ii. 643); and it is worth noting that their date (173 B.C.) is subsequent to the Syrian war. Up to that time the games were not regular or annual (Ovid, Fasti, 5. 295).

[330]. Tac. Ann. 2. 49; Aust, p. 17.

[331]. Plebis ad aediles: Ovid, ib. v. 287; Festus, 238, probably in error, calls the Publicii curule aediles.

[332]. Ovid, ib. 5.277 foll., in which he draws a picture of the misdoings of the landholders. Cp. Liv. 33. 42, for the temple of Faunus in insula, founded by the same means.

[333]. Ovid, ib. 5. 352.

[334]. Steuding in Myth. Lex. s. v. Flora. There was a Sabine month Flusalis (Momms. Chron. 219) = Floralis, and answering to July. Varro considered Flora a Sabine deity (L. L. 5. 74).

[335]. Varro, L. L. 7. 45. Flora had an ancient temple in colle, near the so-called Capitolium vetus (Steuding, l. c.), i. e. in the ‘Sabine quarter.’

[336]. Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 146.

[337]. Ov. 5. 331 foll ‘Volt sua plebeio sacra patere choro.’

[338]. Val. Max. 2. 10. 8. Steuding in Myth. Lex. has oddly misunderstood this passage, making Val. Max. write of this custom as an ancient one, whereas he clearly implies the opposite. It was no doubt the relic of some rude country practice, degenerated under the influence of city life.

[339]. Lactantius, De falsa religione, i. 20.

[340]. Aug. Civ. Dei, ii. 27.

[341]. Friedländer on Martial, 8. 67. 4.

[342]. H. Peter takes this to mean that they were let loose from a net and hunted into it again. See note ad loc. 5. 371.

[343]. See above, p. [77].

[344]. Sat. 5. 177:

Vigila et cicer ingere large

Rixanti populo, nostra ut Floralia possint

Aprici meminisse senes.—Cp. Hor. Sat. 2. 3. 182.

[345]. Friedländer, Sittengeschichte, ii. 286; and his note on Martial, 8. 78.

[346]. Kind. u. Korn. 351 foll.

[347]. Another point that may strike the reader of Ovid is the wearing of parti-coloured dress on these days (5. 355: cp. Martial, 5. 23)—

Cur tamen ut dantur vestes Cerialibus albae,

Sic haec est cultu versicolore decens?

Flora answers him doubtfully. Was this a practice of comparatively late date? See Friedländer, Sittengeschichte ii. 275.

[348]. Mommsen in C. I. L. vi. p. 455 (Tabula fer. Lat.). The day was March 15 from B.C. 222 to 153; in earlier times it had been frequently changed. See Mommsen. Chron. p. 80 foll.

[349]. On this office and its connexion with the feriae see Vigneaux, Essai sur l’histoire de la praefectura urbis, p. 37 foll.

[350]. Plin. H. N. 3. 69; Dionys. 4. 49. The difficult questions arising out of the numbers given by these authorities are discussed by Beloch, Italischer Bund, 178 foll., and Mommsen in Hermes, vol. xvii. 42 foll.

[351]. Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, p. 689.

[352]. C. I. L. vi. 2021.

[353]. Condensed from the account given by Aust, l. c. See also Preller-Jordan, i. 210 foll. The chief authority is Dionys. 4. 49.

[354]. e. g. Liv. 32. 1, 37. 3, in which cases some one city had not received its portion. The result was an instauratio feriarum.

[355]. See below, p. [294] (Feriae Sementivae). The meaning of the oscilla was not really known to the later Romans, who freely indulged in conjectures about them. Macrob. 1. 7. 34; Serv. Georg. 2. 389; Paul. 121. My own belief is that, like the bullae of children, they were only one of the many means of averting evil influences.

[356]. See the passages of Livy quoted above, and add 40. 45 (on account of a storm); 41. 16 (a failure on the part of Lanuvium).

[357]. Macrob. 1. 16. 16 ‘Cum Latiar, hoc est Latinarum solemne concipitur, nefas est proelium sumere: quia nec Latinarum tempore, quo publice quondam indutiae inter populum Romanum Latinosque firmatae sunt, inchoari bellum decebat.’

[358]. See under Sept. 13.

[359]. For the characteristics and meaning of the common sacrificial meal see especially Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lect. viii.

[360]. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, 71.

[361]. Robertson Smith, op. cit., 278 foll.

[362]. Cic. pro Plancio, 9. 23.

[363]. Sat. 1. 12. 16.

[364]. See above, Introduction, p. [11].

[365]. So Varro also (L. L. 6. 33). But Censorinus (De die natali, 20. 2) expressly ascribes to Varro the derivation from Maia; the great scholar apparently changed his view.

[366]. For Iup. Maius see Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, p. 650.

[367]. This was probably not the early historian Cincius Alimentus, but a contemporary of Augustus, Teuffel, Hist. of Roman Literature, sec. 106. For the flamen Volcanalis see on Aug 23.

[368]. i. e. on the Ides: see below, p. [120]. The connexion between Mercurius and Maia seems to arise simply from the fact that the dedication of the temple of the former was on the Ides of this month.

[369]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 59 foll.; Mommsen, Chron. 218.

[370]. The etymology was defended by Roscher in Fleckeisen’s Jahrbuch for 1875, and in his Iuno und Hera, p. 105.

[371]. Fasti, 5. 129 foll. For the doubtful reading Curibus in 131 see Peter, ad loc.; Preller-Jordan, ii. 114.

[372]. Fasti, 5. 143; Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 51.

[373]. This appears on coins of the gens Caesia: Cohen, Méd. Cons. pl. viii. Wissowa, in Myth. Lex., s. v. Lares, gives a cut of the coin, on which the Lares are represented sitting with a dog between them. See note at the end of this work ([Note B]) on the further interpretation of these coins.

[374]. See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 414 foll.

[375]. Farnell, Cults, ii. 515. Hekate was certainly a deity of the earth. Cf. Plut. Q. R. 68.

[376]. See on Robigalia, [April 25].

[377]. Quaest. Rom. 52 and 111; cf. Romulus 21.

[378]. So Jevons, Roman Questions, Introduction, xli.

[379]. De-Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, 48. Wissowa (Myth. Lex., s. v. Lares, p. 1872) prefers the old interpretation, much as Plutarch gives it.

[380]. Fasti, 5. 149 foll.

[381]. Aust, De Aedibus sacris, p. 27. It was apparently before 123 B.C., when a Vestal Virgin, Licinia, added an aedicula, pulvinar, and ara to it (Cic. de Domo, 136).

[382]. Wissowa, in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopädie, s. v. Bona Dea, 690. See above, p. 69.

[383]. See below, under [Dec. 3]. There can be hardly a doubt that this December rite was the one famous for the sacrilegium of Clodius in 62 B.C., though Prof. Beesly rashly assumed the contrary in his essay on Clodius (Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius, p. 45 note). Plutarch, Cic. 19 and 20; Dio Cass. 37. 35.

[384]. Ovid, l. c. ‘oculos exosa viriles.’ Cp. Ars Amat. 3. 637. On this and other points in the cult see R. Peter in Myth. Lex., and Wissowa, l. c. The latter seems to refer most of them to the December rite; but Ovid and Macrobius expressly connect them with the temple. Macr. 1. 12. 25 foll.

[385]. Propert. 4. 9; Macr. 1. 12. 28.

[386]. Tylor, Primitive Culture, ii. 245 foll.

[387]. See below, p. [143]. Lex. Myth. s. v. Hercules, 2258.

[388]. Macr. l. c. Plutarch also knew of this (Quaest. Rom. 20).

[389]. Otherwise in Lactantius, 1. 22. 11, and Arnob. 5. 18, where Fauna is said to have been beaten because she drank wine; no doubt a later version. Lactantius quotes Sext. Clodius, a contemporary of Cicero.

[390]. H. N. 14. 88. See above on feriae Latinae, p. 97. Virg. Ecl. 5. 66; Georg. 1. 344; Aen. 5. 77. In the last passage milk is offered to the inferiae of Anchises: we may note the similarity of the cult of Earth-deities and of the dead.

[391]. Plut. Q. R. 20; Macrob. l. c.; Lactant. l. c. The myth has been explained as Greek (Wissowa, in Pauly, 688), but its peculiar feature, the whipping, could hardly have become attached to a Roman cult unless there were something in the cult to attach it to, or unless the cult itself were borrowed from the Greek. That the latter was the case it is impossible to prove; and I prefer to believe that both cult and myth were Roman.

[392]. Mythologische Forschungen, 115 foll. Cp. Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 213 foll.

[393]. Below, p. [320]. See also on [July 7] (Nonae Caprotinae).

[394]. Macrob. l. c. ‘Quidam Medeam putant, quod in aede eius omne genus herbarum sit ex quibus antistites dant plerumque medicinas.’

[395]. C. I. L. vi. 54 foll.

[396]. This no doubt gave rise to the myth that Faunus ‘coisse cum filia’ in the form of a snake. Here again the myth may possibly be Greek, but we have no right to deny that it may have had a Roman basis. Snakes were kept in great numbers both in temples and houses in Italy (Preller-Jordan, i. 87, 385).

[397]. Plin. H. N. 29 passim, especially 14, &c., where Cato is quoted as detesting the new Greek art, and urging his son to stick to the old simples; some of which, with their absurd charms, are given in Cato, R. R. 156 foll.

[398]. Macrob. l. c.; Juv. Sat. 2. 86.

[399]. Marq. 173. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr. ii. 159, note) has some impossible combinations on this subject, and concludes that the Bona Dea was a moon-goddess.

[400]. See above, p. [72] foll.

[401]. Paulus, 68 ‘Damium sacrificium, quod fiebat in operto in honorem Bonae deae, ... dea quoque ipsa Damia et sacerdos eius damiatrix appellabatur.’

[402]. R. Peter in Myth. Lex., s. v. Damia; Wissowa, l. c.

[403]. Paulus, l. c.

[404]. Lactantius, 1. 22; Serv. Aen. 8. 314.

[405]. Preuner, Hestia-Vesta, 407 foll. For Lucina, Gilbert, l. c.

[406]. The combination of the idea of female fecundity with that of the earth is of course common enough. Here is a good example from Abyssinia: ‘She (Atetie) is the goddess of fecundity, and women are her principal votaries; but, as she can also make the earth prolific, offerings are made to her for that purpose’ (Macdonald, Religion and Myth, p. 42).

[407]. Fasti, 5. 421 foll.

[408]. See Introduction, p. [15].

[409]. Huschke (Röm. Jahr, 17) tried to prove that the Lemuria was the ‘Todtenfest’ of the Sabine city, the Feralia that of the Latin; but his arguments have convinced no one.

[410]. Fasti, 5. 423.

[411]. G. B. ii. 157 foll.; Macdonald, Religion and Myth, ch. vi.

[412]. Introduction, p. [10].

[413]. Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 24. The friendly attitude is well illustrated in F. de Coulanges’ La Cité antique, ch. ii.

[414]. On Hor. Ep. 2. 2. 209.

[415]. Non. p. 135. Cp. Festus, s. v. faba: ‘Lemuralibus iacitur larvis,’ i. e. ‘the bean is thrown to larvae at the Lemuralia.’ Serv. Aen. 3. 63.

[416]. de Genio Socratis, 15. The passage is interesting, but historically worthless, as is that of Martianus Capella, 2. 162.

[417]. Fasti, 5. 451 foll.; Porph. l. c. Remus, as one dead before his time, would not lie quiet: ‘Umbra cruenta Remi visa est adsistere lecto,’ &c.

[418]. See e. g. Von Duhn’s paper on Italian excavations, translated in the Journal of Hellenic Studies for 1897.

[419]. ‘Habent vincula nulla pedes’ (Fasti, 5. 432). In performing sacred rites a man must be free; e. g. the Flamen Dialis might not wear a ring, or anything binding, and a fettered prisoner had to be loosed in his house (Plut. Q. R. 111). Cp. Numa in his interview with Faunus (Ov. Fasti, 4. 658), ‘Nec digitis annulus ullus inest.’ Serv. Aen. 4. 518; Hor. Sat. 1. 8. 24.

[420]. Manes must be here used, either loosely by the poet, or euphemistically by the house-father.

[421]. It is curious to find them used for the very same purpose of ghost-ridding as far away as Japan (Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 176). For their antiquity as food, Hehn, Kulturpflanzen, 459; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung, 362.

[422]. A. Lang, Myth, &c., ii. 265; Jevons, Roman Questions, Introd. p. lxxxvi; O. Crusius, Rhein. Mus. xxxix. 164 foll.; and especially Lobeck, Aglaoph. 251 foll. For superstitions of a similar kind attached to the mandrake and other plants see Sir T. Browne’s Vulgar Errors, bk. ii. ch. 6; Rhys, Celtic Mythology, p. 356 (the berries of the rowan).

[423]. There was a notion that beans sown in a manure-heap produced men. Cp. Plin. H. N. 18. 118 ‘quoniam mortuorum animae sint in ea.’

[424]. Gell. 10. 15. 2 (from Fabius Pictor).

[425]. Serv. Ecl. 8. 82; Marq. 343 note. Mannhardt, A. W. F. 269, attempts an explanation of the difficulty arising here from the fact that in historical times the calendar was some weeks in advance of the seasons, but without much success.

[426]. This note is wrongly entered in the Fasti Venusini, under May 16.

[427]. Festus, 245, s. v. Publica sacra. Cp. Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 123. Festus distinguishes pagi, montes, sacella, of which the festivals would seem to be the Paganalia, Septimontium, and sacra Argeorum, respectively.

[428]. See under [March 17]. We arrive at the procession by comparing the Varronian extracts from the sacra Argeorum (L. L. 545) with Gellius, 10. 15.30, and Ovid, Fasti, 3. 791. See a restoration of the itinerary of the procession in Jordan, Topogr. ii. 603.

[429]. Sacella in Varro (L. L. 545); sacraria, ib. 548; Argea in Festus, 334, where the word seems to be an adjective; Argei in Liv. 1. 24 ‘loca sacris faciendis, quae Argeos pontifices vocant.’ The number depends on the reading of Varro, 7. 44, xxiv or xxvii; Jordan decided for xxiv: but see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 123.

[430]. Fasti, 3. 791.

[431]. Jordan, Topogr. ii. 271 foll.

[432]. Dionysius, 1. 38; Ovid, Fasti, 5. 621 foll.; Festus, p. 334, s. v. Sexagenarii; Plutarch, Q. R. 32 and 86.

[433]. Dionysius says there were thirty; he had probably seen the ceremony, but may have only made a rough guess at the number or have thought of the thirty Curiae. Ovid writes of two: ‘Falcifero libata seni duo corpora gentis Mittite,’ &c. (Jordan proposed to read ‘senilia’ for ‘seni duo.’)

[434]. Festus, 334.

[435]. Festus, l. c.; Cicero, pro Roscio Amerino, 35. 100. Sexagenarios de ponte was apparently an old saying (cp. ‘depontani,’ Festus, 75); the earliest notice we have of it, which comes from the poet Afranius, seems to connect it with the pons sublicius.

[436]. ‘The etymology will of course explain a word, but only if it happens to be right; the history of the word is a surer guide’ (Skeat). In this case we have not even the history.

[437]. See Schwegler, i 383. note; Marq. 183. Mommsen (Staatsrecht, iii. 123) reverts to the opinion that Argei is simply Ἀργεῖοι, and preserves a reminiscence of Greek captives. Nettleship, in his Notes in Latin Lexicography, p. 271, is inclined to connect the word with ‘arcere’, in the sense of confining prisoners. More fanciful developments in a paper by O. Keller, in Fleckeisen’s Jahrbuch, cxxxiii. 845 foll.

[438]. The puppets may have been made in March, and then hung in the sacella till May: so Jordan, Topogr. l. c. The writer in Myth. Lex. thinks that human victims were originally kept in these sacella, for whom the puppets were surrogates.

[439]. There is an interesting modern parallel in Mannhardt, A. W. F. 178.

[440]. Varro, L. L. 5. 83, and Jordan, Topogr. i. 398. The general opinion seems now to favour the view that there was an original connexion between the pontifices and the pons sublicius.

[441]. Varro, L. L. 5. 83; Dionys. 2. 73, 3. 45.

[442]. This was the suggestion of Mr. Frazer in a note in the Journal of Philology, vol. xiv. p. 156. The late Prof. Nettleship once expressed this view to me.

[443]. Paulus, p. 15 ‘per Virgines Vestales’; Ovid, Fasti, 5. 621.

[444]. See below, p. [149].

[445]. Plut. Quaest. Rom. 86; Gell. 10. 15; Marq. 318. Her usual head-dress was the flammeum, or bride’s veil. No mention is made of the Flamen her husband; the prominence of women in all these rites is noticeable.

[446]. Baumkultus, 155, 411, 416. The cult of Adonis has some features like that of the Argei: e. g. the puppet, the immersion in water and the mourning (see Lex. s. v. Adonis, p. 73; Mannhardt, A. W. F. 276).

[447]. i. e. ‘old men must go over the bridge.’ See Cic. pro Roscio Amerino, 35, where the old edition of Osenbrüggen has a useful note. Also Varro, apud Lactant. Inst. 1. 21. 6. Ovid alludes to the proverb (5. 623 foll.) ‘Corpora post decies senos qui credidit annos Missa neci, sceleris crimine damnat avos.’

[448]. Dionys. 1. 38. But he may have been deceived simply by the appearance of the bindings of the sheaves or bundles, especially if he had been told beforehand of the proverb.

[449]. The best known instances of human sacrifice at Rome are collected in a note to Merivale’s History (vol. iii. 35); and by Sachse, Die Argeer, p. 17. O. Müller thought that it came to Rome from Etruria (Etrusker, ii. 20). For Greece, see Hermann, Griech. Alt. ii. sec. 27; Strabo. 10. 8. See also some valuable remarks in Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 362, on substitution in sacrifice.

[450]. Caesar, B. G. 6. 16; Tac. Germ. 9 and 39. Strabo, 10. 8, is interesting, as giving an example of the dropping out of the actual killing, while the form survived. See below on Lupercalia, p. [315].

[451]. A point suggested to me some years ago by Mr. A. J. Evans.

[452]. Sir A. Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 19) writes of human sacrifice as having been common in India as a last resort for appeasing divine wrath when manifested in some strange manner; i. e. it was never regular. So Procopius, Bell. Goth. 3. 13. Tacitus, indeed, writes of ‘certis diebus’ (Germ. 9), but it is not clear that he meant fixed recurring days. As a rule in human sacrifice and cannibalism the victims are captives, who would not be always at hand.

[453]. Dionysius (1. 38) speaks of sacrifice before the immersion of the puppets: προθύσαντες ἱερὰ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους.

[454]. The βούλιμος and φαρμακός, Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 129 foll.

[455]. Germania, 40: Mannhardt, Baumkultus, 567 foll. The evidence is perhaps hardly adequate as to detail.

[456]. Baumkultus, chapters 3, 4, and 5, which should be used by all who wish to form some idea of the amount of evidence collected on this one head.

[457]. Our Jack-in-the-Green is probably a survival of this kind of rite.

[458]. Nearly all these customs occur either at Whitsuntide or harvest. Mannhardt conjectured that the Argei-rite was originally a harvest custom (A. W. F. 269); quite needlessly, I think.

[459]. Baumkultus, 331.

[460]. Mannhardt allows this, Baumkultus, 336 note.

[461]. Baumkultus, 358 foll. His theory is expressed in judicious and by no means dogmatic language. It may be that he runs his Vegetation-spirit somewhat too hard—and no mythologist is free from the error of seeing his own discovery exemplified wherever he turns. But the spirit of vegetation had been found at Rome long before Mannhardt’s time (see e. g. Preller’s account of Mars and the deities related to him).

[462]. Baumkultus, 359, 420; Korndämonen, 24.

[463]. Baumkultus, 349 foll., 365, 414.

[464]. Cp. the root cas-, which (according to Corssen, Aussprache, i. 652 note), appears both in canus and cascus, and also in the Oscan casnar = ‘an old man.’ The word casnar is used by Varro (ap. Nonium, 86) for sexagenarius, or possibly argeus: ‘Vix ecfatus erat cum more maiorum carnales (= casnales) arripiunt et de ponte deturbant.’ Cf. Varro, L. L. 7. 73; Mommsen, Unteritalische Dialekten, p. 268. The root arg may perhaps have meant holy as well as old or white, like the Welsh gwen (Rhys, Celtic Mythology, 527 note).

[465]. Baumkultus, 214-16, 355, &c. On p. 356 is a valuable note giving examples from America, India, &c. For a remarkable case from ancient Egypt, of which the object is not rain, but inundation, see Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 368. See also Grimm, Teutonic Mythology (E. T.), p. 593 foll.

[466]. Quaest. Rom. 86. This work is undoubtedly drawn chiefly from Varro’s writings, but largely through the medium of those of Juba the king of Mauretania, who wrote in Greek (Barth de Jubae Ὁμοιότησιν in Plutarcho expressis: Göttingen, 1876).

[467]. Parallels in Baumkultus, pp. 170, 178, 211, 409. These are examples of May-trees and other objects, sometimes decked out as human beings, which are hung up in the homestead for a certain time—e. g. in Austria from May-day to St. John Baptist’s day, a period closely corresponding both in length and season to that at Rome, from March 15 to May 15. In the church of Charlton-on-Otmoor, near Oxford, it is hung on the rood-screen from May 1 onwards.

[468]. Ovid, Fasti, 5. 627; Dionys. 1. 38.

[469]. See Macrob. 1. 7. 28. In Dionysius’ version, however, of the line it is Ἅιδης to whom the sacrifice is offered.

[470]. Festus, 334.

[471]. Topogr. ii. 285.

[472]. Lex. s. v. Mercurius, p. 2804.

[473]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 5.

[474]. It seems to me probable that there was a Mercurius at Rome before the introduction of Hermes; but this cannot be proved. It seems likely that the temple-cult established in 495 B.C. was really that of Hermes under an Italian name, as in the parallel case of Ceres. This was one year later than the date of the Ceres-temple (above, p. [74]).

[475]. Mercuriales, or Mercatores (Jordan, Topogr. i. 1. 278). They belonged to the collegia of the pagi.

[476]. See on [March 17] and [January 9].

[477]. i. 262 foll.; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 445; Gell. N. A. 5. 12.

[478]. C. I. L. i. 807; the dedication of an altar (Vediovei Patrei genteiles Iuliei) found at Bovillae.

[479]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 429; Gell. 5. 12. It was this temple which had May 21 as its ‘dies natalis.’

[480]. Liv. 31. 21. 12 (reading Vediovi for deo Iovi, with Merkel and Jordan).

[481]. Gell. l. c.; Preller, i. 264, and Jordan’s note.

[482]. Gell. 5. 12. The meaning of the expression is not clear. Paulus (165) writes: ‘Humanum sacrificium dicebant quod mortui causa fiebat’—which does not greatly help us. Preller reasonably suggested that the goat might be a substitutory victim in place of a ‘homo sacer’ or criminal (i. 265).

[483]. Above, p. [63].

[484]. Fasti, 5. 725.

[485]. de Feriis, xv.

[486]. Gell. 13. 23.

[487]. The Hephaestus-myth has been treated on the comparative method by F. von Schröder (Griech. Götter u. Heroen, i. 79 foll.), and by Rapp in Myth. Lex. It is of course possible that it may have been known to the early Italians, but what we know of Volcanus does not favour this.

[488]. Vitruvius, 3. 2. 2; it was ‘proxime portam Collinam.’

[489]. See below, pp. [165], [223].

[490]. Liv. 34. 53; Aust, de Aedibus, p. 20.

[491]. This seems to have been the date among the Anauni of N. Italy as late as 393 A.D.: see the Acta Martyrum, p. 536 (Verona, 1731). (For the Anauni, Rushforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 99 foll.)

[492]. Chron. 70 foll.: a difficult bit of calculation.

[493]. Mommsen, l. c. Henzen, Acta Fr. Arv. xlvi-xlviii; Jordan on Preller, i. 420, and Topogr. i. 289, ii. 236. The latter would also identify Ambarvalia and Amburbium; but the two seem clearly distinguished by Servius (Ecl. 3.77).

[494]. p. 200. Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 63.

[495]. p. 5. See Jordan on Preller, i. 420, note 2; Marq. 200, note 3.

[496]. Georg. 1. 338 foll.

[497]. ‘Extremae sub casum hiemis’ might possibly suit the Italian April, but certainly not the Italian May. May 1 is the earliest date we have for an agri lustratio, i. e. in Campania (C. I. L. x. 3792). ‘Tunc mollissima vina’ may contain a reference to the Vinalia of April 23, when the new wine was first drunk; and if that were so, the general reference might be to the Cerialia or its rustic equivalent.

[498]. R. R. 141. Cp. Siculus Flaccus in Gromatici Veteres, p. 164. The lustratio should be celebrated before even the earliest crops (e. g. beans) were cut.

[499]. Henzen, Acta Fr. Arv. xlviii.

[500]. Cato, R. R. 141. I have availed myself of the Italian translation and commentary of Prof. De Marchi in his work on the domestic religion of the Romans, p. 128 foll.

[501]. Bücheler, Umbrica; Bréal, Les Tables Eugubines.

[502]. Brand, Popular Antiquities, p. 292.

[503]. I am informed that it visited one hamlet, Horton, which is not at present in the parish of Charlton; of this there should be some topographical explanation.

[504]. The cross is very commonly carried about on the continent, and in Holland the week is called cross-week for this reason. But at Charlton there seems to have been a confusion between this cross and the May-queen or May-doll; for on May-day, 1898, the old woman who decked it called it ‘my lady,’ and spoke of ‘her waist,’ &c. I am indebted to the Rev. C. E. Prior, the present incumbent, for information about this interesting survival.

[505]. What can be said for this view may be read in Roscher’s article in Lex. s. v. Iuno, p. 575, note.

[506]. Roscher’s treatment of Juno Moneta (Lex. s. v. Iuno, 593) seems to me pure fancy; this writer is apt to twist his facts and his inferences to suit a prepossession—in this case the notion of a ἱερὸς γάμος of Jupiter and Juno.

[507]. Liv. 7. 28; Ovid, Fasti, 6. 183; Macrob. 1. 12. 30.

[508]. On this point see Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman Hist. vol. ii. 345.

[509]. Dionys., 13. 7, says, Χῆνες ἱεροὶ περὶ τὸν νεὼν τῆς Ἥρας; but this is no evidence for an early temple of Juno Moneta.

[510]. Apparently she was fond of such birds: crows also were ‘in tutela Iunonis’ at a certain spot north of the Tiber (Paul. 64), and at Lanuvium (Preller, i. 283).

[511]. Liv. 6. 20.

[512]. I have assumed that Moneta is connected with moneo; but there are other views (Roscher, Lex. 593). Livius Andronicus (ap. Priscian, p. 679) helps us to the meaning by translating Μνημοσύνη (of the Odyssey) by Moneta.

[513]. Macrob. Sat. 1. 12. 22 and 31. There was no temple of Carna there but Tertullianus (ad Nat. 2. 9) mentions a fanum.

[514]. Cp. also the explanation from iuniores (e. g. in Ovid, Fasti, 6. 83 foll.).

[515]. Macrob. 1. 12. 33 ‘Cui pulte fabacia et larido sacrificatur.’

[516]. Even in the fourth century A.D. this was so: see the calendar of Philocalus.

[517]. Colum. II. 2. 20; Pallad. 7. 3; Hartmann, Das Röm. Kal. 135.

[518]. H. N. 18. 117.

[519]. See above on Lemuria, p. [110].

[520]. de Feriis, xiii.

[521]. C. I. L. iii. 3893.

[522]. There is really nothing in common between the two: see Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Carna, following Merkel, clxv. What the real etymology of Carna may be is undecided; Curtius and others have connected it with cor, and on this O. Gilbert has built much foolish conjecture (ii. 19 foll.). I would rather compare it with the words Garanus or Recaranus of the Hercules legend (Bréal, Herc. et Cacus, pp. 59, 60), and perhaps with Gradivus, Grabovius. The name of the ‘nymph’ Cranae in Ovid’s account is in some MSS. Grane or Crane. H. Peter (Fasti, pt. ii. p. 89) adopts the connexion with caro: she is ‘die das Fleisch kräftigende Göttin’ (cp. Ossipago).

[523]. Fasti, 6. 169-182. Lines 101-130 are concerned with Cardea; 130 to 168, or the middle section of the comment, seem, as Marquardt suggested (p. 13, note), to be referable to Carna (as the averter of striges), though the charms fixed on the postes show that Ovid is still confounding her with Cardea.

[524]. The word strix is Greek, or at least identical with the Greek word. But the belief in vampires is so widely spread (cf. Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 175 foll.) that we must not conclude hastily that it came to Italy with the Greeks: it is met with as early as Plautus (Pseud. 3. 2. 20). Cf. Pliny, H. N. 11. 232.

[525]. Fasti, 6. 155 foll.

[526]. The arbutus does not seem to be mentioned in connexion with charms except in this passage; we might have expected the laurel. Bötticher, Baumkultus, 324.

[527]. The sucking-pig is sacrificed, as we gather from prosecta below; i. e. to Carna: cp. the cakes of lard eaten this day (169 foll.).

[528]. Cp. in the process of ghost-laying (above, p. [109]) the prohibition to look at the beans scattered.

[529]. For the blackthorn (Germ. Weissdorn) see Bötticher, Baumkultus, 361. Varro, ap. Charisium, p. 117 ‘fax ex spinu alba praefertur, quod purgationis causa adhibetur.’

[530]. This is the passage that must have inspired O. Crusius in his paper on beans in Rhein. Mus. xxxix. 164 foll. ‘Beans,’ he says, ‘were the oldest Italian food, and like stone knives, &c., survived in ritual.’ We want, indeed, some more definite proof that they were really the oldest food; and anyhow their use had not died out like that of stone implements. They were a common article of food at Athens: Aristoph. Knights, 41; Lysist. 537 and 691. But it is not unlikely that their use in the cult of the dead may be a survival, upon which odd superstitions grafted themselves. For a parallel argument see Roscher, Nektar und Ambrosia, 36; Rhys, Celtic Mythology, 356.

[531]. Sat. 1. 12. 32.

[532]. No safe conclusion can be drawn from Tertullian’s inclusion (ad Nat. 2. 9) of the fanum of Carna on the Caelian among those of di adventicii. O. Gilbert has lately tried to make much of this (ii. 42 foll.), and to find an Etruscan origin for Carna: but see Aust on the position of temples outside the pomoerium (de Aedibus sacris, 47).

[533]. Liv. 7. 23; Dionys. 6. 13.

[534]. See on March 1, above, p. [37].

[535]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 8. The Fasti Venusini are ‘omnium accuratissimi’; ib. p. 43. Aust goes so far as to doubt the true Roman character of this Mars, and believes him to be the Greek god Ares. See his note in Lex. 2391. The date of foundation is not certain, but was probably not earlier than the Gallic war, 388 B.C., if it is this to which Livy alludes in 6. 5. 8.

[536]. Liv. 10. 19. There was a tradition that Ap. Claudius, Cos. 495 B.C., had dedicated statues of his ancestors in a temple of Bellona (Pliny, N. H. 35. 12).

[537]. Serv. Aen. ix. 53.

[538]. Liv. 1. 32. 12; Marq. 422.

[539]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 205 foll.; Paulus, 33.

[540]. Willems, Le Sénat de la République, ii. 161.

[541]. This was originally suggested by Gellius (13. 23), ‘perhaps not without some reason,’ says Marquardt (75). This suggestion has grown almost into a certainty for the writer in the Lexicon, in a manner very characteristic of the present age of research. There would be some reason to think that Bellona (or Duellona) was an ancient goddess of central Italy, if we could be sure that the inscription on an ancient cup, in the museum at Florence, which may be read ‘Belolae poculum’ (C. I. L. i. 44), refers to this deity. See Lex. s. v. Belola.

[542]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 209. See Commentarii in honorem Th. Mommseni, 262 foll. (Klügmann), and R. Peter in Lex. s. v. Herc. p. 2979.

[543]. Preller-Jordan, ii. 296.

[544]. See below, p. [146].

[545]. 9. 60, where Ζεὺς Πίστιος = Dius Fidius.

[546]. 4. 58: cp. Liv. 8. 20; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 51. Of the porta Sanqualis I shall have a word to say presently.

[547]. Mr. Lang (Myth, Ritual, &c., ii. 191) has some excellent remarks on this subject.

[548]. Fasti, 6. 213.

[549]. See Wordsworth’s Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 157 ‘Semunes alternos advocapit cunctos.’ I follow Jordan’s explanation of ‘Semunes,’ in Krit. Beiträge, 204 foll.

[550]. Aelius Dium Fidium dicebat Diovis filium, ut Graeci Διόσκορον Castorem, et putabat hunc esse Sancum ab Sabina lingua et Herculem a Graeca’ (Varro, L. L. 5. 66).

[551]. Festus, 241. This is probably the sacellum of Livy, 8. 22.

[552]. C. I. L. vi. 568: again (ib. 567), ‘Semoni Sanco deo fidio.’ Sancus is, of course, a name, not an adjective: we find Sangus in some MSS. of Livy, 32. 1. For the well-known curious confusion with Simon Magus, Euseb. H. E. 2. 13.

[553]. Bréal, Tables Eugubines, 71; Bücheler, Umbrica, 65 foll. As Preller remarks, Fisus stands to Fidius as Clausus to Claudius (ii. 271). At Iguvium there was a hill, important in the rites, which bore this name—ocris fisius.

[554]. Aelius Stilo ap. Varro, l. c.; Ovid, l. c.; Propert. 4. 9. 74; Lactantius, 1. 15. 8; Schwegler, R. G. i. 364; Preller, ii. 272; O. Gilbert, i. 275, note; Ambrosch, Studien, 170. Jordan, however, in a note on Preller (273) emphatically says that the Sabine origin of the god is a fable; and for the illusory distinction between Latins and Sabines in Rome see Mommsen, R. H. i. 67, note, and Bréal, Hercule et Cacus, p. 56. Sancus was no doubt a Sabine deity and reputed ancestor of the race (Cato ap. Dionys. 2. 49: cp. 4. 58); but it does not follow that he came to Rome as a Sabine importation.

[555]. Varro, L. L. 5. 66; Festus, 229 (Propter viam); and Paulus, 147 (medius fidius).

[556]. Cp. Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 28 (‘Why are boys made to go out of the house when they wish to swear by Hercules?‘) with Varro, ap. Nonium, s. v. rituis, and L. L. 5. 66.

[557]. See below on Sept. 13, p. [231]. The silex was taken out of the temple of Jupiter Feretrius (Paulus, 92).

[558]. Eustath. ad Od. 22. 335; Hermann, Gr. Ant. ii. 74. Cp. A. Lang, Myth, &c. ii. 54: ‘the sky hears us,’ said the Indian when taking an oath.

[559]. Dionys. 1. 40.

[560]. See the opinions of Hartung, Schwegler, and Preller, summed up by Bréal, Hercule et Cacus, 51 foll.; and R. Peter in Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2255 foll.

[561]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 233.

[562]. Bücheler, Umbrica, 7; Bréal, Tables Eugubines, 270.

[563]. Preller, ii. 273, and Jordan’s note. In M. Gaidoz’s Études de Mythologie Gauloise, i. 64, will be found figures of a hand holding a wheel, from Bar-le-Duc (the wrist thrust through one of the holes), which may possibly explain the urfita, and which he connects with the Celtic sun-god. In this connexion we may notice the large series of Umbrian and Etruscan coins with the six-rayed wheel-symbol (Mommsen, Münzwesen, 222 foll.), which, as Professor Gardner tells me, is more probably a sun-symbol than merely the chariot-wheel convenient for unskilful coiners.

[564]. 8. 20.

[565]. For the bird, Plin. N. H. 10. 20; Festus, 197 s. v. oscines, and 317 (sanqualis avis). Bouché-Leclercq, Hist. de la Divination, iv. 200. For the gate cp. Paulus, 345, with Liv. 8. 20; Jordan, Topogr. ii. 264.

[566]. Liv. 41. 13, with Weissenborn’s note. The stone was perhaps the same as one which had shortly before fallen into the grove of Mars at Crustumerium (41. 9).

[567]. C. I. L. vi. 567. 568; and Bull. dell’Inst., 1881, p. 38 foll. (This last with a statue, which, however, may not belong to it: Jordan’s note on Preller, ii. 273.) Wilmanns, Exempla Inscr. Lat. 1300.

[568]. Marq. 263; B.-Leclercq, iv. 51 foll. The Scholiast on Persius, 2. 27, is explicit on the point. But Deecke, in a note to Müller’s Etrusker (ii. 275) doubts the connexion of the decuria with bidental = puteal.

[569]. Festus, s. v. Scribonianum (p. 333: the restoration can hardly be wrong) ‘[quia ne]fas est integi, semper ibi forami[ne aper]to caelum patet.’

[570]. L. L. 5. 66 ‘ut ea videatur divum, id est caelum.’ He connects the word divum with Dius Fidius. See Jordan in the collection of essays ‘in honorem Th. Mommseni,’ p. 369.

[571]. Martianus Capella, 1. 45 (p. 47 in Eyssenhardt’s edition). See Nissen’s explanation in Das Templum, p. 184, and plate iv. In this account Jupiter occupies the chief place: Sancus is there, alone in the 12th regio. But doubt has been cast on Nissen’s view by the discovery of an actual representation of the caeli templum (see Aust, in Lex. s. v. Iupiter, 668).

[572]. Dionys. 4. 58. In 9. 60 he says that this temple was only vowed by Tarquinius, and not dedicated till 466 B.C. (Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 6); but there must have been a still earlier sanctuary of some kind (Livy writes of a sacellum, 8. 20. 8). Dionysius is interesting and explicit; he calls Dius Fidius Ζεὺς Πίστιος, and adds the name Σάγκος. The treaties next in date, those with Carthage, were kept in the aedilium thesaurus, close to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus (Polyb. 3. 22; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii. 1 (ed. 2) 481 note). Here we seem to see the authority of the ancient Dius Fidius already losing ground.

[573]. Plut. Quaest. Rom. 30; Varro, ap. Plin. N. H. 8. 194; Festus, 238. It was Reifferscheid’s conjecture that she was a female Dius Fidius (see Wissowa, Lex. 1190). Fest. 241 adds ‘cuius ex zona periclitantes ramenta sumunt.’

[574]. Bull. dell’ Inst., 1867, 352 foll. Reifferscheid was prevented by death from working his view out more fully; but R. Peter (see Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2267) preserved notes of his lectures.

[575]. Gellius, 11. 6. 1. For Juno as female equivalent of Genius see article ‘Iunones’ in Lex. But it does not seem proved that this was the old name, and not an idea of comparatively late times.

[576]. Seneca, Ep. 12. 2.

[577]. See below, on Aug. 12, p. [194].

[578]. This seems a weak point. Bona Dea was not more closely related to Juno than some others. I do not feel sure that the name Juno is not as much an intrusion here as Hercules, and that the real female counterpart of Genius, &c., was not a nameless numen like the Bona Dea. The rise of the cult of Juno Lucina may have produced this intrusion. It is worth noting that in Etruria Minerva takes the place of Juno (Lex. 2266, and the illustration on 2267).

[579]. Serv. Ecl. 4. 62.

[580]. Paulus, 63.

[581]. Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, 147. It is also figured in Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2259.

[582]. e. g. by every writer in Roscher’s Lexicon who has touched on the subject. Jordan seems to have dissented (Preller, ii. 284).

[583]. The opposition or conflict of the two is paralleled by the supposed myth of the contention of Mars and Minerva (Nerio) (see above, p. [60]; Lex. 2265).

[584]. See article ‘Iunones’ in Lex.; and De-Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, p. 70.

[585]. Roscher’s article ‘Juno’ in Lex. passim.

[586]. I cannot agree with Mr. Jevons (Introduction to History of Religion, p. 186 foll.) when he makes the Roman genius a relic of totemism, simply because genii were often represented by serpents. The snake was too universally worshipped and domesticated to be easily explained as a totem. Mr. Frazer has an interesting example from Zululand, which is singularly suggestive in connexion with the doctrine of Genius (see Golden Bough, ii. 332), which can hardly be explained on a totemistic basis. The doctrine of Genius may certainly have had its roots in a totemistic age; but by the time it reaches us in Roman literature it has passed through so many stages that its origin is not to be dogmatized about.

[587]. I cannot attach much weight to the argument (see Lex. 2268) that because Aelius Stilo explained Dius Fidius as Diovis Filius he therefore had in his head some such relation of Genius to Jupiter.

[588]. If he had written Genius Iovius, after the manner of the Iguvian inscription, with its adjectival forms which preserve a reminiscence of the older spirit-world, he might have been nearer the mark. It may be that we get back to Jupiter himself as the Genius par excellence, but there is no direct proof of this. The genius of a god is a late idea, as Mr. Jevons points out in a note to Roman Questions, p. liii.

[589]. Livy, 22. 9; Ovid, Fasti, 6. 241 foll.; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 19.

[590]. Livy, 23. 31 and 32; Marq. 270.

[591]. Marq. 358 foll.; Article ‘Sibyllini libri’ in Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2.

[592]. Livy, 22. 9, 10; 23. 30, 31.

[593]. Ad Aen. 1. 720.

[594]. Plut. de Fort. Rom. 5. 10; Cic. Nat. Deor. 2. 61. Aust (de Aedibus sacris, p. 19) puts it in B.C. 115, in Scaurus’ consulship.

[595]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 219 foll.; Festus, 250, s. v. Penus: ‘[Penus vo]catur locus intimus in aede Vestae, tegetibus saeptus, qui certis diebus circa Vestalia aperitur. Ii dies religiosi habentur.’

[596]. For the meanings of nefastus and religiosus see Introduction, p. 9; Marq. 291.

[597]. No doubt this was done, and the lines composed, in order to please Augustus and reflect the revival of the old religio.

[598]. Varro, L. L. 6. 32.

[599]. Vol. xiv, No. 28.

[600]. p. 53.

[601]. Marq. 250. In the Andaman Islands both sons and daughters take part in the work of maintaining the fires (Man’s Andaman Islands, quoted by Mr. Frazer, op. cit. p. 153).

[602]. See my article ‘Sacerdos’ in Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2.

[603]. Vesta herself was originally simply the fire on the hearth (Frazer, op. cit. 152). Note that the flame was obtained afresh each year on March 1, even in historical times, by the primitive method of the friction of the wood of a ‘lucky’ tree (Festus, 106), or from the sun’s rays. We are not told which priest performed this rite.

[604]. Middleton, Rome in 1885, p. 181 foll.

[605]. This belief, and the nature of the treasures, are fully discussed by Marquardt, p. 251, with additions by Wissowa.

[606]. Cp. Petronius, Sat. 44 (of the aquaelicium).

[607]. Fasti, 6. 395 foll.

[608]. Above, p. [110].

[609]. As the beast that usually worked in mills? There is a Pompeian painting of this scene (Gerhard, Ant. Bild. pl. 62).

[610]. Varro, L. L. 6. 32 ‘Dies qui vocatur Q. St. D. F. ab eo appellatur quod eo die ex aede Vestae stercus everritur et per Capitolinum clivum in locum defertur certum.’ It is Ovid who tells us it was thrown into the Tiber (Fasti, 6. 713).

[611]. Jordan, Tempel der Vesta, p. 63.

[612]. The crushing of the grain no doubt comes down from a time when there were no mills (Helbig, Italiker in der Poebene, 17 and 72). The preparation of the cakes was also peculiar, and even that of the salt which was used in them (Festus, 159; cp. Serv. Ecl. 8. 82). The latter passage is the locus classicus for all these duties: ‘Virgines Vestales tres maximae ex nonis Maiis ad pridie Idus Maias alternis diebus (i. e. on 7th, 9th, 11th?) spicas adoreas in corbibus messuariis ponunt, easque spicas ipsae virgines torrent, pinsunt, molunt, atque ita molitum condunt. Ex eo farre virgines ter in anno molam faciunt, Lupercalibus, Vestalibus, Idibus Septembribus, adiecto sale cocto et sale duro.’ For examples of the primitive method of cooking see Miss Kingsley’s Travels in West Africa, p. 208; and Sir Joseph Banks’s Journal (ed. Hooker), p. 137.

[613]. Penus means, in the first instance, food. Cic. Nat. Deorum, 2. 68 ‘Est omne quo vescuntur homines penus.’ Hence it came to mean the store-closet in the centre of the house, of which the Penates were the guardian spirits. Its sacred character is indicated in a passage of Columella (R. R. 12. 4; and see my paper on the toga praetexta of Roman children, in Classical Review, Oct. 1896).

[614]. Varro, ap. S. Aug. de Civ. 7. 24; cp. 7. 16. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 267, writes, ‘Vesta eadem quae terra,’ but more correctly in 291, ‘Nec tu aliud Vestam quam vivam intellige flammam.’ Some moderns derive Vesta from root vas = ‘dwelling,’ and make her the earth in special relation to the dwelling; e. g. O. Gilbert, i. 348 note.

[615]. Preuner, Hestia-Vesta, p. 221 ‘Gottheit des Feuers, sofern religiöse, ethische Ideen sich in demselben abspiegeln, nicht des Feuers als blossen Elements.’ This is surely turning the question upside down.

[616]. Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 251; Grimm, German Mythology (Eng. trans.), p. 601 foll.

[617]. In July also the days were nefasti from the Kalends to the 9th; but to the meaning of this we have no clue whatever.

[618]. See above, p. [115].

[619]. G. B. ii. 75. In an appendix (p. 373 foll. and esp. 382) will be found some other examples of the same type of ritual. Cp. also ii. 176 (from Punjaub), which example, however, does not seem in any way connected with harvest. But the practice of the Creek Indians is so unusually well attested that it deserves special attention. It is described by no less than four independent authorities (see Mr. Frazer’s note on p. 76).

[620]. Nissen, Landeskunde, 399.

[621]. The whole of Mr. Frazer’s section on the sacramental eating of new crops should be read in connexion with the Vestalia.

[622]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 7; Liv. 5. 19 and 23. The temple was in the Forum boarium, near the Circus maximus.

[623]. Wissowa in Myth. Lex. s. v. Mater Matuta, 2463.

[624]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 473 foll.; Cic. Nat. Deor. 3. 48; Tusc. 1. 28. Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. 16. 1) noted a likeness between her cult and that of Leucothea in his own city of Chaeroneia; an interesting passage, though quite inconclusive as to the Greek origin of Mater Matuta. Plutarch, like Servius (Aen. 5. 241) and others, has adopted Ovid’s legend of Ino by way of explanation of the identity of Leucothea and Matuta. Merkel (Fasti, clxxxiv) believed the cult to be wholly Greek; Bouché-Leclercq (Hist. de Divination, iv. 147) follows Klausen in identifying Mater Matuta with Tethys (cf. Plut. Rom. 2) and with the deity of the oracle at Pyrgi. But see Wesseling on Diod. Sic. 15, p. 337; and Strabo, Bk. 5, p. 345.

[625]. C. I. L. i. 176, 177.

[626]. Liv. 6. 33. 4; Wissowa, Lex. 2462.

[627]. Diod. Sic. 15. 14, p. 337, and Wesseling’s note. The temple at Pyrgi was an important one, and rich enough to be plundered by Dionysius I of Syracuse. But it must be admitted that the identification of the deity of Pyrgi with Mater Matuta is not absolutely certain. Strabo, l. c., calls her Eileithyia, Aristotle (Oecon. 1349 b) Leucothea; and it is thought that Mater Matuta alone combines the characteristics of these two. If, however, the goddess of Pyrgi was the deity of the oracle, she might almost as well have been a Fortuna, like those of Antium and Praeneste.

[628]. Tertullian, de Monogam. 17.

[629]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 481, with Plut. Q. R. 16; Camill. 5.

[630]. Varro, L. L. 5. 106. Ovid (482) writes of liba tosta, i. e. cakes cooked in pans rather than baked, like the mola salsa. See above, p. [149]; and cp. Ovid, 532 ‘in subito cocta foco.’

[631]. Plut. ll. cc.; Ovid, 559 foll.

[632]. See below on [Jan. 11]. I cannot explain the rule that a woman prayed for nephews and nieces before her own children, which is peculiar to this cult.

[633]. Preller, i. 322; Wissowa in Lex.

[634]. R. H. (Eng. trans.) i. 162.

[635]. Lucr. 5. 654.

[636]. Paulus, 122 ‘Matrem Matutam antiqui ob bonitatem appellabant, et maturum idoneum usui,’ &c. See also Curtius, Gk. Etym. I. 408.

[637]. Fasti, 6. 569 foll.; 625 foll.: cp. Dionysius, 4. 40. Ovid has three fanciful explanations of the draping.

[638]. Ovid, l.c.; Dionys. 4. 40.

[639]. Varro ap. Nonium, p. 189; Plin. N. H. 8. 194, 197. See Schwegler, R. G. i. 712, note 3, and a full discussion in Lex. by R. Peter, s.v. Fortuna, p. 1509.

[640]. Dio Cassius, 58. 7.

[641]. Seneca, Q. N. 2. 41; Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 83; Dennis, Etruria, i, Introduction lvi. The passage of Seneca is a very curious one about the Etruscan lightning-lore. O. Müller guesses that the di involuti were Fates (Schicksalsgottheiten), which would suit Fortuna (cp. Hor. Od. 1. 35).

[642]. There is just a possibility that it was confused with a statue of Pudicitia, also in foro boario, and also said to have been veiled (Festus, 242). Varro, l. c., calls the goddess of the statue, Fortuna Virgo, and Preller suggested that she was identical with Pudicitia. The lines of Ovid seem to favour this view (Fasti, 6. 617 foll.):

Veste data tegitur. Vetat hanc Fortuna moveri

Et sic e templo est ipsa locuta suo;

‘Ore revelato qua primum luce patebit

Servius, haec positi prima pudoris erit.

Parcite, matronae, vetitas attingere vestes:

Sollemni satis est voce movere preces.’

[643]. Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 2, 298.

[644]. Livy, 9. 30; Val. Max. 2. 5. 4; Varro, L. L. 6. 17. Cp. C. I. L. vi. 3696 [Magistri] quinq(uennales) [collegi] teib(icinum) Rom(anorum) qui s(acris) p(ublicis) p(raesto) s(unt) Iov(i) Epul(oni) s(acrum).

[645]. So Preller, i. 198.

[646]. Aust, in Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 680. Both here and in his work de Aedibus sacris, this scholar declines to distinguish between Iup. Invictus and Iup. Victor.

[647]. For Minerva as the patron of all such guilds see Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Minerva, 2984 foll.

[648]. Varro, L. L. 6. 17. There were three days of revelry, according to Livy (9. 30): did they meet in this temple on each day? The 13th was the day of the epulum; which the other days were we do not know.

[649]. L. L. 6. 17.

[650]. Festus, 149, s. v. minusculae. Cf. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 695.

[651]. Livy, l. c. Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 55, who confuses two Appii Claudii, and refers the story to the Decemvir instead of to the Censor of 311 B.C. Livy omits the very Roman trait (Ov. 673 foll.) of the libertus feigning to be surprised by his patronus.

[652]. Cohen, Méd. Pl. 33; Borghesi, Op. i. 201 (quoted by Marq. 577).

[653]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 202.

[654]. Journal of Philology, vol. xi. p. 189. It was a short pipe played with a reed, and no doubt almost the same thing as the short rough oboes which are still favourites in Italy, and which are still sometimes played two at a time in the mouth as of old. Their antiquity is vouched for by the law of the Twelve Tables, which limited the players at a funeral to ten. See Professor Anderson’s article ‘tibia’ in Dict. of Ant. (ed. 2).

[655]. Fasti, 6. 731.

[656]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 13.

[657]. Not to be confused, as in Livy, Epit. 14, with a statue of Summanus himself on the same temple (in fastigio Iovis: Cicero, Div. 1. 10).

[658]. de Civ. Dei, 4. 23.

[659]. Festus, 229, s. v. Proversum fulgor: ‘Quod diurna Iovis, nocturna Summani fulgura habentur.’ (Cp. Pliny, N. H. 2. 52.) An interesting inscription (C. I. L. vi. 206) runs, ‘Summanium fulgus conditum,’ i. e. ‘a bolt which fell before dawn was buried here.’

[660]. L. L. 5. 74.

[661]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 60.

[662]. Études de Mythologie Gauloise, i. p. 92. M. Gaidoz looks on these wheel-cakes as ‘emblematic of Summanus’ as a god of sun and sky.

[663]. Festus, p. 348. The MS. has ‘finctae.’

[664]. Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. vii, No. 1 (1886), p. 44 foll.

[665]. Fasti, 6. 775 foll.

[666]. p. 104.

[667]. L. L. 61. 7.

[668]. Livy, 10. 46. 17.

[669]. Ann. 2. 41.

[670]. See above, the [heading] of this section.

[671]. C. I. L. 320.

[672]. See above, p. [50].

[673]. ch. i.

[674]. Marquardt, p. 2.

[675]. Pliny, N. H. 34. 54.

[676]. Plut. Marius, 26; Pliny, l. c. I follow Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 26.

[677]. Above, p. [156].

[678]. Ovid is the only authority for the worship of Fortuna on June 11 (Fasti, 6. 569); it is not mentioned in the calendars (Tusc. Ven. Maff.) which have notes surviving for this day.

[679]. By H. Jordan, Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae (Königsberg, 1885). See also R. Peter, in Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1542, and Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 647.

[680]. C. I. L. xiv. 2863.

[681]. de Div. 2. 41. 85.

[682]. Jordan, op. cit. p. 12.

[683]. See below, p. [223] foll., under Sept. 13.

[684]. Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, pp. 8 and 139 foll.

[685]. See also his previous letter of March 3.

[686]. He held ‘birth’ and ‘fortune’ to be words etymologically related. Cp. a communication from Prof. Kluge in the same number of the Academy.

[687]. Journal of Philology, vol. xi. 178; Studies in Latin Literature, p. 60.

[688]. de Civ. Dei, 4. 11. Cp. Serv. Aen. 8. 336.

[689]. l. c. ‘Castissime colitur a matribus.’ One of the ancient inscriptions from Praeneste (C. I. L. xi. 2863) is a dedication ‘nationu cratia’ = nationis gratia, which may surely mean ‘in gratitude for childbirth,’ though Mommsen would refer it to cattle, on the ground of a gloss of Festus (p. 167).

[690]. Jordan, op. cit. p. 12.

[691]. O. Gilbert, Gesch. u. Topogr. der Stadt Rom, ii. 260 foll.

[692]. St. John, iii. 30; St. Augustine, Sermo xii in Nativitate Domini: ‘In nativitate Christi dies crescit, in Johannis nativitate decrescit. Profectum plane facit dies, quum mundi Salvator oritur; defectum patitur quum ultimus prophetarum nascitur.’

[693]. See many examples in The Golden Bough, ii. 258 foll., and Brand’s Popular Antiquities, p. 306.

[694]. See R. Peter, in Lex., s. v. Fortuna, 1506.

[695]. Études de Myth. Gaul. i. 56 foll. On p. 58 we find, ‘La Fortune nous paraît donc sortir, par l’intermédiaire d’une image, d’une divinité du soleil.’

[696]. For the history of these symbols in Greek cults, and especially that of Tyche, see a paper by Prof. Gardner in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix. p. 78, on ‘Countries and Cities in ancient art.’ The rudder seems to connect Fortuna with sea-faring; it is often accompanied by a ship’s prow (R. Peter, Lex. 1507); in connexion with which we may notice that even in Italy her cult is rarely found far from the sea. Cp. Horace, Od. 1. 35, 6 ‘dominam aequoris.’

[697]. 10. 311 foll.; Marq. 578.

[698]. R. Peter, Lex. 1505. She is also often represented with a modius, and with ears of corn. Cp. Horace, l. c. (of the Fortuna of Antium): ‘Te pauper ambit sollicita prece Ruris colonus.’

[699]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 573 foll. Schwegler, R. G. i. 711 foll.; Preller, ii. 180.

[700]. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, vol. ii. p. 506; Gardthausen, ‘Mastarna,’ figures the painting (plate i).

[701]. Tac. Ann. II. 24; the fragments of the original speech are printed from the inscription at Lyons in Mr. Furneaux’s Annals of Tacitus, vol. ii. p. 210.

[702]. Juvenal, 10. 74, and note of the Scholiast.

[703]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 52; Dennis, Cit. and Cem. ii. 24.

[704]. Juvenal, l.c.

[705]. See below on Sept. 13, p. [234].

[706]. Müller-Deecke, ii. 308. Gaidoz, op. cit. p. 56, on the connexion between Fortuna, Necessitas, and Nemesis.

[707]. Gerhard, Agathodaemon, p. 30, has other explanations.

[708]. Bk. 47. 18. We owe the reference to Merkel, Praef. in Ovidii Fastos, clix.

[709]. His real birthday seems to have been the 12th, which, was already occupied by the ludi Apollinares.

[710]. Mommsen in C. I. L. 321 (on July 7).

[711]. Varro, L. L.6. 18; Marq. 325.

[712]. See Introduction, p. 7. This anomaly led Huschke to the inadmissible supposition that this was the single addition made to the calendar of Numa in the republican period. He accepts Varro’s explanatory story, Röm. Jahr, p. 224.

[713]. See below, p. [327].

[714]. R. G. i. 532: see Mommsen’s criticism in C. I. L 321 f.

[715]. Macrob. 6. 11. 36; Plut. Rom. 29, Camill. 33. See also O. Müller’s note on Varro, L. L. 6. 18.

[716]. L. L. 6. 18.

[717]. This is Varro’s account; the Etruscans are a variant in Macrobius, l. c.

[718]. Dionys. 2. 56; Plut. Rom. 29. See Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, i. 430.

[719]. Introduction, p. 15.

[720]. Cic. de Rep. 1. 16; Plut. Rom. 27.

[721]. Liv. 1. 16 ‘Ad exercitum recensendum.’ Lustratio came to be the word for a review of troops because this was preceded by a religious lustratio populi.

[722]. e. g. Gilbert, i. 290; Marq. 325.

[723]. L. L. 6. 18. Details have vanished with the great work here quoted, the Antiquitates divinae.

[724]. Schwegler suggested the parallel, i. 534, note 20. For the Bouphonia see especially Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 68. For other such rites, Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 679, 680.

[725]. Bücheler, Umbrica, 114.

[726]. The idea of the scapegoat was certainly not unknown in Italy; Bücheler quotes Serv. (Aen. 2. 140) ‘Ludos Taureos a Sabinis propter pestilentiam institutos dicunt, ut lues publica in has hostias verteretur.’ See on the Regifugium, below, p. [328].

[727]. See examples in Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 160 foll. The one from the Key Islands is interesting as including a flight of the people.

[728]. Nissen, Landeskunde, 406.

[729]. C. I. L. p. 269.

[730]. Macrob. 1. 11. 36; Plut. Camill. 33.

[731]. Aug. de Civ. Dei, 4. 8.

[732]. de Feriis, 9.

[733]. The last point is in Camill. 33-6: cp. Rom. 29. 6.

[734]. The bearing of these customs on the Nonae Caprotinae, and on the Greek story of Lityerses, was suggested by Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 32. Mr. Frazer gives a useful collection of examples, G. B. ii. 363 foll. The custom survives in Derbyshire (so I am told by Mr. S. B. Smith, Scholar of Lincoln College), but only in the form of making the stranger ‘pay his footing.’

[735]. G. B. i. 381.

[736]. It was the custom, says Macrobius (i. 10) ‘ut patres familiarum, frugibus et fructibus iam coactis, passim cum servis vescerentur, cum quibus patientiam laboris in colendo rure toleraverant.’ The old English harvest- or mell-supper, had all the characteristics of Saturnalia (Brand, Pop. Antiq. 337 foll.).

[737]. Tertullian, de Spect. 5.

[738]. See below, p. [208].

[739]. This point—the union of free- and bond-women in the sacrifice—seems to prove that Nonae Caprotinae and ancillarum feriae were only two names for the same thing. Macrobius connects the legend of the latter with the rite of the former (i. II. 36).

[740]. Plut. Rom. 29. Varro, L. L. 6. 18 writes ‘in Latio.’

[741]. Deecke, Die Falisker, 89; Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Juno, p. 599.

[742]. See above, p. [143].

[743]. One naturally compares the ficus Ruminalis and the foundation-legend of Rome.

[744]. It is curious that the practice in husbandry called caprificatio, or the introduction of branches of the wild tree among those of the cultivated fig to make it ripen (Plin. N. H. 15. 79; Colum. II. 2) took place in July; and it strikes me as just possible that there may have been a connexion between it and the Nonae Caprotinae.

[745]. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. l. c.

[746]. Macrob. 3. 2. 11 and 14. Macrobius also quotes Varro in the 15th book of his Res Divinae ‘Quod pontifex in sacris quibusdam vitulari soleat, quod Graeci παιανίζειν vocant.’ Perhaps we may compare visceratio: Serv. Aen. 5. 215.

[747]. Above, p. [176].

[748]. Marq. 170.

[749]. See Marq. 384, and Lex. s. v. Apollo 447.

[750]. Liv. 25. 12.

[751]. The MSS. of Livy (27. 23) have a.d. iii Nonas, no doubt in error for a.d iii Idus. Merkel, Praef. xxviii.; Mommsen, C. I. L. 321.

[752]. Liv. 25. 12; 26. 33; Festus, 326; Cie. Brutus, 20, 78, whence it appears that Ennius produced his Thyestes at these ludi. Cp. the story in Macrob. 1. 17. 25.

[753]. Liv. 27. 23.

[754]. Liv. 3. 63. This older shrine Livy calls Apollinar. The temple that followed it was the only Apollo-temple in Rome till Augustus built one on the Palatine after Actium; this is clear from Asconius, p. 81 (ad Cic. in toga candida), quoted by Aust, de Aedibus sacris, 7. It was outside the Porta Carmentalis, near the Circus Flaminius. A still more ancient Apollinar is assumed by some to have existed on the Quirinal; but it rests on an uncertain emendation of O. Müller in Varro, L. L. 5. 52.

[755]. Liv. 40. 51. The Romans seem originally to have called the god Apello, and connected the name with pellere. Paulus, 22; Macrob. 1. 17. 15.

[756]. Liv. 5. 13.

[757]. Lex. s. v. Apollo, 446.

[758]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 69.

[759]. Strabo, p. 214; Herodotus, 1.167.

[760]. Jordan on Preller, i. 265.

[761]. Aen. 11. 785 ‘Summe deum, sancti custos Soractis Apollo,’ &c.

[762]. Serv. Aen. 10. 316 ‘Omnes qui secto matris ventre procreantur, ideo sunt Apollini consecrati, quia deus medicinae est, per quam lucem sortiuntur. Unde Aesculapius eius fingitur filius: ita enim eum [esse] procreatum supra (7. 761) diximus. Caesarum etiam familia ideo sacra retinebat Apollinis, quia qui primus de eorum familia fuit, exsecto matris ventre natus est. Unde etiam Caesar dictus est.’

[763]. A concise account by Roscher, Lex. s. v. Apollo 448; Boissier, Religion Romaine, i. 96 foll.; Gardthausen, Augustus, vol. ii, p. 873. For the ludi saeculares see especially Mommsen’s edition of the great but mutilated inscription recently discovered in the Campus Martius (Eph. Epigr. viii. 1 foll.); Diels, Sibyllin. Blätter, p. 109 foll.; and the Carmen Saeculare of Horace, with the commentaries of Orelli and Wickham.

[764]. L. L. 6. 18 fin. and 19 init.

[765]. Festus, 119. s. v. Lucaria.

[766]. The battle of the Allia was fought on the 18th, the day before the first Lucaria. This no doubt suggested the legend connecting the two, especially as the Via Salaria, near which was the grove of the festival, crossed the battle-field some ten miles north of Rome.

[767]. See Friedländer in Marq. 487; Plutarch, Q. R. 88.

[768]. Mommsen in Ephemeris Epigraphica, ii. 205.

[769]. i. III; Liv. 24. 3; Cato, ap. Priscian, 629. Much useful matter bearing on luci as used for boundaries, asyla, markets, &c., will be found in Rudorff, Gromatici Veteres, ii. 260.

[770]. ‘Light’ is not uncommon in England for a ‘ride’ or clearing in a wood.

[771]. Below, pp. [222], and [228].

[772]. On the whole subject of the religious ideas arising from the first cultivation of land in a wild district I know nothing more instructive than Robertson Smith’s remarks in Religion of the Semites, Lecture iii.; I have often thought that they throw some light on the origin of Mars and kindred numina. The most ancient settlements in central Italy are now found to be on the tops of hills, probably once forest-clad (see Von Duhn’s paper on recent excavations, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 125). For a curious survival of the feeling about woods and hill-tops in Bengal, see Crooke, Religion, &c., in India, ii. 87.

[773]. R. R. 139. For piacula of this kind see also Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 136 foll.; Marq. 456.

[774]. See below, p. [312].

[775]. See a passage in Frontinus (Grom. Vet. 1. 56: cp. 2. 263).

[776]. Röm. Jahr, p. 221, and note 81 on p. 222.

[777]. Festus, 377 ‘Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus casae frondeae pro tabernaculis.’ Wissowa (Lex. s. v. Neptunus, 202) compares the σκιάδες of the Spartan Carneia (also in the heat of summer), described in Athenaeus, 4. 141 F.

[778]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 54, with Deecke’s note 51 b. The Etruscan forms are Nethunus and Nethuns. The form of the word is adjectival like Portunus, &c.; but what is the etymology of the first syllable? We are reminded of course of Nepe or Nepete, an inland town near Falerii; and to this district the cult seems specially to have belonged. Messapus, ‘Neptunia proles,’ leads the Falisci and others to war in Virg. Aen. 7. 691, and Halesus, Neptuni filius, was eponymous hero of Falerii (Deecke, Falisker, 103). There is no known connexion of Neptunus with any coast town.

[779]. 13. 23. 2: cp. Varro, L. L. 5. 72.

[780]. See above, p. [60].

[781]. Cp. Serv. Aen. 5. 724 ‘(Venus) dicitur et Salacia, quae proprie meretricum dea appellata est a veteribus.’

[782]. Gell. 5. 12; Henzen, Act. Fratr. Arv. 124. Wissowa, in his article ‘Neptunus,’ goes too far, as it seems to me, when he asserts that the ‘pater’ belonged to all deities of the oldest religion. See below, p. [220].

[783]. Liv. 5. 13. 6; Dionys. 12. 9. Wissowa, Lex. s. v. Nept. 203, for his further history as Poseidon.

[784]. Wissowa in Lex. l. c. I doubt if much can be made of the argument that the Neptunalia on the 23rd is necessarily connected with the Lucaria on the 17th and 19th—i. e. three alternate days, like the three days of the Lemuria in May.

[785]. Varro, L. L. 5. 84 ‘Furinalis (flamen) a Furina quoius etiam in fastis Furinales feriae sunt’: cp. 6. 19 ‘Ei sacra instituta annua et flamen attributus: nunc vix nomen notum paucis.’

[786]. See Wissowa’s short and sensible note in Lex. s. v. Furrina. For the confusion with Furiae, Cic. de Nat. Deor. 3. 46; Plut. C. Gracch. 17; Lex. s. v. Furiae. Jordan, in Preller, ii. 70, is doubtful on the etymological question.

[787]. p. 71.

[788]. In Preller, ii. 121.

[789]. Röm. Jahr, 221.

[790]. Varro, R. R. I. 33, has only the following: ‘Quinto intervallo, inter caniculam et aequinoctium auctumnale oportet stramenta desecari, et acervos construi, aratro offringi, frondem caedi, prata irrigua iterum secari.’

[791]. This is the natural position for the ager of the oldest community on the Palatine. The Campus Martius was believed to have been ‘king’s land’ of the later developed city (Liv. 2. 5).

[792]. Liv. 10. 1. 9; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 10.

[793]. Marq. 377; Dio Cass. 37. 24 and 25; Tac. Ann. 12. 23.

[794]. C. I. L. i. 49 and 179.

[795]. See Preller, ii. 228; and article ‘Sacerdos’ in Dict. of Antiquities, new edition.

[796]. On this difficult subject see Dict. of Antiquities, s.v. Indigitamenta; and the long and exhaustive article by R. Peter in Roscher’s Lexicon (which is, however, badly written, and in some respects, I think, misleading).

[797]. See the valuable summary of Aust (in ten lines).

[798]. Plin. N. H. 35. 19.

[799]. 40. 19.

[800]. Paulus, 23; Quintil. 1. 7. 12; Varro, L. L. 5. 52 (from the ‘sacra Argeorum’), if we read ‘adversum Solis pulvinar cis aedem Salutis.’ The name is said to be connected with the Umbrian and Etruscan god of light, Usil, a word thought to be recognizable in Aurelius (= Auselius, Varro, l. c.), and in the Ozeul of the Salian hymn (Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564 foll.).

[801]. So e. g. Virgil, Georg. 1. 498 ‘Di patrii indigites et Romule Vestaque Mater.’ Peter, in Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, 132.

[802]. i. 325.

[803]. Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, 137.

[804]. Wissowa, de Romanorum Indigetibus et Novensidibus (Marburg, 1892).

[805]. Merkel, Praef. in Ov. Fastos, cxxxv; Mommsen, C. I. L. 324.

[806]. Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2903 foll., where R. Peter has summarized and criticized all the various opinions.

[807]. Liv. I. 7.

[808]. Dionys. I. 40, who says that the duties were performed by slaves in his day. See Lex. 2925 for a long list of conjectures about this part of the legend. The Potitii never occur in inscriptions; and I think with Jordan (Preller, ii. 291) that the name is imaginary, invented to account for the functions of the slaves.

[809]. C. I. L. vi. 312-319, found on the site of the aedes.

[810]. Macrob. 3. 12. 2; Varro, L. L. 6. 15. The uncovered head also occurs in the cult of Saturnus; and R. Peter argues that the custom may after all be old-Italian (Lex. 2928).

[811]. Marquardt, Privatalterthümer, vol. i, p. 291.

[812]. See above, p. [142] foll. Plut. Qu. Rom. 60; Macrob. 1. 12. 38. In Q. R. 90 Plutarch notes that no other god might be mentioned at the sacrifice, and no dog might be admitted.

[813]. de Re Rustica, 83.

[814]. The word was profanatum, opposed to polluctum (see Marq. 149).

[815]. Aen. 8. 281 foll.

[816]. Salii are found in the cult of Hercules also at Tibur: Macrob. 3. 12. 7. See a note of Jordan in Preller, i. 352.

[817]. Lex. 2931 foll.; C. I. L. i. 149 foll.

[818]. The examples are collected by R. Peter in Lex. 2935.

[819]. Festus, 253, s. v. pollucere merces; Plut. Qu. Rom. 18; Vita Sullae, 35; Crassi, 2; Lex. 2032 foll.

[820]. Marq. 469; Festus, p. 318, s. v. sacrima.

[821]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 233.

[822]. G. B. ii. 373 foll.

[823]. In the legend Hercules gave a tenth part of his booty to the inhabitants of the place (Dionys 1. 40).

[824]. See Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 150.

[825]. e. g. in Bréal, Hercule et Cacus.

[826]. See Lex. 2286 (R. Peter, quoting Reifferscheid).

[827]. Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. xiii. 73. Professor Gardner is inclined to consider the myth as Phoenician rather than Greek, and attached to the Phoenician Melcarth = Herakles. The vase is in the Ashmolean Museum, and was found by the Keeper, Mr. Arthur Evans.

[828]. Mon. dell’ Inst. v. 25. But the character of the vase is archaic Ionian, as Prof. Gardner tells me; Lex. 2275.

[829]. H. Peter, Fragmenta Hist. Rom. p. 166 (= Solinus, i. 7).

[830]. C. I. L. xiv. 3555; Lex. 2278.

[831]. Robertson Smith, op. cit. pp. 228 foll., and additional note F.

[832]. The day of the festival at Aricia is thought to have been also Aug. 13 (Lex. s. v. Diana, 1006).

[833]. Beloch, Italischer Bund, 180; Cato (ap. Priscian, 7. 337, ed. Jordan, p. 41) gives the names of the towns united in and by the Arician cult—Aricia, Tusculum, Lanuvium, Laurentum, Cora, Tibur, Pometia, Ardea.

[834]. Liv. I. 45 Dionys. 4. 26; Varro, L. L. 5. 43.

[835]. Dionys. l. c. See Jordan, Krit. Beiträge, 253.

[836]. So Liv. l. c.: other temples of Diana had deers’ horns, according to Plutarch, Q. R. 4. The cow was Diana’s favourite victim (Marq. 361); but we cannot be sure that this was not a feature borrowed from the cult of Artemis (Farnell, Greek Cults, ii. 592).

[837]. The passages from Livy quoted by Steuding (Lex. 1008) are hardly to the point, as the cult is not mentioned in them.

[838]. Plut. Q. R. 100.

[839]. Serv. Aen. 8. 564: cp. Liv. 22. 1, 26. 11.

[840]. Mannhardt, A. W. F. 328 foll.

[841]. Festus, 343, ‘Servorum dies.’

[842]. See above, p. [75].

[843]. Strabo, Bk. 4, p. 180; Farnell, Greek Cults, ii. 529 and 592.

[844]. Liv. 5. 13: Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercurius and Neptunus.

[845]. Lex. 1007. The excavations at Nemi have produced several votive offerings in terra cotta of women with children in their arms. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 269. Plutarch tells us (Q. R. 3) that men were excluded from a shrine of Diana in the Vicus Patricius; but of this nothing further is known.

[846]. Plut. Q. R. 100; Jevons, Introduction, p. lxviii.

[847]. Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 187.

[848]. C. I. L. vi. 656, 658.

[849]. Frazer, G. B. i. 105: cp. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 128 foll. Serv. Georg. 3. 332 ‘Ut omnis quercus Iovi est consecrata, et omnis lucus Dianae.’ (Hor. Od. 1. 21.) The reclaiming of Diana from the woodland to the homestead is curiously illustrated by an inscription from Aricia (Wilmanns, Exempla, 1767) in which she is identified with Vesta.

[850]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 15.

[851]. 5. (4.) 2.

[852]. Metaph. 14. 623 foll.; Preller, i. 451.

[853]. Varro. L. L. 7. 45. A god Pomonus (gen. Puemones) occurs in the Iguvian ritual (Bücheler, Umbrica, 158); who may have been identical with Vortumnus.

[854]. Varro, L. L. 5. 46.

[855]. Preller, i. 452, and Jordan’s note.

[856]. Festus, 217, s. v. persillum. All we know of his duties is that he ‘unguit arma Quirini’; the word for the oil or grease he used was ‘persillum.’ Quirinus had his own flamen, who might be supposed to do this office for him; hence Marq. (328 note) inferred that the god in this case was a form of Janus, Janus Quirinus. But there is no other sound evidence for a Janus Quirinus, though Janus and Portunus may be closely connected.

[857]. L. L. 6. 19.

[858]. C. I. L. 325. He thinks that the atria Tiberina mentioned by Ovid (Fasti, 4. 329) were a station on the route of the procession.

[859]. Mommsen has not convinced other scholars, e. g. Jordan on Preller, ii. 133, and Marq. 328, who points out that if Volturnus is an old name for the Tiber, that river-god was already provided with a flamen (Volturnalis), and a festival in this month (see below on Volturnalia). I am disposed to think that Mommsen’s critics have the best of the argument.

[860]. On Aen. 5. 241.

[861]. Röm. Jahr, p. 250. Jordan restored the passage thus: ‘Quo apud veteres aedes in portu et feriae institutae’ (Preller, i. 178 note).

[862]. See Marquardt, Privatalterthümer, p. 226.

[863]. Paulus, 56.

[864]. In Festus, 233, portus is said to have been used for a house in the Twelve Tables.

[865]. Topogr. i. 430; Marq. agrees (327 note).

[866]. Preller, i. 177.

[867]. It was a late foundation, vowed by C. Duilius in the First Punic War (B.C. 260). When rebuilt by Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 2. 49) the dedication-day became Oct. 18. See Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 18.

[868]. See above on April 23, p. [85].

[869]. Livy, 10. 31; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 12.

[870]. See above, p. [86].

[871]. Paulus, 264.

[872]. Preller, i. 196; Marq. 333 note.

[873]. Varro, L. L. 6. 16 ‘Vinalia a vino; Hic dies Iovis, non Veneris; huius rei cura non levis in Latio; nam aliquot locis vindemiae primum a sacerdotibus publicae fiebant, ut Romae etiam nunc; nam flamen Dialis auspicatur vindemiam, et ut iussit vinum legere, agna Iovi facit, inter quoius exta caesa et porrecta flamen primus vinum legit.’ But this note, coming between others on the Cerialia and Robigalia, clearly refers to April 23, and the latter part of it must be taken as simply explaining ‘huius rei cura non levis’ without reference to a particular day.

[874]. See above, p. [110].

[875]. p. 264.

[876]. L. L. 6. 20. The passage in 6. 16, quoted above, ends thus: ‘In Tusculanis hortis (sortis in MS.) est scriptum: Vinum novum ne vehatur in urbem antequam Vinalia calentur,’ which may refer to a notice put up in the vineyards. Another reading is ‘sacris.’

[877]. C. I. L. 316 and 326; Varro, R. R. 1. 65.

[878]. Cf. Pliny, N. H. 18. 284. ‘Tria namque tempora fructibus metuebant, propter quod instituerunt ferias diesque festos, Robigalia, Floralia, Vinalia.’ I do not see why the Vinalia here should not be the Vinalia Rustica. Cp. Virg. Georg. 2. 419 ‘Et iam maturis metuendus Iuppiter uvis.’ Hartmann, Röm. Kal. 137 foll.

[879]. Vol. ii. 379.

[880]. B.C. 272 (Festus, 209; Aust, p. 14).

[881]. For this altar, Tertull. Spect. 5 and 8; Dionys. 1. 33; Tac. Ann. 12. 24; Serv. Aen. 8. 636.

[882]. No correction of this word seems satisfactory: see Mommsen, C. I. L. 326.

[883]. Wissowa, Lex. s. v. Consus, 926.

[884]. Suggested by Mommsen, C. I. L. 326, and accepted by Wissowa. Unluckily Columella (r. 6), in alluding to the practice, says nothing of its occurrence in Italy. The alternative explanation was suggested to me by Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 107): see also a note in Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 100; and below on Terminalia (p. [325]).

[885]. The underground altar of Dis Pater in the Campus Martius, at which the ludi saeculares were in part celebrated (Zosimus, 2. 1), may have had a like origin.

[886]. Qu. Rom. 40: cf. Dionys. 1. 33.

[887]. Fast. Praen.; C. I. L. 237.

[888]. 2. 31, where he says that they were kept up in his own day: cf. Strabo, Bk. 5.3. 2.

[889]. p. 148.

[890]. Friedländer in Marq. 482. For the connexion of games with harvest see Mannhardt. Myth. Forsch. 172 foll.

[891]. Varro (ap. Non. p. 13) quotes an old verse which seems to the point here: ‘Sibi pastores ludo faciunt coriis consualia.’

[892]. Varro, L. L. 6. 20; Serv. Aen. 8. 636; Dionys. 2. 31; Cic. Rep. 2. 12.

[893]. See above, p. [178].

[894]. Vol. ii. 171 foll., 372 foll.

[895]. de Spect. 8.

[896]. See above, p. [89]; Ovid, Fasti, 4. 908.

[897]. Festus, p. 210, s. v. piscatorii ludi (Varro, L. L. 6 20). The latter uses the word ‘animalia,’ and does not mention fish. The fish were apparently sacrificed at the domestic hearth; but it is doubtful whether Volcanus was ever a deity of the hearth-fire (see Schwegler, R. G. i. 714; Wissowa, de Feriis, xlv).

[898]. See below, p. [309]; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 571 foll.

[899]. See above on May 23, p. [123]; Varro, L. L. 5. 84; Macrob. 1. 12. 18; C. I. L. vi. 1628.

[900]. ii. 149.

[901]. In the mutilated note in Fast. Praen. given above. For Wissowa’s views as to the mistake of supposing Volcanus to have been a god of smiths, see above, p. [123] (May 23).

[902]. Ennius, Fragm. 5. 477; Virg. Aen. 5. 662.

[903]. C. I. L. vi. 826.

[904]. Liv. 24. 10. 9.

[905]. Vitruv. 1. 7. 1.

[906]. Roman Questions, xviii.

[907]. de Aedibus sacris, p. 47 foll.

[908]. What this was we do not really know: there were several of them (Preller, ii. 150).

[909]. Fest. 154, from Ateius Capito; Macrob. 1. 16. 17.

[910]. Plut. Rom. 11; Ovid, Fasti, 4. 821. Plutarch wrongly describes it as being in the Comitium.

[911]. This seems to be meant by Cato’s words quoted by Festus, l. c. ‘Mundo nomen impositum est ab eo mundo quod supra nos est ... eius inferiorem partem veluti consecratam dis Manibus clausam omni tempore nisi his diebus (i. e. the three above mentioned) maiores c[ensuerunt habendam], quos dies etiam religiosos judicaverunt.’

[912]. Fest. 128. So Varro, ap. Macrob. 1. 16. 18 ‘Mundus cum patet, deorum tristium atque inferum ianua patet.’ Lex. s. v. Dis Pater, 1184; Preller, ii. 68.

[913]. Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 100. Plutarch is explicit: ἀπαρχαί τε πάντων, ὅσοις νόμῳ μὲν ὡς καλοῖς ἐχρῶντο, φύσει δὲ ὡς ἀναγκαίοις, ἀπετέθησαν ἐνταῦθα. See above on the Consualia for the practice of burying grain, &c.

[914]. Macrob. 1. 16. 17. For similar ideas in Greece see A. Mommsen, Heortologie, 345 foll.

[915]. de Feriis, vi.

[916]. Varro, L. L. 6. 21; Festus, 187.

[917]. Varro, L. L.. 5. 57 and 64; Festus, 186; Macrob. 1. 10. 19. So Preller, ii. 20. The keen-sighted Ambrosch had, I think, a doubt about it (Studien, 149), and about the conjugal tie generally among Italian deities. See his note on p. 149.

[918]. Gell. 13. 23. Ops Toitesia (if the reading be right) of the Esquiline vase (Jordan in Preller, ii. 22) may be a combination of this kind (toitesia, conn. tutus?): cf. Ops opifera.

[919]. Wissowa himself goes so far as to say that male and female divinities were joined together ‘non per iustum matrimonium sed ex officiorum adfinitate,’ op. cit. vi.

[920]. Op. cit. vii.; Mommsen, C. I. L. 327 declines to follow him here.

[921]. L. L. 6. 20. The MSS. read Ope Consiva; so Mommsen in C. I. L. 327. Wissowa adopts the other form.

[922]. See Mommsen, l. c., and Marquardt, 212.

[923]. See on Vestalia above, p. [147], and Marq. 251.

[924]. Colum. 12 4. Cited in De Marchi, Il Culto privato di Roma Antica (Milan, 1896), p. 56. See my paper in Classical Review for Oct. 1896: vol. x. p. 317 foll.

[925]. C. I. L. 327.

[926]. Preller, ii. 142.

[927]. Aen. 8. 330.

[928]. In Preller, ii. 143. In the passage of Lucretius Volturnus is coupled with Auster: ‘Inde aliae tempestates ventique secuntur, Altitonam Volturnus et Auster fulmine pollens.’ Columella (11. 2. 65) says that some people use the name for the east wind (cp. Liv. 22. 43).

[929]. Röm. Jahr, 251.

[930]. This represents the length which the ludi had attained in Cicero’s time (Verr. i. 10. 31). September 4 was probably added after Caesar’s death (Mommsen in C. I. L. 328).

[931]. C. I. L. 281.

[932]. R. R. I. 33.

[933]. See Mommsen’s masterly essay in his Römische Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 42 foll. Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 732.

[934]. Mommsen, Röm. Chronol. 86 foll.

[935]. The ‘equorum probatio,’ preliminary to the races in the circus, took place on the day after the Ides: see above, p. [27].

[936]. Mommsen (C. I. L. 328, and Röm. Forsch. ii. 43 foll.) points out that the real centre-point and original day of the ludi proper was the day of the great procession (pompa) from the Capitol to the Circus maximus; and that this was probably the 15th, two days after the epulum, because the 14th, being postriduanus, was unlucky, and that day was also occupied by the ‘equorum probatio.’ (See Fasti Sab., Maff., Vall., Amit. and Antiat.)

[937]. See below, p. [234]. For the dies natalis, see Aust, in Lex. s.v. Iuppiter, p. 707; Plutarch, Poplic. 14.

[938]. Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. l. c.

[939]. Livy, 36. 2. 3. The passage refers to ludi magni, i. e. special votive games, vowed after the fixed organization of the ludi Romani; but it is none the less illustrative of the latter, as they originated in votive games.

[940]. So Marq. 349 and note; Mommsen in C. I. L. 329, 335. I follow Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 732. The ‘epulum Minervae’ of the rustic calendars is but slender evidence for an ancient and special connexion of the goddess with this day; but Mommsen thinks that the epulum ‘magis Minervae quam Iovis fuisse.’

[941]. Aust, l. c.

[942]. Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 670, 735.

[943]. In Capitolio (Gellius, 12. 8. 2; Liv. 38. 57. 5). For the collegium of epulones, which from 196 B.C. had charge of this and other public feasts, see Marq. 347 foll.

[944]. Val. Max. 2. 1. 2; Plin. N. H. 33. 111; Aust, l. c.; Preller, i. 120.

[945]. Marq. 348.

[946]. R. R. 132. Festus (68) explains daps as ‘res divina quae fiebat aut hiberna semente aut verna,’ and Cato directs the farmer to begin to sow after the ceremony he describes. I do not clearly understand whether Marquardt intended also to connect the epulum Jovis of Nov. 13 with the autumn sowing.

[947]. I am unable to offer any explanation of these words, though half inclined to suspect that Vesta was the original deity of this rite of the farm, and that Jupiter and the wine-offering are later intrusions.

[948]. Fasti, 6. 307. For Vacuna see Preller, i. 408.

[949]. Bk. 2. 23 (cp. 2. 50); Marq. 195 foll. For a comparison of Greek and Roman usage of this kind see de Coulanges, La Cité antique, p. 132 foll.

[950]. He compares this common meal with those of the πρυτανεῖα of Greek cities, and also with the φιδίτια at Sparta. But it is most unlikely that the practice of the curiae should have had any but a native origin.

[951]. See cap. 7 of Ambrosch’s Studien; and cp. cap. 1 on the Regia as the older centre.

[952]. I may relegate to a footnote the further conjecture that the original deity of the epulum was Vesta. We know that this Sept. 13 was one of the three days on which the Vestals prepared the mola salsa (Serv. Ecl. 8. 32). We cannot connect this mola salsa with the cult of Jupiter on this day, for the Vestals have no direct connexion with that cult at any period of the year; but it is possible that it was a survival from the time when the common meal took place in the Regia.

[953]. See Aust’s admirable and exhaustive article on Jupiter in Roscher’s Lexicon.

[954]. Robertson Smith (Religion of the Semites, 42 foll.) seems to trace the idea back to an actual physical fatherhood. Mr. Farnell, on the other hand (Cults of the Greek States, i. 49), believes that in the case of Zeus it expresses ‘rather a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief concerning physical or human origins.’ In Italy, I think, the suffix pater indicates a special connexion with a particular stock, and one rather of guardianship than of actual fatherhood. See above on Neptunalia.

[955]. See Jordan’s note on Preller, i. 56.

[956]. See my paper in Classical Review, vol. ix. 474 foll.

[957]. Wissowa, de Feriis, p. 6, in the true spirit of Italian worship, concludes that it was ‘non per iustum matrimonium, sed ex officiorum affinitate.’

[958]. Bücheler, Umbrica; Bréal, Les Tables Eugubines.

[959]. Tab. 1 B. (Bücheler, p. 2, takes it as a temple or sacellum of Juno).

[960]. Grabovius is an epithet of Mars; Sancius of Fisius; Jovius or Juvius of more than one deity.

[961]. Farnell, op. cit. i. 50 and notes.

[962]. Mommsen, Unteritalische Dialekten, 341; Lex. 637. The Jupiter Cacunus of C. I. L. 6. 371 and 9. 4876 also points to high places, and there are other examples.

[963]. Aen. 9. 567.

[964]. Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens, p. 564.

[965]. Sat. 1. 15. 14.

[966]. Deecke, Etruskische Forschungen, iv. 79 foll.

[967]. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, p. 634.

[968]. Servius Ecl. 10. 27; Dict. of Antiquities (ed. 2), s. v. Triumphus.

[969]. Farnell, i. 184 foll. See also Dion. Hal. 1. 21. 2; Deecke, Die Falisker, p. 88; Lex. s. v. Juno, 591; Roscher, Juno und Hera, 76.

[970]. Lex. 643.

[971]. H. Jordan, Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae. Königsberg, 1885.

[972]. ‘Orceria·Numeri·nationu·cratia·Fortuna·Diovo·filei·primocenia·donom dedi’ (C. I. L. xiv. 2863). There are later inscriptions in which she appears as ‘Iovis (or Iovi) puero,’ in the sense of female child (C. I. L. xiv. 2862, 2868). The subject is discussed by Mommsen in Hermes for 1884, p. 455, and by Jordan op. cit. See also Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1542 foll., and s. v. Iuppiter, 648.

[973]. Symbolae, i. p. 8, and cp. 12. For the apparent parallel in the myth of the birth of Mars see on March 1.

[974]. Hermes, 1884, p. 455 foll.

[975]. Gellius, N. A. 5. 12; Ovid, Fasti, 3. 429 foll.; and see above on May 21. For Hercules, Jordan l. c. and his note on Preller, ii. 298. For Caeculus, Wissowa, in Lex. s. v.

[976]. C. I. L. xiv. 2862 and 2868.

[977]. The tria signa of Liv. 23. 19, placed ‘in aede Fortunae’ by M. Anicius after his escape from Hannibal, with a dedication, may possibly have been those of Fortuna and the two babes (Preller, ii. 192. note 1): but this is very doubtful.

[978]. Jordan, Symbolae, 10; Lex. s. v. Fortunae, 1543; Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, 78.

[979]. Gerhard, Antike Bildwerke, Tab. iv. no. 1, gives an example: the children here, however, are not babes, and the mother has her arms round their necks. It seems more to resemble the types of Leto with Apollo and Artemis as infants (Lex. s. v. Leto, 1973), as Prof. Gardner suggests to me.

[980]. Ad Aen. 7. 799.

[981]. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 640.

[982]. See Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, pp. 79-81.

[983]. Fernique, op. cit. p. 79.

[984]. Fernique, 139 foll. Wissowa writes of Praeneste as ‘a special point of connexion between Latin and Etruscan culture’ (Lex. s. v. Mercurius, 2813).

[985]. Plutarch, Parallela, 41.

[986]. See at end of April, p. [95].

[987]. Liv. 1. 31. 3 ‘visi etiam audire vocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco, ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent.’

[988]. e. g. the vases of very primitive make (Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 30).

[989]. Liv. 27. 11 (B.C. 209).

[990]. Niebuhr, Hist. of Rome, ii. 37. Strong arguments are urged against this view by Aust, Lex. 696.

[991]. Paul. Diac. 87. The lucus is mentioned in the corrupt fragments of the Argean itinerary (see on May 15) in Varro, L. L. 5. 50 (see Jordan, Topogr. ii, 242): where I am inclined to think the real reading is ‘Esquiliis cis Iovis lucum fagutalem’; ‘Iuppiter Fagutalis’ in Plin. N. H. 16. 37; a ‘vicus Iovis Fagutalis,’ C. I. L. vi. 452 (110 A.D.).

[992]. For Iuppiter Viminius and his ara, Fest. 376.

[993]. Liv. 1. 10; Dionys. 2. 34; Propert. 5. (4.) 10.

[994]. For other examples of this practice see Bötticher, Baumkultus, pp. 73 and 134; Virgil, Aen. 10. 423, and Servius, ad loc.; Statius, Theb. 2. 707.

[995]. Corn. Nep. Atticus, 20; cf. Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi Augusti, p. 53; Dion. Hal. 2. 34. 4. This is apparently what Livy alludes to in 1. 10, attributing it, after Roman fashion, to Romulus: ‘Templum his regionibus, quas modo animo metatus sum, dedico sedem opimis spoliis.’ For a discussion of the shape of this temple see Aust, in Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 673. He is inclined to attribute it (679) to the A. Cornelius Cossus who dedicated the second spolia opima in B.C. 428 (Liv. 4. 20).

[996]. The meaning of the cult-title is obscure; Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 673.

[997]. Paul. Diac. 92; Serv. Aen. 12. 206.

[998]. Aust, in Lex. 676. The idea is that of Helbig in his Italiker in der Poebene, 91 foll. Cp. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 681, and Preller, i. 248 foll. H. Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, p. 35, and Strachan-Davidson (Polybius, Prolegomena, viii) discuss the oath per Iovem lapidem usefully. Nettleship saw that the passage of Servius is the only one which ‘gives any real support’ to the notion that the god was represented by a stone; and Strachan-Davidson notes the aetiological method of Servius.

[999]. Cp. his note on the ‘sceptrum’ (Aen. 12. 206), which he explains as being the substitute for a ‘simulacrum’ of Jupiter. Was this ‘simulacrum’ a stone? If so he would have said so. Obviously he knew little or nothing about these cult-objects.

[1000]. de Civ. Dei 2. 29. S. Augustine couples it with the focus Vestae, as something well known: and this could not be said at that time of any object in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. The epithet Capitolinus would suit the stone of Terminus far better; and this is, in fact, made almost certain by Servius’ language when speaking of Virgil’s ‘Capitoli immobile saxum’ (Aen. 9. 448), which he identifies with the ‘lapidem ipsum Termini.’ Doubtless if we could be sure that such a stone existed, we might guess that it was an aerolite (Strachan-Davidson, p. 76, who quotes examples).

[1001]. So Nettleship, l. c.: and Strachan-Davidson, l. c.

[1002]. He quotes Plin. N. H. 37. 135 ‘cerauniae nigrae rubentesque et similes securibus.’

[1003]. Communicated to Mr. Strachan-Davidson, and mentioned by him in a note (op. cit. p. 77). An instance in Retzel, History of Mankind, vol. i. p. 175. The other suggestion, that it was a meteoric stone, is also quite possible: for Greek examples, see Schömann, Griech. Alterthümer, ii. 171 foll.

[1004]. Liv. 30. 43.

[1005]. We may compare the ‘orbita’ of the cult of Jupiter Sancius at Iguvium: Bücheler, Umbrica, 141. See above, p. [139].

[1006]. It may be as well to say, before leaving the subject, that I certainly agree with Mr. Strachan-Davidson that the ordinary oath, ‘per Iovem lapidem,’ where the swearer throws the stone away from him (described by Polybius, 3. 25), has nothing to do with the ritual of the Fetials.

[1007]. Festus, p. 2. Cp. 128, where this stone is distinguished from the other, which was the ‘ostium Orci.’ Serv. Aen. 3. 175.

[1008]. Serv. l. c. Marquardt, and Aust following him, add the matrons with bare feet and the magistrates without their praetexta: but this rests on the authority of Petronius (Sat. 44), who surely is not writing of Rome, where the ceremony was only a tradition, to judge by Fest. p. 2.

[1009]. Varro, L. L. 6. 94.

[1010]. O. Gilbert, ii. 154: adopted by Aust, 658, who adds some slight additional evidence: e. g. the ‘Iovem aquam exorabant’ of the passage from Petronius.

[1011]. Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 235-7: for the Greek Zeus, Farnell, Cults, i. 44 foll.

[1012]. Preller, i. 190. I cannot say that I find evidence earlier than the passage of Tibullus, 1. 7. 26 (Jupiter Pluvius).

[1013]. Note that the Flamen Dialis is not mentioned along with the Pontifices by Servius, l.c.

[1014]. See on [May 15].

[1015]. Golden Bough, i. 11 foll.; Grimm, Teutonic Mythology, 595 foll.; abundant examples in the works of Mannhardt, see indices.

[1016]. From Samoa, by G. Turner, p. 145.

[1017]. Compare together Nonius, 547. 10; 559. 19 (s. v. trulleum), from Varro; Festus, 128, s. v. ‘manalis lapis,’ from Verrius Flaccus. The suggestion that the stone was hollow is O. Gilbert’s.

[1018]. Aust, Lex. 657, who believes the Romans to have been mistaken. The locus classicus is Ovid, Fasti, 3. 285 foll.; a more rational account in Liv. 1. 20; Plin. N. H. 2. 140. Note the position of the altar of this Jupiter, i. e. the Aventine.

[1019]. Germania, 9.

[1020]. 7. 3.

[1021]. Festus, 55.

[1022]. In Röm. Chronologie, p. 175 foll. Preller (i. 258) had already seen that the ceremony was a religious one, but believed it to be annual, and used for the reckoning of time.

[1023]. ‘An sich hat der Nagel gewiss mit dem Jahre nichts zu thun, sondern steht in seiner natürlichen und wohlbekannten Bedeutung der Schicksalsfestung, in welcher er als Attribut der grausen Nothwendigkeit (saeva Necessitas), der Fortuna, der Atropos bei römischen Schriftstellern und auf italischen Bildwerken begegnet.’ Mommsen, op. cit. 179. He alludes, of course, to Horace, Od. 1. 35, and 3. 24, and to the Etruscan mirror mentioned by Preller (p. 259): see Gerhard, Etr. Spiegel, i. 176. But the interpretation of this mirror, as given by Preller, seems to me very doubtful.

[1024]. C. I. L. i 2. 281.

[1025]. Varro, R. R. 1. 34. Pliny, N. H. 18. 315: ‘Vindemiam antiqui nunquam existimavere maturam ante aequinoctium, iam passim rapi cerno.’ Sec. 319 ‘Iustum vindemiae tempus ab aequinoctio ad Vergiliarum occasum dies xliii.’

[1026]. See above, p. [97].

[1027]. Pliny, N. H. 14. 88 ‘Vino rogum ne respargito.’ Cp. 18. 24.

[1028]. Kulturpflanzen, &c., p. 65.

[1029]. 1. 21. Dion. Hal. 2. 75. The significance of this covered vehicle seems to be unknown.

[1030]. Many passages might be collected to bear out Dionysius’ remarks: the reader may refer to Preller, i. 250 foll.

[1031]. Pliny, N. H. xi. 250. So ‘dextram fidemque dare.’

[1032]. Wissowa, in Lex. s. v. Fides, Preller. i. 251. Serv. Aen. 1. 292 and 8. 636: but Serv. in the latter note says ‘Quia fides tecta esse debet et velata.’

[1033]. Libanius, Decl. 19; Photius, s. v. κροκοῦν (Bötticher, Baumkultus, p. 43) οἱ μύσται ὡς φασὶ κρόκῃ τὴν δεξιὰν χεῖρα καὶ τὸν πόδα ἀναδοῦνται.

[1034]. Hor. Od. 1. 35. 21.

[1035]. The authorities for this and the altars connected with it are Livy, 1. 26; Dion. Hal. 3. 22; Festus, 297 and Paul. 307; Aur. Vict. 4. 9; Schol. Bob. ad Cic. p. 277 Orelli; Lydus de Mensibus, 4. 1.

[1036]. Kiepert u. Huelsen, Formae urbis Romae antiquae, p. 92 and map 1; Jordan, Topogr. ii. 100.

[1037]. So Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Ianus, 21; Gilbert, Topogr. 1. 180, who would make it the ‘porta Ianualis’ of Macrob. 1. 19. 17, wrongly.

[1038]. It is always in the singular, e. g. ‘Transmisso per viam tigillo,’ Livy, l. c. Dionys. writes as if it were originally a iugum, i. e. two uprights and a cross-beam, but does not imply that it was so in his day.

[1039]. The altars are mentioned by Festus, Dionys, and Schol. Bob.

[1040]. Lex. s. v. Janus, 21; quoting Grimm, Deutsche Myth. (E. T. 1157, with quotation from White’s Selborne).

[1041]. Marquardt, 584.

[1042]. Macrob. 1. 9. 16 ‘[Ianum] Iunonium quia non solum mensis Ianuarii sed mensium omnium ingressum tenentem: in dicione autem Iunonis sunt omnes Kalendae.’

[1043]. This Juno may be the ‘Weibliche Genius einer Frau,’ as Roscher suggests (s. v. Janus, 22; s. v. Juno. 598, he seems to think otherwise). But as she is connected with Janus, I should doubt it. For an explanation of ‘Ianus Curiatius’ cp. Lydus, l. c. ἔφορος εὐγενῶν.

[1044]. Curriti Arv.: Q[uiriti] Paul.

[1045]. p. [223].

[1046]. Paulus, 123; Varro, L. L. 6. 21.

[1047]. Henzen, Act. Fr. Arv. pp. 11, 12, 14.

[1048]. L. L. vi. 22. Cp. Festus, 85.

[1049]. Cic. N. D. iii. 20.

[1050]. Preller, i. 176.

[1051]. Henzen, Acta Fr. Arv. 146. The deities to whom piacula are here to be sacrificed are deities of the grove of the Brethren: hence I should conclude that this Fons simply represented a particular spring there.

[1052]. de Feriis, &c., p. xi. To me this explanation does not seem quite satisfactory, though it seems to be sanctioned by Mommsen (C. I. L. i. 2. 332, note on Id. Oct. sub fin.). It is however undoubtedly preferable to the view I had taken before reading Wissowa’s tract, that the omission was due to an aristocratic neglect of usages which only survived among the common people and had ceased to concern the whole community.

[1053]. Polyb. xii. 4b.

[1054]. Ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τινὶ κατακοντίζειν ἵππον πολεμιστὴν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως ἐν τῷ κάμπῳ καλουμένῳ. This is quoted from “τὰ περὶ Πυρρόν.”

[1055]. Fest. 178 ‘October equus appellatur, qui in campo Martio mense Oct. immolatur quotannis Marti, bigarum victricum dexterior. De cuius capite non levis contentio solebat esse inter Suburanenses et Sacravienses, ut hi in regiae pariete, illi ad turrim Mamiliam id figerent; eiusdemque coda tanta celeritate perfertur in regiam, ut ex ea sanguis distillet in focum participandae rei divinae gratia, quem hostiae loco quidam Marti bellico deo sacrari dicunt,’ &c. Then follow three examples of horse-sacrifices. Paul. 179 adds no fresh information. Paul. 220 ‘Panibus redimibant caput equi immolati idibus Octobribus in campo Martio, quia id sacrificium fiebat ob frugum eventum, et equus potius quam bos immolabatur, quod hic bello, bos frugibus pariendis est aptus.’ (The meaning of these last words will be considered presently.) Cp. Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 97; probably from Verrius, perhaps indirectly through Juba. Plut. by a mistake puts the rite on the Ides of December.

[1056]. See note in Preller’s Regionen der Stadi Rom, p. 174. They are placed by Kiepert and Hülsen (map 2) close to the Tiber and near the Mausoleum of Augustus, and a long way from the old ara Martis. Perhaps the position of the latter had changed as the Campus came to be built over.

[1057]. Livy, 35. 10; 40. 45 (the censors after their election sat in Campo on their curule chairs ‘ad aram Martis’). Roscher, Lex. s. v. Mars, 2389.

[1058]. What this was is not known: some think a kind of peel-tower. Possibly a tower in quadriviis: cf. definition of compitum in Schol. Pers. 4. 28.

[1059]. Ovid, Fasti, 4. 731 foll.; Prop. 5. (4.) 1. 19. See on Parilia and Fordicidia.

[1060]. Preller, 1. 366; Marquardt, 334; Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. ii. 46; Roscher, Apollo und Mars, 64 foll.

[1061]. Mythologische Forschungen, 156-201.

[1062]. de Feriis, ix.

[1063]. I add this (see on Vestalia). Mannhardt had not handled it.

[1064]. Levit. 23 fin.

[1065]. Had they referred to the crops of the next season we might have expected ‘ob bonum frugum eventum.’

[1066]. So Wissowa, de Feriis, ix. He thinks that it was only an attempt to explain the panes: but he is wrong in insisting that the Vestalia (where, as we saw, the same decoration occurs) had nothing to do with ‘frugum eventus.’

[1067]. To me it looks as if some words had dropped out of the text, perhaps after the word eventum; see the passage quoted above, p. [242], note 1.

[1068]. Given in Mannhardt’s next section, p. 169.

[1069]. See under [May 15] (Argei).

[1070]. Mannhardt has not suggested what seems not impossible, that the horse represented Mars himself—in which case we might allow that Mars was, among other things, a vegetation deity.

[1071]. See his language at the top of p. 164.

[1072]. He ingeniously suggests that these cases of decapitation may be explained by the old custom of cutting off the corn-ears so as to leave almost the whole of the stalk. (See his Korndämonen, p. 35.) That this method existed in Latium seems proved by a passage in Livy, 22. 1 ‘Antii metentibus cruentas in corbem spicas cecidisse.’

[1073]. Dion. Hal. i. 33, who compares an Arcadian Hippokrateia.

[1074]. Op. cit. p. 182.

[1075]. See Golden Bough, i. 68 foll., and Mannhardt, A. W. F. 214 foll.

[1076]. Mannhardt, A. W. F. l. c.

[1077]. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, 167.

[1078]. p. 185 foll. The tail in Roman ritual was ‘offa penita.’ Marq. 335, note 1.

[1079]. In Silesia, &c., the word is Zâl, Zôl, which I suppose = tail.

[1080]. Golden Bough, ii. 65. Jevons, Introduction to Plut. Q. R. p. lxix. He quotes an example from Africa.

[1081]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lect. ix. In this case, according to M., it was the life of the Corn-spirit—so of generation in general.

[1082]. Schwegler, R. G. i. 739; Ambrosch, Studien, 200 foll.

[1083]. Evidence for this in Liv. i 2; Serv. Aen. 9. 274.

[1084]. See e. g. Crooke’s Folklore of Northern India, vol. ii. pp. 176 and 321. Crooke looks on these fights (he should have said, the possession of the object which is the cause of the fight) as charms for rain or fertility. So in the plains of N.-W. India, ‘plenty is supposed to follow the side which is victorious.’

[1085]. Veram huius sacri rationem inter veteres ii viderunt quorum sententiam ita refert Festus ‘equum hostiae loco Marti bellico deo sacrari’ (de Feriis, p. x).

[1086]. See under [March 14] and [19].

[1087]. Wissowa thinks it was originally the 15th (Ides); but Mommsen dissents in his note on Oct. 15 (C. I. L. 332). It is the only feast-day in the calendar which is an even number. Perhaps it was changed because of the popularity of the revels, &c., on the Ides.

[1088]. Charisius, p. 81; Marq. 435.

[1089]. This point of the parallel was first noticed by Wissowa, who, as just noted, believes the day of Equirria to have been in each case the Ides.

[1090]. An apt illustration of this aspect of Mars, in combination with the older primitive form of ritual, is supplied by the strange sacrifice by Julius Caesar of two mutinous soldiers, recorded by Dio Cassius, 43. 24. They were offered to Mars in the Campus Martius by the Flamen Martialis in the presence of the Pontifices, and their heads were nailed up on the Regia. (Hence Marq. infers that it was this flamen who sacrificed the October horse.) Caesar was in Rome in October of the year to which D. C. attributes this deed, B.C. 46.

[1091]. L. L. 6. 62. Cp. Festus, 19 ‘Armilustrium festum erat apud Romanos, quo res divinas armati faciebant ac dum sacrificarent tubis canebant.’ See on [March 19] and [23].

[1092]. Liv. 37. 33. 7. Cp. Polyb. 21. 10. 12.

[1093]. Marq. 437, note 1. The suggestion was Huschke’s, Röm. Jahr, 363.

[1094]. Charisius, pp. 81. 20 (Keil), for lustratio in March. The word Armilustrium, used for this day, speaks for itself.

[1095]. L. L. 5. 153.

[1096]. We have a faint indication that they reached the pons sublicius, which was quite near to the Circus maximus. See Marq. 433, note 8.

[1097]. Rustic calendars: ‘Sementes triticariae et hordiar[iae].’ Varro, R. R. 1. 34.

[1098]. Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 2, 333.

[1099]. Friedländer in Marq. 499; Liv. 23. 30.

[1100]. See the table in C. I. L. i. 2, 335.

[1101]. Probably these notes belong to the Ides. In the Arval calendar the entry is opposite the 14th, but from its position may be really meant as an additional note to the Ides. There is no other example of religious rites on a day after Ides. (Henzen, Arv. 240; C. I. L. i. 2, 296.) The same was the case with all ‘dies postriduani.’

[1102]. See under Cerialia and Floralia.

[1103]. Liv. 1. 30. Roman merchants were seized by the Sabines in this market (Dion. Hal. 3. 32).

[1104]. Steuding in Lex. s. v. Feronia; Liv. 26 11. I cannot see any reason to connect her with November sowing, as Steuding does, p. 1480.

[1105]. Serv. Aen. 8. 564.

[1106]. Liv. 22. 1.

[1107]. The cutting of the hair, and putting on of the pileus. See Robertson Smith, Religion of Semites, p. 307.

[1108]. Serv. Aen. l. c. The myth must be Graeco-Etruscan.

[1109]. Liv. 29. 36. The dedication was 194 B.C. (Liv. 34. 53).

[1110]. R. R. 1. 35. 2; Colum. 2. 8. 2.

[1111]. xi. 2.

[1112]. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 18, 9-12. Ovid (Fasti, 3. 57) says of December—Vester (i. e. Faustuli et Larentiae) honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam; Acceptus Geniis illa December habet.

Is this only an allusion to Larentia and Faustulus, or also to the general character of the month and its festivals?

[1113]. Plut. Cic. 19; Dio Cass. 37. 35.

[1114]. Cic. ad Att. 1. 12, and 15. 25.

[1115]. Cic. de Harusp. resp. 17. 37 ‘fit per Virgines Vestales, fit pro populo Romano, fit in ea domo quae est in imperio.’ In 62 B.C. it was in Caesar’s house, and apparently in the Regia, if as pontifix maximus he resided there. See Marq. 346, note 1; 250, note 2.

[1116]. Fest. 245 publica sacra are ‘quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt.’ See my article ‘Sacra’ in Dict. of Antiquities.

[1117]. Juvenal, 2. 86.

[1118]. 2. 83 foll.; 6. 314 foll.

[1119]. Probus on Virg. Georg. 1. 10 ‘In Italia quidam annuum sacrum, quidam menstruum celebrant.’

[1120]. The word is ‘odore,’ i.e. sweet herbs of the garden (Marq. 169 and note).

[1121]. See on Lupercalia, p. [312].

[1122]. Lev. 33. 42.

[1123]. The earliest hint of the connexion of Faunus with Evander and the Palatine legend is found in a fragment of Cincius Alimentus, who wrote at this time (H. Peter, Fragm. Hist. Lat. 41, from Servius, Georg. 1. 10).

[1124]. Dion. Hal. 1. 31; Suet. Vitell. 1. Cp. for a more truly Italian view, Virgil, Aen. 8. 314 foll.

[1125]. Aen. 7. 45 foll. The order was Saturnus, Picus, Faunus, Latinus.

[1126]. Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Faunus, 1458: who, however, does not sufficiently explain the contrast. Silvanus became tutor finium, and cusios hortuli (cp. Gromatici Veteres. p. 302). It was probably this turn given to his cult which saved him from the fate of Faunus. He takes over definite duties to the cultivator, while Faunus is still roaming the country in a wild state.

[1127]. Bouché-Leclercq, Hist. de la Divination, iv. 122.

[1128]. Ad Georg. 1. 10.

[1129]. Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. i. 351.

[1130]. Varro, L. L. 7. 36 ‘Faunos in silvestribus locis traditum est solitos fari futura.’ Servius identifies Faunus and Fatuus; ad Aen. 6. 775.

[1131]. ‘Versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant.’ Ennius in Varro, L. L. 7. 36. See Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, p. 50 foll.

[1132]. Mannhardt, A. W. F. 113 foll.

[1133]. L. L. 7. 36.

[1134]. Georg. 1. 10. The introduction of the Greek Dryads may be thought to throw suspicion upon the Latinity of these Fauni of Virgil. But in Aen. 8. 314, the similar conjunction of Fauni and Nymphae is followed by words which seem to mark a true Italian conception.

[1135]. Lex. s. v. Faunus, 1454.

[1136]. Aen. 8. 314.

[1137]. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 315 ‘Di sumus agrestes et qui dominemur in altis Montibus,’ &c. Cp. Preller, i. 386.

[1138]. Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. (Barnabei). Von Duhn, translated in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 120 foll.

[1139]. Röm. Myth. i. 104 foll.

[1140]. Virg. Aen. 8. 601, and Serv.’s note: ‘Prudentiores dicunt eum esse ὑλικὸν θέον, hoc est deum ὕλης.’ Silvanus may have been a true tree-spirit; Mannhardt, A. W. F. 118 foll.; Preller, i. 392.

[1141]. Vol. i. 335, ed. Hauthal.

[1142]. See above, p. [126]. It may be noticed that the Bona Dea, whose solemn rite occurs also at the beginning of this month, was identified with Fauna, the female form of Faunus (R. Peter, in Lex. s. v. Fauna); i. e. their powers for good and evil were thought to be much alike.

[1143]. Preller, i. 381 and reff.

[1144]. See under Lupercalia, p. [320].

[1145]. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 291 foll. I am glad to see that Wissowa accepts this story as genuine Italian (Lex. s. v. 1456).

[1146]. Cic. de Div. 1. 101; Livy, 2. 7 (Silvanus), and Dion. Hal. 5. 16 (Faunus) of the battle by the wood of Arsia.

[1147]. Fasti, 4. 649 foll.

[1148]. Aen. 7. 81 foll.

[1149]. Calpurnius, Ecl. 1. 8 foll.

[1150]. Cp. Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 341 foll.; Sir A. Lyall, Asiatic Studies, ch. 2.

[1151]. Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 152.

[1152]. See the cuts of two bronze statuettes which Wissowa, following Reifferscheid, believed to represent the un-Graecized Italian Faunus, at the end of the article ‘Faunus’ in Lex. 1460. But it is at least very doubtful whether Reifferscheid was right in his opinion.

[1153]. By an error Silvius has entered it on the 12th.

[1154]. For Inuus see on Lupercalia, and Livy, i. 5.

[1155]. de Feriis, xii. His other argument, that Inuus is not a nomen, but a cognomen, is less satisfactory. Can we always be sure which is which? (e. g. Saturnus, Janus).

[1156]. Festus, p. 340.

[1157]. de Mensibus, p. 118, ed. Bekk.; quoted by Mommsen, C. I. L. i 2,. 336.

[1158]. L. L. v. 41.

[1159]. Ibid. vi. 24.

[1160]. Antistius Labeo, ap. Festum, 348: ‘Septimontio, ut ait Antistius Labeo, hisce montibus feriae. Palatio, cui sacrificium quod fit Palatuar dicitur. Veliae, cui item sacrificium, Fagutali, Suburae, Cermalo, Oppio, Cispio monti.’ Before ‘Cispio’ the MS. has ‘Caelio monti,’ which must be a copyist’s blunder. The Subura is by courtesy a mons; also a pagus (Festus, 309), a regio (ib.), and a tribus (ib.).

[1161]. Staatsrecht, iii. 112. O. Gilbert has made a great to-do about the development of these communities; Gesch. u. Topogr. i. 39 foll. But where else will he find three distinct settlements in a space as small as that of the Palatine? The discoveries at Falerii and Narce would have saved him the labour of much web-spinning. Plutarch, Q. R. 69, has (accidentally perhaps) expressed the matter rightly.

[1162]. Monumenti Antichi, vol. v. p. 15 foll.

[1163]. Mon. Ant. p. 110 foll. (Barnabei).

[1164]. Cic. de Domo, 28. 74.

[1165]. At Ariminum, and Antioch in Pisidia (Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii. 113, note).

[1166]. Festus, 348, cp. 245.

[1167]. Preller, i. 414.

[1168]. Q. R. 69. Plutarch does not say in what parts of the city the vehicles were forbidden. The feast existed in his day, and indeed long afterwards (Tertull. Idololatr. 10). It seems to have become a general feast of the whole people.

[1169]. Macrob. i. 10. 2.

[1170]. See below on Saturnalia, p. [271].

[1171]. Macrob. 1. 10. 2. Macr. tells us that after the change some people in error held the festival on the 19th, i. e. on the day which was now xiv K. Ian.

[1172]. Hartmann, Der Röm. Kalender, p. 203 foll., thinks it was originally one of the feriae conceptivae, like the Compitalia, Paganalia, &c., and only became fixed (stativae) when it was reorganized in 217 B.C. But if so, why is it marked in the calendars in large letters? And Hartmann himself points out (p. 208) that Dec. 17 is the first day of Capricornus, i. e. the coldest season, which in the oldest natural reckoning would be likely to fix the day (Colum. 11. 2. 94).

[1173]. Macr. l. c.; Cic. Att. 13. 52.

[1174]. Mommsen, C. I. L. i. 337.

[1175]. Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 172; Brand, Popular Antiquities, ch. 13; Usener, Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, 1. 214 foll. See for Italy, Academy, Jan. 20, 1888.

[1176]. C. I. L. i. 48. But Prof. Gardner tells me that the reading Saet. is not certain.

[1177]. Macrob. 1. 10. 19 foll.; 1. 7. 24 and 25; Marq. p. 11 note 3. The conjunction of Ops with him in this function is rejected (rightly, I think) by Wissowa, de Feriis, iv. But see below on Opalia.

[1178]. Jordan’s note on Preller, ii. 10.

[1179]. e. g. Virg. Aen. 8. 321.

[1180]. See, however, Schwegler, R. G. i. 223 foll.

[1181]. Varro, L. L. 5. 42; Dion. Hal. i. 34 (cp. 6. 1); Fest. 322; Solinus, 1. 13; Servius, Aen. 2. 115; Middleton, Rome in 1885, p. 166.

[1182]. R. Peter, s. v. Dis in Lex. 1181; Macr. 1. 11. 48.

[1183]. Lucan, 3. 153; Middleton, op. cit. 167.

[1184]. Preller, ii. 13; i. 182.

[1185]. The temple was traditionally dated B.C. 497 (Livy, 2. 21); cp. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 4: so too the festival, though both had an older origin (Ambrosch. Stud. 149). The latter was reorganized in Greek fashion in obedience to a Sibylline oracle in B.C. 217 (Livy, 22. 1).

[1186]. Plut. Q. R. 34 notes the cult of such gods when all fruits have been gathered.

[1187]. Macr. 1. 8. 3 and 1. 16. 30 (also, but probably in error, attributed to Jupiter). Plut. Q. R. 42, and Poplic. 12, states it distinctly; but there is no indication of the source from which he drew.

[1188]. Cp. the legendary connexion of both with ship-building and the coining of money; though it is of course possible that this was simply suggested by the Janus-head and the ship of early Roman coins.

[1189]. Seneca, Ep. 18. 1. Martial is full of Saturnalian allusions; e. g. 12. 62.

[1190]. Popularized, of course, by the poets: Virg. Georg. ii. 538; Tibull. i. 3. 35; &c.

[1191]. Was this one of the reasons why Christmas was fixed at the winter solstice? Cp. John Chrysostom, tom. iii. 497e: quoted by Usener, op. cit. p. 217.

[1192]. Varro, R. R. 1. 35. 2 ‘Dum in xv diebus ante et post brumam ut pleraque ne facias.’ Columella, 2. 8. 2, seems to follow Varro. Virg. Georg. 1. 211 extends the time ‘usque sub extremum brumae intractabilis imbrem’ (cp. Serv. ad loc.).

[1193]. Sat. i. 10. 19 and 22, and Dion. Hal. 3. 32; Plut. Q. R. 34.

[1194]. See Marquardt’s excellent summary in Staatsverwaltung, iii. 357, and Preller, ii. 15 foll.

[1195]. Dion. Hal. 6. 1. Fasti Amit. Dec. 17. We do not know who was the sacrificing priest; perhaps the Rex Sacrorum, or a magistrate.

[1196]. Macrob. 1. 10. 18.

[1197]. Martial, 14. 1; at least this seems to be the inference from ‘Synthesibus dum gaudet eques dominusque senator.’ Cp 6. 24.

[1198]. Livy, 22. 1. 19 ‘lectisternium imperatum et convivium publicum.’

[1199]. Tertull. Apol. 42.

[1200]. Odes, 3. 17. Cp. Martial, 14. 70. The pig-offering indicates an earth-deity: Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. p. 22; Marq. 173.

[1201]. Martial, bk. 14, is the locus classicus for all this.

[1202]. Brand, Pop. Ant. 183.

[1203]. Macr. i. 10. 24; 11. 49. In the latter passage he says ‘quae homines pro se atque suis piaculum pro Dite Saturno facerent.’

[1204]. Brand, 180.

[1205]. Marq. 192, and the passages there quoted.

[1206]. Sat. 1. 7. 37. For later evidence see Marq. 588.

[1207]. p. [50], and note 13.

[1208]. C. I. L. i 2. 337.

[1209]. O. Gilbert (1. 247 note) holds this latter view.

[1210]. Ephem. Epigr. 1. 37. Wissowa (de Feriis, v) points out that all such entries, in which the god’s name in the dative is followed by the place of sacrifice, apply to consecrated temples only—and the Regia was not one.

[1211]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris Populi Romani, p. 40. Wissowa, l. c., who should not, I think, write of an aedes in foro.

[1212]. Varro, L. L. 6. 23 ‘Angeronalia ab Angerona, cui sacrificium fit in curia Acculeia et cuius feriae publicae is dies.’ Pliny, N. H. 3. 5. 65 ‘Nomen alterum dicere [nisi] arcanis caerimoniarum nefas habetur; ... non alienum videtur hoc loco exemplum religionis antiquae ob hoc maxime silentium institutae; namque diva Angerona, cui sacrificatur a.d. xii Kal. Ian., ore obligato obsignatoque simulacrum habet.’ Macr. Sat. i. 10 ‘xii (Kal. Ian.) feriae sunt divae Angeroniae, cui pontifices in sacello Volupiae sacrum faciunt; quam Verrius Flaccus Angeroniam dici ait, quod angores ac sollicitudines animorum propitiata depellat.’

[1213]. See Wissowa, s. v. Angerona, Lex. 350.

[1214]. Civ. Dei, 4. 8.

[1215]. Macrob. Sat. 1. 10. 11; Fest. 119; and Lact. Inst. 1. 20. 4 mention the Larentalia.

[1216]. Röm. Forschungen, vol. ii. p. 1 foll. See also Roscher, s. v. in Lex. 5.

[1217]. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 3. 55.

[1218]. L. L. 6. 23. The passage is in part hopelessly corrupt.

[1219]. Gellius, N. A. 7. 7; for the Flamen Quir. cf. Gilbert, 1. 88. Cic. Ep. ad Brut. 1. 15. 8. Varro, l. c. says vaguely ‘sacerdotes nostri.’ Plut. Romulus, 4, gives ὁ τοῦ Ἄρεος ἱερεύς, wrongly.

[1220]. ‘Sacerdotes nostri publice parentant’ (Varro, l. c.).

[1221]. Cic. de Legibus, 2. 21. 54; Plut. Q. R. 34.

[1222]. Plutarch is often led on in this work from one question to another by something he finds in the book he is consulting for the first.

[1223]. Livy, 31. 21; 34. 53. The MSS have ‘deo Iovi’ in the former passage, and ‘Iovis’ in the second; but it is almost certain that Vediovis is the deity referred to. See Mommsen in C. I. L. i. 2. 305 for the confusion in these passages, and in Livy, 35. 41. (Cp. Ovid, Fasti, i. 291-3.)

[1224]. Livy, Epit. 11, and 10. 47; Preller, ii. 241; Plut. Q. R. 94; Jordan, in Comm. in hon. Momms. p. 349 foll.

[1225]. See under [May 21]. Deecke, Falisker, 96.

[1226]. Livy, 33. 42, 34. 53; Jordan, l. c.

[1227]. These and their later history are the subject of a most exhaustive treatise by Martin Lipenius, in Graevius’ Thesaurus, vol. xii, p. 405. See also Marq. Privatleben, 1. 2, 245. For the sentiment implied in the strenae see Ovid, Fasti, 1. 71 foll. and 175.

[1228]. Cp. Fest. 290.

[1229]. Symmachus, ep. 10. 35 ‘Ab exortu paene urbis Martiae strenarum usus adolevit, auctoritate Tatii regis, qui verbenas felicis arboris ex luco Strenuae anni novi auspices primus accepit.’

[1230]. Varro, L. L. 6. 25 ‘quotannis is dies concipitur’ (for the right reading of the rest of the passage see Mommsen, C. I. L. 305). Macrobius (1. 16. 6) reckons them as conceptivae, in the fourth century; Philoc. and Silv. may be representing a traditional date for a feast which was iure conceptivus. So Momms. Cp. Gell. 10. 24. 3, where the formula for fixing the date is given; and Cic. in Pis. 4. 8. It was the praetor (urbanus?) who in this case made the announcement.

[1231]. Cp. Philargyrius, Georg. 2. 382 ‘[compita] ubi pagani agrestes buccina convocati solent certa inire consilia’; no doubt discussion about agricultural matters.

[1232]. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 1. 665, of the Paganalia: ‘Rusticus emeritum palo suspendat aratrum.’ (Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 5.) Such features were perhaps common to all these rustic winter rejoicings.

[1233]. Grom. Vet. 302. 20 foll.

[1234]. For Greece see Farnell, Cults, ii. 561 and 598.

[1235]. Folklore in Northern India, i. 77.

[1236]. Marq. 203; Dion. Hal. 4. 14; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 615 and 5. 140. Wissowa (Myth. Lex. s. v. Lares, p. 1874) would limit them in origin to the pagi outside the septem montes, as the latter had their own sacra.

[1237]. Dion. Hal. 4. 14 οὐ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀλλὰ τοὺς δούλους ἔταξε (i. e. Serv. Tull.) παρεῖναί τε καὶ συνιερουργεῖν, ὡς κεχαρισμένης τοῖς ἥρωσι τῆς τῶν θεραπόντων ὑπηρεσίας (Cic. pro Sestio, 15. 34).

[1238]. Marq. 204; Rushforth, Latin Historical Inscriptions, p. 59 foll.

[1239]. Pliny, N. H. 36. 204; Macrob. 1. 7. 34; Dion. l. c.

[1240]. Asconius, p. 6, K. Sch. Livy, 34. 7. 2.

[1241]. So Wissowa, de Feriis, xii note. Cp. his article ‘Agonium’ in the new edition of Pauly’s Real-Encycl.

[1242]. p. 10. Cp. Ovid, Fasti, 1. 331 ‘Et pecus antiquus dicebat agonia sermo.’

[1243]. He uses the plural: ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat’ (L. L. 6. 12). But only Jan. 9 seems to be alluded to.

[1244]. Fasti, 1. 325; cf. Macrob. 1. 16. 5.

[1245]. Civ. Dei, 4. 11. 16. Ambrosch (Studien, 149) thinks it possible that Agonius may have been a god of the Colline city.

[1246]. Bücheler, Umbrica, p. 30. B. apparently sees in the Umbrian ‘sakreu perakneu’ an equivalent to ‘hostias agonales.’ The Iguvian ritual is certainly the most likely document to be useful; it at least shows how large was the store of sacrificial vocabulary.

[1247]. Fest. p. 10. For the Salii, Varro, L. L. 6. 14.

[1248]. Wissowa, de Feriis, xii.

[1249]. When Varro writes (L. L. 6. 12) that the dies agonales are those in which the Rex sacrorum sacrifices a ram in the Regia, he may be including all the four days, and not only Jan. 9. I think this is likely; but we only know it of Jan. 9.

[1250]. Fasti, i. 333. Varro L. L. 6. 12 ‘Agonales (dies) per quos rex in regia arietem immolat.’

[1251]. Cp. lines 318 and 333.

[1252]. Henzen, 144. An ‘agna’ is the only other animal sacrifice we know of to Janus (Roscher, in Lex. 42).

[1253]. Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Ianus, 29 foll. (cp. for much interesting kindred matter, De-Marchi, Il Culto privato, p. 20 foll.). Roscher’s attempt to find an analogy between the Forum and the house is interesting, but unluckily the positions ‘ad Forum’ of the ‘Ianus geminus’ and the ‘aedes Vestae’ do not exactly answer to those of the door and hearth of a Roman house.

[1254]. Sat. i. 9. 2; Procopius, B. G. 1. 25, who says that ‘Janus belonged to the gods whom the Romans in their tongue called Penates,’ seems to be alluding to the same connexion of this god and the house.

[1255]. We owe this explanation of Janus chiefly to Roscher’s article, and Roscher himself owed it to the fact that his study of Janus for the article was a second and not a first attempt. In Hermes der Windgott (Leipzig, 1878) he had arrived at a very different and a far less rational conclusion. The influence of Mannhardt and the folk-lorists set him on the right track.

[1256]. Nigidius Figulus in Macrob. i. 9. 8.

[1257]. See Roscher, Lex. 44.

[1258]. Macrob. 1. 9. 9; Lydus, de Mensibus, 4. 6 (who quotes Lutatius).

[1259]. Schwegler, R. G. i. 218 foll.; Preller, 1. 168 foll. The etymology is weak; the god and goddess have nothing common in cult or myth; it is not certain that Diana was originally the moon; and the great Italian deities are not coupled together in this way.

[1260]. ii. 125 foll. Cf. Müller’s Etrusker (ed. Deecke), ii. 58 foll. Müller, with his usual good sense, concluded from the evidence that the Latin Janus was a god of gates; but he thought that an Etruscan deity of the vault or arch of heaven had been amalgamated with him. This is not impossible, if there was really such an Etruscan god; and Deecke finds him in Ani, who in Etruscan theology seems to have had his seat in the northern part of the heaven (Mart. Capell. 1. 45) where Janus was also represented in the templum of Piacenza (Lex. s. v. Janus, p. 28). But this must remain a doubtful point, even though Lydus (4. 2) tells us that Varro said that the god παρὰ θούσκοις οὐρανὸν λέγεσθαι.

[1261]. Nissen, Templum, p. 228.

[1262]. Macrob. 1. 9. 16.

[1263]. p. 93 foll.; Caes. B. G. 6. 18.

[1264]. M. Mowat thought that this was Janus naturalized in Gaul; but with Prof. Rhys (p. 81 note) I cannot but think this unlikely.

[1265]. See Corpus Poeticum Boreale, ii. 465.

[1266]. Roscher, in Lex. 18; Rhys, 1. c. 88.

[1267]. Roscher, Lex. 17; Jordan, Topogr. 1. 2. 351.

[1268]. Cic. De Nat. Deorum, 2. 27. 67 ‘Transitiones perviae iani, foresque in liminibus profanarum aedium ianuae nominantur.’ Cp. Macrob. 1. 9. 7.

[1269]. On the whole question see Jordan, Topogr. 1. 2. 215 foll. Ovid (Fasti, 1.257) asks the god ‘Cum tot sint iani, cur stas sacratus in uno?‘

[1270]. From Falerii came another janus, with a four-headed simulacrum, which was set up in the Forum transitorium (Macr. 1. 9. 13; Jordan, Top. 1. 2. 348).

[1271]. Preller made an attempt, which Roscher approves, to identify Portunus with Janus, Portunus being, according to Varro, ‘Deus portuum portarumque praeses’ (Interpr. Veron. Aen. v. 241). But see on [Aug. 17].

[1272]. The nearest approach to Janus is the Hermes θυραῖος or στροφαῖος (single head only?) and Hermes with two, three, or four heads at the meeting-points of streets. These are points which suggested to Roscher in his older work an elaborate comparison of Hermes and Janus (p. 119 foll.).

[1273]. See Marq 25, 26 and notes.

[1274]. Cic. N. D. 2. 27; Preller, ii. 172.

[1275]. For the evidence of this position of Janus in the cults of the house see Roscher, Lex. 32; it is indirect, but sufficiently convincing.

[1276]. See my article ‘Vestales’ in Dict. of Antiquities, ed. 2.

[1277]. Marq. 321 foll. Besides the sacrifice in the Regia on Jan. 9, the Rex and his wife, the Regina sacrorum, sacrificed to Juno in the Regia on the Kalends of every month, and apparently also to Janus (Junonius) to whom there were twelve altars (in the Regia?) one for each month. Macr. 1. 9. 16 and 1. 15. 19.

[1278]. For the father as the natural defender of the family, see Westermarck, Hist. of Human Marriage, ch. 3.

[1279]. Festus, 185 ‘Maximus videtur Rex, dein Dialis, post hunc Martialis, quarto loco Quirinalis, quinto pontifex maximus.’ For the corresponding place of Janus, Liv. 8. 9. 6; Cato, R. R. 134; Marq. 26.

[1280]. Lex. 37 foll.; Preller, 1. 166 foll.; Mommsen, R. H. i. 173.

[1281]. Ἔφορος πάσης πράξεως, says Lydus, 4. 2, quoting Varro; cp. Ovid, Fasti, 165 foll.

[1282]. Plut. Q. R. 22.

[1283]. Macrob. 1. 9. 16; Horace, Sat. ii. 6. 20 foll.

[1284]. Macrob. 1. 9. 14.

[1285]. Varro, L. L. 7. 26; Fest. 122.

[1286]. Macr. 1. 9. 16.

[1287]. Macr. l. c. Wissowa (de Feriis, vi) says the true form is consevius; but the etymology holds.

[1288]. Roscher, Lex. 21, 26, 40.

[1289]. C. I. L. 1. 307, on the evidence of Ovid, Fast. 1. 629 and Varro, L. L. 7. 84.

[1290]. Wissowa, de Feriis, viii.

[1291]. Mommsen, C. I. L. 1. 288.

[1292]. Fast. Praen. on Jan. 15 (mutilated). Cp. Ovid, Fast. 1. 619, and Plut. Q. R. 56. Festus, 245.

[1293]. By Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 199. There was probably more than one Carmenta (Gell. 16. 16. 4), if we consider Porrima and Postverta as two forms of the goddess; and the two days may have some relation to this duality. Perhaps there were two altars in the temple. Ovid, Fasti, 1. 627.

[1294]. Plut. Romulus, 21.

[1295]. See Wissowa in Lex. Myth. i. 851; Ovid. Fasti, 1. 461 foll.; Virg. Aen. 8. 336. The eighth Aeneid, it may be remarked, should be learnt by heart by all investigators into Roman antiquity.

[1296]. Plut. Q. R. 56: cp. Dion. Hal. 1. 31. 1-9, from whom Plutarch may have drawn his information, directly or perhaps through Juba. For the temple they built cp. Gell. 18. 7. 2. If this temple be a different one from that under the Capitol, it may suggest an explanation of the double festival.

[1297]. Studies in Latin Literature, p. 48 foll.; Journal of Philology, xi. 178.

[1298]. See on Fortuna, above, p. [167].

[1299]. Ovid, Fast. 1. 633; Varro in Gell. 16. 6. 4. Nettleship takes a different view of these words. But see Wissowa in Lex. 1. 853; Preller, i. 406.

[1300]. St. Augustine, C. D. 4. 11 ‘In illis deabus quae fata nascentibus canunt et vocantur Carmentes.’

[1301]. Asiatic Studies, p. 20.

[1302]. Cic. Brut. 14. 56; C. I. L. vi. 3720; and Eph. Ep. iv. 759. The rite of Jan. 11 is called ‘sacrum pontificale’ by Ovid (Fast. 1. 462), whence we infer that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen.

[1303]. Ovid, Fast. 1. 629. Cp. Varro, L. L. 7. 84. This passage of Varro may possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken interpretation of the words scortum and pellicula, as Carmenta was especially worshipped by matrons.

[1304]. The more so as we have no inscriptions relating to Carmenta. Though her flaminium continued to exist under the Empire, she herself practically disappeared. I am inclined to guess that her attributes were to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian Fortuna.

[1305]. Solinus, 1. 13; Serv. Aen. 8. 336 and 337.

[1306]. See especially under [April 1] and [28], the days of Fortuna virilis and Flora.

[1307]. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 223 foll.

[1308]. Juturnalia, Serv. Aen. 12. 139.

[1309]. Jordan, Topogr. 1. 2. 370; Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Iuturna.

[1310]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 45.

[1311]. Sementinae, according to Jordan in Prell. 2. 5, note 2.

[1312]. Fasti, 1. 658 foll.

[1313]. Paganicae (feriae), Varro, L. L. 6. 26. Varro seems to separate the two: after mentioning the Sementinae, which he says was ‘sationis causa susceptae,’ he goes on ‘Paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae, ut haberent in agris omnes pagi,’ &c. But the distinction is perhaps only of place; or if of time also, yet not of object and meaning.

[1314]. So Marq. 199, and Hartmann, Röm. Kal. 203. Preller thinks the Sementinae were in September, before the autumn sowing; and it is possible that there were two feasts of the name, one before the autumn, another before the spring, sowing. Lydus (de Mens. 3. 3) speaks of two days separated by seven others; on the former they sacrificed to Tellus (Demeter), on the latter to Ceres (Κόρη); two successive nundinae (market-days) are here meant.

[1315]. Cp. Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28; and see under Compitalia, Jan. 3-5.

[1316]. Ovid, 1. 661.

[1317]. R. R. 1. 34; Plin. N. H. 18. 204.

[1318]. Cp. Varro, R. R. 1. 29, 36. Cp. the Rustic Calendars for February.

[1319]. Varro, L. L. 6. 26 ‘sationis causa’; and Lydus says that the feast could not be ‘stativae,’ because the ἀρχὴ σπόρου cannot be fixed to a day. Lydus’ reason is not a good one, if the sowing did not begin till Feb. 7; but it is plain that he understands the rites as prophylactic. I may note that Columella seems to know little about spring sowing (II. 2: cp. 2. 8). Mommsen, R. H. ii. 364, says that spring sowing was exceptional.

[1320]. See under Cerialia, [April 19].

[1321]. Ad Virg. Georg. 2. 385; Marq. 200 and 192, where the old explanation (Macr. 1. 7. 34) seems to be adopted, that these were substitutes for human or other victims (cp. Bötticher, Baumkultus, 80 foll.). We have no clear evidence for this, and I am not disposed to accept it.

[1322]. 2. 42. So Plut. Coriol. 3.

[1323]. Momms. C. I. L. 1. 308; Jordan, Eph. Ep. 1. 236; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, 43.

[1324]. Dion. Hal. 6. 13; Liv. 2. 20.

[1325]. Suetonius, Tib. 20; Aust, op. cit. p. 6.

[1326]. Weight must, however, be given to the fact that the transvectio equitum took place on July 15. Aust, 43, and Furtwängler in Lex. s. v. Dioscuri.

[1327]. Middleton, Ancient Rome, p. 174; Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 271 foll.

[1328]. Mommsen, Münzwesen, 301, 559.

[1329]. Pydna, Cic. N. D. 3. 5. II; Verona (101 B.C.), Plut. Mar. 26. The most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great fight between Locri and Kroton at the river Sagra: this was probably the origin of the Italian legends. See Preller, ii. 301.

[1330]. Albert, le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie, 1883. Cp. Furtwängler, l. c.

[1331]. Paulus, 85 ‘Quaecumque purgamenti causa in quibusque sacrificiis adhibentur, februa appellantur. Id vero quod purgatur, dicitur februatum.’ The verb februare also occurs. Varro (L. L. 6. 13) says that februum was the Sabine equivalent for purgamentum: ‘Nam et Lupercalia februatio, ut in Antiquitatum libris demonstravi’ (cp. 6. 34). Ovid renders the word by ‘piamen’ (Fasti, 2. 19). Februus, a divinity, is mentioned in Macr. 1. 13. 3; he is almost certainly a later invention (see Lex. Myth. s. v.). The etymology of the word is uncertain.

[1332]. Varro, R. R. 1. 29. Cp. Colum. xi. 2; and the rustic calendars.

[1333]. Varro, R. R. 1. 28. See above, p. [295].

[1334]. This is very distinctly stated by Cicero (de Legibus, 1. 14. 40 ‘In deos impietatum nulla expiatio est’: cp. 2. 9. 22 ‘Sacrum commissum quod neque expiari poterit, impie commissum est’). Even the sailor in Horace’s ode (1. 28), whose duty does not seem exactly binding, is told, if he omits it, ‘teque piacula nulla resolvent.’ On the general question, cp. De Marchi, La Religione nella vita domestica, 246; and Marq. 257. The pontifex Scaevola ‘asseverabat prudentem expiari non posse’ (Macrob. 1. 16. 10). Ovid’s account (Fasti, 2. 35 foll.) is that of a layman and a modern, but not less interesting for that reason.

[1335]. Varro, L. L. 6. 30 ‘Praetor qui tum (i.e. die nefasto) fatus est, si imprudens fecit, piaculari hostia facta piatur; si prudens dixit, Q. Mucius ambigebat eum expiari ut impium non posse.’

[1336]. Fasti, 2. 33.

[1337]. Ib. 31.

[1338]. See Marq. 259; Bouché-Leclercq, Les Pontifes, 101 foll.

[1339]. Marq. 180, Bouché-Leclercq, 178.

[1340]. See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 406.

[1341]. Fasti, 2. 19 foll.

[1342]. This difficult line has occasioned much conjecture, and seems still inexplicable. See Merkel, Fasti, clxvi foll.; and De-Marchi, op. cit. p. 246.

[1343]. Aust, De Aedibus sacris, pp. 21, 45, 48. On this last page are some useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or outside the pomoerium.

[1344]. Fasti, 2. 55 foll.

[1345]. Livy, 33. 42; 34. 53. Jordan, in Commentationes in hon. Momms. 359 foll.; Aust, op. cit. p. 20.

[1346]. See Dict. of Antiq. s.v. sacra. Fest. 245 a ‘Publica sacra, quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt: quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis.’

[1347]. Ovid, Fasti, 2. 527. See under Quirinalia.

[1348]. See on [April 15]. There must have been at one time a tendency to amalgamate the two kinds of sacra publica. The argei were also attended by Pontifices and Vestals. I should conjecture that the Pontifices claimed supervision over rites in which they had originally no official locus standi, and brought the Vestals with them.

[1349]. Mommsen, Staatsrecht. iii. 1. 89 foll.

[1350]. Ἱεραὰ οἰκίαι, Dion. Hal. 2. 23; Fest. 174 b; Marq. 195.

[1351]. Dion. Hal. 2. 23.

[1352]. Ib. 2. 50. The Latin words are from Paul, 64.

[1353]. Jordan, on Preller, i. 278 note. Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Iuno, 596. Curis = hasta in Sabine; Fest. 49; Roscher, l. c.; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 477.

[1354]. Cp. the parting of the bride’s hair with a spear, Marq. vii. 44 and note 5; Plut. Q. R. 87; Bötticher, Baumkultus, 485; Schwegler, R. G. i. 469.

[1355]. The same connexion between curiae and the armed deity of the female principle is found at Tibur (Serv. Aen. 1. 17), ‘in sacris Tiburtibus sic precantur: Iuno curritis (sic) tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos curiae vernulas,’ Jordan, in Hermes, 8. 217 foll. Possibly also at Lanuvium (Lex. s. v. Iuno, 595).

[1356]. Varro, L. L. 5. 83 and 155; Marq. 195.

[1357]. This has been done by O. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr. 2, 129 foll.), an author who is not often so helpful. He is followed by Steuding, in Lex. Myth. s. v. Fornax.

[1358]. Paul. 93 (cp. 83), ‘Fornacalia feriae institutae sunt farris torrendi gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat.’ Dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote (2. 23) that he had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make. He also mentions καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς (cp. Ovid, l. c. 520), which might indeed suggest a feast of curiae at a different time of year. For the far, see Marq. vii. 399 foll. The cakes were februa, according to Ovid; see above, p. [301].

[1359]. Comp. Ovid, l. c. with Fest. 254; Paul. 316; Varro, L. L. 6. 13; Plut. Q. R. 89.

[1360]. H. N. 18. 8; Lange, Röm. Alt. 1. 2. 245.

[1361]. Fasti, 2. 527 foll.

[1362]. That it was so is proved by Fest. 254, and Varro, L. L. 6. 13. It must have been a custom fairly well fixed.

[1363]. ii. 9.

[1364]. 2. 23, Ἐγὼ γοῦν ἐθεασάμην ἐν ἱεραῖς οἰκάις δεῖπνα προκείμενα θεοῖς ἐπὶ τραπέζαις ξυλίναις ἀρχαικαῖς, ἐν κάνησι καὶ πινακίσκοις κεραμέοις ἀλφίτων μάζας καὶ πόπανα καὶ ζέας καὶ καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς &c.

[1365]. Fasti, 2. 525. What does Ovid mean by fruges?

[1366]. Paul. 93, quoted above; Ovid, l. c. 525. Fornax as a spirit may be at least as old as those of other parts of the house, Janus, Vesta, Limentinus, &c.

[1367]. Mommsen, Röm. Forschungen, i. 149 foll.

[1368]. Lydus, de Mens. 4. 24. Lydus gives the 22nd as the final day; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 569, gives the 21st (Feralia).

[1369]. Dion. Hal. 2. 40.

[1370]. C. I. L. I². 309: cf. 297 (Introduction, p. 9). The Lupercalia (15th) is an exception; but for reasons connected with that festival. The 21st (Feralia) is F P (Caer.) F (Maff.). See Introduction, p. 10. F P, according to Mommsen, = fastus principio.

[1371]. If Ovid reflects it rightly in Fasti, 5. 419 foll. Cp. Porph. on Hor. Ep. 2. 2. 209. See on Lemuria, above, p. [107].

[1372]. On the vast subject of the jus Manium and the worship of the dead, the following are some of the works that may be consulted: Marq. 307 foll., and vii. 350 foll.; De-Marchi, Il Culto Privato, p. 180 foll.; Roscher, Lex. articles Manes and Inferi; Bouché-Leclereq, Pontifes, 147 foll.; Rohde, Psyche, p. 630 foll. Two old treatises still form the basis of our knowledge: Gutherius, de iure Manium, in Graevius’ Thesaurus, vol. xii.; and Kirchmann, de Funeribus (1605). Valuable matter has still to be collected (for later times) from the Corpus Inscriptionum.

[1373]. This was the universal practice in Italy from the earliest times, so far as we have as yet learnt from excavations. For the question whether burial in or close to the house, or within the city walls, preceded burial in necropoleis, see Classical Review, for February, 1897, p. 32 foll. Servius (Ad Aen. 5. 64; 6. 152; cp. Isidorus, 15. ii. 1) tells us that they once buried in the house, and there were facts that might suggest this in the cult of the Lares, and in the private ghost-driving of the Lemuria; but we cannot prove it, and it is not true of the Romans at any period. Not even the well-known law of the XII Tables can prove that burial ever regularly took place within the existing walls of a city.

[1374]. Cic. De Legg. 2. 48. Cp. Virg. Aen. 5. 49:

Iamque dies, ni fallor, adest, quern semper acerbum,

Semper honoratum—sic di voluistis—habebo.

[1375]. Marq. 311 foll.

[1376]. Purpureosque iacit flores, Virg. Aen. 5. 79. Cp. Cic. pro Flacco, 38. 95.

[1377]. Aeneidea, 3. 15. He well compares Lucan, 9. 990. Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 332. Aeneas is here, as always, the true type of the practical Roman.

[1378]. Marq. 311 and reff.

[1379]. Fasti, 2. 617 foll. Among the calendars it is only mentioned in those of Philocalus and Silvius, and in the rustic calendars. Valerius Maximus is the next writer after Ovid who mentions it: 2. 1. 8. Cp. C. I. L. vi. 10234. Martial calls it ‘lux propinquorum’ (9. 55, cp. 54). For an interesting conjecture as to the special meaning of carus, see Lattes quoted in De-Marchi, op. cit. 214, note 2.

[1380]. Val. Max. l. c. and Silvius’ Calendar.

[1381]. Ovid, Fasti, 2. 623,

Innocui veniant: procul hinc, procul impius esto

Frater, et in partus mater acerba suos.

[1382]. Ovid, Fasti, 2. 633-634. On such occasions the Lares were clothed in tunics girt at the loins; see a figure of a Lar on an altar from Caere in Baumeister, Denkmäler, vol. i. p. 77.

[1383]. Fasti, 2. 571 foll.

[1384]. Line 583. See Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Dea Muta.

[1385]. See e. g. Crooke, Folklore of Northern India, ch. 5 (the Black Art), and especially pp. 264 foll.

[1386]. See e. g. Leland, Etruscan Roman remains in popular legend, pp. 3 and 195 foll.

[1387]. The chief attempts are those of Unger, in Rhein. Mus., 1881, p. 50, and Mannhardt in his Mythologische Forschungen, pp. 72-155. The former is ingenious, but unsatisfactory in many ways; the latter conscientious, and valuable as a study in folk-lore, whether its immediate conclusions be right or wrong. See also Schwegler, R. G. i. 356 foll.; Preller, i. 387 foll.; and article s. v. in Dict. of Antiquities (2nd edition); Marq. 442 foll. The ancient authorities are Dion. Hal. 1. 32. 5, 79, 80; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 267 foll.; Plutarch, Caes. 61, Rom. 21; Val. Max. 2. 2. 9; Propert. 5. (4.) 1. 26; and many other passages which will be referred to when necessary.

[1388]. Dion. Hal. 1. 32. 5.

[1389]. Jordan, Kritische Beiträge, 164 foll. Unger’s attempt, after Serv. Aen. 8. 343. to derive the word from luo (‘to purify’) is generally rejected.

[1390]. Wissowa, Lex. (s. v. Lupercus) takes the latter view, but rightly, as I think, rejects the deity.

[1391]. Virg. Aen. 8. 630 ‘Mavortis in antro.’ Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Mars, 2388; Preller, i. 334.

[1392]. Plut. Rom. 21. After mentioning the goats, he says, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς τὸ καὶ κύνα θύειν τοὺς Δουπέρκους (cp. Q. R. iii).

[1393]. Marq. 165. See above, p. [110].

[1394]. So Val. Max. l.c. From Ovid’s version of the aetiological story of Romulus and Remus (Fasti, 2. 371 foll.) we might infer that the feasting took place after the running.

[1395]. ‘Cornipedi Fauno caesa de more capella’ (Fasti, 2. 361). Cp. 5. 101. So Plut. Rom. l. c.

[1396]. Livy, 1. 5. Unger (p. 71 foll.) has much to say about Inuus in the worst style of German pseudo-research. See Lex. s. v. (Steuding).

[1397]. Schwegler, i. 351 foll.; Justin, 43. 1. I had long ago arrived at this conclusion, and was glad to see it sanctioned by Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Lupercus.

[1398]. Aen. 8. 343: the only reason given is that the goat was Liber’s victim.

[1399]. Arnobius, 2. 23. See Mannhardt, 85; Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 12.

[1400]. Schwegler, i. 354 foll.: the general result is given in Lex. s. v. Evander, vol. 1. 1395. Evander himself = Faunus. It is possible that there may be some basis of truth in the Arcadian legend: we await further archaeological inquiry.

[1401]. See on [Dec. 5]; and Lex. s. v. Faunus, p. 1458.

[1402]. Serv. Aen. 2. 351. The whole passage is very interesting. See on Dec. 21; and Bouché-Leclercq, Pontifes, 28 and 49.

[1403]. Fasti, 2. 282; Marq. 443.

[1404]. Plut. Q. R. 111; Gell. 10. 15; Arnob. 7. 21.

[1405]. Rom. 21: quoted above, p. [311]. Val. Max. l. c. seems also to imply it: ‘Facto sacrificio caesisque capris, epularum hilaritate ac vino largiore provecti, divisa pastorali turba, cincti pellibus immolatarum hostiarum, iocantes obvios petiverunt.’

[1406]. Even this point is not quite certain; but see Hartung, Rel. der Römer, ii. 178, and Mannhardt, 78.

[1407]. Ox, sheep and pig were the usual victims; the dog was only offered to Robigus (see on [April 25]), to the Lares Praestites and to Mana Geneta; the goat only to Bacchus and Aesculapius, foreign deities (Marq. 172). The goat-skin of Juno Sospita is certainly Greek: Lex. s. v. Iuno, 595. The goat was a special Hebrew piaculum (Robertson Smith, 448; cf. 453).

[1408]. Robertson Smith, 379.

[1409]. Ib. 381.

[1410]. Rom. 21 οἱ μὲν ᾐμαγμένῃ μαχαίρᾳ τοῦ μετώπου θιγγάνουσιν, ἕτεροι δ’ ἀπομάττουσιν εὐθὺς ἔριον βεβρεγμένον γάλακτι προσφέροντες. Γελᾶν δὲ δεῖ τὰ μειρόκια μετὰ τὴν ἀπόμαξιν.

[1411]. So Schwegler. l. c. and reff. in Marq. 443 notes 11-13. Dion. Hal. (1. 32) compared the human sacrifice in the cult of Zeus Lycaeus in Arcadia. See Farnell, Cults, i. 40 foll.

[1412]. We ought to have the whole history of the Lupercalia if we are to explain it rightly; it is impossible to guess through what stages and changes it may have passed.

[1413]. 4. 478 (quoted in a valuable section (23) of Hermann’s Gottesdienstliche Alterthümer der Griechen).

[1414]. For examples of this idea see under Feb. 24 (Regifugium); Robertson Smith, 286; Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 58 foll.

[1415]. It may indeed be misrepresented by Plutarch (who is the only writer who mentions it), and may have been originally an ἀλολυγή. For the confusion of mournful and joyful cries at a sacrifice see Robertson Smith, 411.

[1416]. Robertson Smith notes (p. 396) that young men, or rather lads, occur as sacrificers in Exodus xxiv. 5.

[1417]. p. 91 foll.

[1418]. Mannhardt is not lucid on this point; he was evidently in difficulties (pp. 97-99). He seems clear that the application of the blood produces an identity between victim and youths; but in similar cases it is not through death that victim, god, and priest become identical, but through the life-giving virtue of the blood. The blood-application must surely mean the acquisition of new life; but he makes it symbolic of death.

[1419]. Frazer, G. B. ii. 242.

[1420]. Mannhardt seems to have felt this difficulty (p. 86), and to have tried to overcome it, but without success.

[1421]. I here omit the feasting, as it is by no means certain at what point of time it took place. If the victims themselves were eaten, it would be part of the sacrificial act and would precede the running; but this is not common in the case of such piacula, and one victim, we must remember, was a dog. It is more likely that Val. Max. is here wrong (see above, p. [311], note 6).

[1422]. See Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, 318 foll., and for other examples, Frazer, G. B. ii. 1 foll.; Preller-Robert, Griech. Myth. i. 144 (Zeus-festival on Pelion).

[1423]. After Schwegler, i. 361; rejected by Marq. (439, note 4).

[1424]. p. 101. The ‘wolves’ represent of course the Palatine city.

[1425]. See his eminently modest and sensible remarks at the end of his 5th section, p. 113.

[1426]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 416 foll.; Encycl. Brit. art. ‘Sacrifice’; and for the Lupercalia, Academy, Feb. 11, 1888, where a totemistic origin is suggested.

[1427]. See also Lobeck, Aglaoph. pp. 183-6; Lang, Myth, Ritual and Religion, vol. ii. 177 (cp. 106) and reff., 213; Dict. of Antiquities, art. ‘Sacrificium,’ p. 584.

[1428]. Festus, p. 57 ‘Creppos, id est lupercos, dicebant a crepitu pellicularum,’ &c.

[1429]. Preller, i. 389. On this Jordan has added no comment.

[1430]. Ann. 12. 24; Jordan, Topogr. i. 163 foll., has examined Tacitus’s account with great care. Tacitus starts the pomoerium from the Forum boarium, while Dionysius and Plutarch start the runners from the Lupercal; but the two are close together.

[1431]. The reading is not quite certain; the MSS. have ‘Larum de forumque.’

[1432]. The Sacellum Larum has generally been supposed to be that in summa sacra via (Jordan, op. cit. ii. 269). Kiepert and Huelsen make it the sacellum or ara Larum praestitum at the head of the Vicus Tuscus.

[1433]. L. L. 6. 34. Mommsen proposed ‘a regibus Romanis moenibus cinctum.’ But it is safer to keep to the MS. reading and make the best of it. Jordan sees in the words a ‘scurrilous’ allusion to the luperci.

[1434]. For modern practices of the kind in England see Brand, Popular Antiquities, ch. 36; and for Oxford, p. 209. As Brand puts it, the beaters (i. e. ministers, churchwardens, &c.), ‘beg a blessing on the fruits of the earth, and preserve the rights and boundaries of their parish.’ The analogy with the old Italian processions is very close.

[1435]. So C. I. L. 6. 1933 ‘lupercus Quinctialis vetus.’ See Mommsen, Forsch. i. 117. Unger, however (p. 56 foll.), argues for the form Quintilianus, as it appears in Fest. 87, and Ovid, Fasti, 2. 378; and also denies that the names indicate gentile priesthoods. But his arguments depend on a doubtful etymology. See Marq. 440, note.

[1436]. Liv. 5. 46. Mommsen connects the name Kaeso, which is found in both gentes, with the cutting of the strips at the Lupercalia. The Fabii in Ovid’s story (361 foll.) are led by Remus, and the Quintilii by Romulus.

[1437]. See under March 1, p. [41].

[1438]. So Mannhardt, 101, who tries to explain it as we have seen.

[1439]. Gilbert, Gesch. und Topogr. i. 86, note, tries to make out that the Fabii belonged to the Palatine proper; and the other guild, not to the Quirinal, but to the Cermalus, and thus also to account for the fact that in Ovid’s story the Fabii come first to the feast; but all this is pure guesswork.

[1440]. Plut. Rom. 21 and Caes. 61; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 425 foll.; Paul. 57; Liv. fragm. 12 (Madvig); Serv. Aen. 8. 343. All these passages make it clear that the object was to procure fertility in women. Nic. Damasc., Vita Caesaris 21, does not specify women (cp. Dion. Hal. 1. 80).

[1441]. Liv. l. c. and Serv. l. c. are explicit on this point.

[1442]. Op. cit. 113 foll. and his Baumkultus, p. 251 foll. (see also Frazer, G. B. ii. 214 and 232 foll.). An example of the same kind of practice in India is in Crooke, Religion and Folklore, vol. i. p. 100. See under May 1 (Bona Dea), p. [104].

[1443]. They were also called ‘amiculum Iunonis’ (Fest. 85: cp. Ovid, Fasti, 2. 427 foll.); Juno here, as so often, representing the female principle. Farnell (Cults, i. 100) aptly compares with this the Athenian custom of carrying Athena’s aegis round Athens, and taking it into the houses of married women.

[1444]. Lactantius, Inst. 1. 21. 45, describes them as ‘nudi, uncti, coronati, personati, aut luto obliti currunt’; but we have no certain confirmation from earlier sources except as to the nakedness (Ovid, Fasti, 2. 267).

[1445]. ‘Iocantes obvios petiverunt’ (Val. Max.). Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 140 foll.

[1446]. Mon. Ancyr. iv. 2; Marq. 446.

[1447]. Baronius, Annal. Eccles. viii. 60 foll.

[1448]. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 11; Jordan, Eph. Epigr. iii. 238.

[1449]. e. g. Cic. ad Quint. Fratr. 2. 3. 2.

[1450]. See other references in Preller, i. 374, note. Ambrosch (Studien, 169, note 50) observes that Cicero (de Off. 3. 10) writes with a trace of scepticism: ‘Romulus fratre interempto sine controversia peccavit, pace vel Quirini vel Romuli dixerim.’

[1451]. See Jordan on Preller, i. 369. The article ‘Quirinus’ in Myth. Lex. has not yet appeared as I write.

[1452]. Studien, 169.

[1453]. C. I. L. i. 41 = vi. 475 and i. 630 = vi. 565. The older one is attributed by Mommsen to the consul P. Cornelius of B.C. 236: ‘P. Corn[elios] L. f. coso[l] prob[avit] Mar[te sacrom].’ The other, ‘Quirino L. Aimilius L. f. praitor,’ must be set down to an Aemilius praetor in 204, 191, or 190. The inference is that Mars became known as Quirinus in that spot at the end of the third century B.C. It is worth noting that the legendary smith, Mamurius, had a statue on the Quirinal (Jord. Top. ii. 125).

[1454]. This is much what Dion. Hal. 2. 48 says was one view held in his time: οὐκ ἔχοντας εἰπεῖν τὸ ἀκριβὲς εἴτε Ἄρης ἐστὶν εἴτε ἕτερός τις ὁμοίας Ἄρει τιμὰς ἔχων.

[1455]. See on [Jan. 9]. Fest. 254.

[1456]. Gilbert, i. 283, points out that in the Argean itinerary (Jord. Top. ii. 237 foll.) one of the divisions of the Quirinal bears the name, and infers the gradual spread of the cult of Quirinus over the whole hill; but he insists that it was introduced from the Palatine. The general result of his wild but ingenious combinations is to infer a religious conquest of the Quirinal from the Palatine.

[1457]. Aust, op. cit. pp. 11 and 33. Mommsen, C. I. L. i. 310, takes the one of unknown date as the older.

[1458]. Aust, op. cit. 51, where for Liv. 4. 21 read Liv. 5. 40.

[1459]. Preller, i. 356.

[1460]. Q. R. 46; Ennius ap. Nonium 120; Gell. 13. 23.

[1461]. Plin. H. N. 15. 120.

[1462]. i. 373.

[1463]. See under [April 25], [Aug. 21], [Dec. 23]. Marq. 335; Schwegler, i. 334.

[1464]. Liv. 5. 40, 7 and 8.

[1465]. L. L. 6. 13. According to Macrob. (1. 13. 15) the five last days of February were added after the intercalation, in order that March might follow on Feb., and not on the intercalated days.

[1466]. H. N. 18. 8. See above, p. [304].

[1467]. Fasti, 2. 643 foll.

[1468].

Te duo diversa domini pro parte coronant,

Binaque serta tibi binaque liba ferunt.

[1469]. This must be a son of the family. We have, therefore, in this charming picture the predecessors of the Rex, the Regina sacrorum, the flamines, and the Vestal Virgins.

Stat puer et manibus lata canistra tenet.

Inde ubi ter fruges medios immisit in ignes,

Porrigit incisos filia parva favos.

De-Marchi, p. 231, gives a cut of a painting at Herculaneum which may represent a scene of this kind.

[1470]. Gromatici veteres, i. 141. See Rudorff in vol. ii. 236 for an interesting discussion of the religio terminorum and its ethical and legal results.

[1471]. Rudorff, l. c. 237.

[1472]. Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion, 149.

[1473]. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 187 foll.

[1474]. See under September, p. [229] foll. I may here notice the very curious ‘oraculum’ in Grom. Vet. p. 350 (ex libris Vegoiae) which connects Jupiter with the introduction of termini in Etruria.

[1475]. Ζεὺς ὅπιος he is called by Dion. Hal. (2. 74), where the cult is ascribed to Numa. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States i. 159.

[1476]. Aust, in Myth. Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 668.

[1477]. Fasti, 2. 667; Liv. 1. 55; Serv. Aen. 9. 448. Augustine, C. D. 4. 23, adds Mars, and Dion. Hal. 3. 69 Iuventus to Terminus, who could not be ‘exauguratus.’

[1478]. Serv. Aen. 9. 448 ‘Unde in Capitolio prona pars tecti patet, quae lapidem ipsum Termini spectat.’ This is the ‘Capitoli immobile saxum’ of Virgil; see above, p. [230].

[1479]. Ovid, l. c. 671.

[1480]. See above, p. [140]. Varro, L. L. 5. 66.

[1481]. Plut. Q. R. 28.

[1482]. Ambrosch, Studien, 199 foll.

[1483]. It would exactly correspond to the spot of sacred ground on which the terminus-stone stood between two properties (Rudorff, l. c). In the latter case, it is worth noting, the sacrifices and sacrificers are doubles, as with the Salii, Luperci, &c, of the two Roman settlements. Mr. Granger (Worship of the Romans, 163) suggests that this stone was ‘a relic from the original dwellers by the Tiber,’ i.e. pre-Roman. But the question is, How did the Romans come to associate it with Terminus?

[1484]. Fasti, 2. 685 foll. He is probably following Varro and common opinion, which latter Verrius refers to (Paul. 279) ‘Regifugium sacrum dicebant, quo die rex Tarquinius fugerit e Roma.’ The word dicebant seems to show that this was not Verrius’ own opinion.

[1485]. C. I. L. i. 289. This gloss is no doubt the equivalent in Festus to that of Paulus just quoted; but the leading word Regifugium is lost. I have only quoted so much as is needed for our purpose. For other completions of the gloss see Müller, Festus, l. c, and Huschke, Röm. Jahr, p. 166.

[1486]. If this gloss really refers to Feb. 24, the presence of the Salii is difficult to account for, as their period of activity begins in March. Frazer in an interesting note (G. B. ii. 210) suggests that the use of the Salii was to drive away evil demons; if the Regifugium was a solemn piaculum, and the victim a scapegoat, this explanation might serve for Feb. 24.

[1487]. Röm. Jahr, 166 foll.

[1488]. L. L. 6. 31, where Hirschfeld has conjectured ‘litat ad comitium’ for the MS. ‘dicat.’

[1489]. Aglaophamus, 676.

[1490]. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 58 foll.; Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 35 foll.; Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 286 foll. Cp. Lang, Myth, Ritual and Religion, ii. 233 foll. See also Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, i. 88 foll., who agrees in the main with Robertson Smith.

[1491]. Frazer, l. c.

[1492]. Aelian, N. A. 12. 34.

[1493]. Relig. der Römer, ii. 35. Cp. Gilbert, i. 343, note. The presence of the Salii (see above, p. [328]), if a fact, would be in favour of this explanation.

[1494]. Röm. Jahr, 199.

[1495]. See on [Aug. 21] (Consualia).

[1496]. Myth. Forsch. 170 foll.; Baumkultus, 382 foll.

[1497]. This, though with impossible combinations, is what Huschke does (199, note 53). Feb. 27 is the Roman, March 14 the Quirinal Equirria, in his view. That the Quirinalia falls in February may perhaps give some support to the view.

[1498]. Varro, L. L. 6. 13; Fest. 81. See under [Oct. 15].

[1499]. i. 361.

[1500]. So Ovid, on Feb. 26, writes (2. 853);

Fallimur, an veris praenuntia venit hirundo,

Et metuit ne qua versa recurrat hiems?

This would be early now for central Italy; but Columella, 11. 2, gives Feb. 23 as the date.

[1501]. Fasti, 2. 857 foll.

[1502]. Tertullian, de Praescriptionibus Haereticorum, 40.

[1503]. Collected by Aust in his work de Aedibus sacris, pp. 4 foll.

[1504]. Aust, op. cit., p. 14, note 1.

[1505]. Above, p. [190].

[1506]. Aust, op. cit., p. 15, note 1.

[1507]. See especially the speech of the consul Postumius in Livy 39. 15.

[1508]. See a paper by the author in Classical Review, vol. vii. p. 193 foll.

[1509]. Note for example the way in which Horace has contrived to introduce in combination the ideas of the fertility of crops and herbs, of marriage and the increase of population, of public morality and prosperity.

[1510]. It gives me pleasure to quote this passage from Roman Society in the last century of the Western Empire (p. 63) by my old friend Professor Dill.

[1511]. Aen. 5. 235.

[1512]. See Nettleship, Essays in Latin Literature, pp. 103, 104.

Transcriber’s Notes:

Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.

Typographical errors were silently corrected.