THE ROLL OF HONOR.
The most important feature of the Democratic Volunteers' organization, is the honor roll, on which is recorded the work done by each Volunteer. To all faithful workers are issued semi-annually certificates of honor, and to those who perform services of unusual merit special medals and other awards of recognition.
One copy of the honor roll is kept by the National leaders in a safe-deposit in St. Louis, and a duplicate copy by the great leader of Democracy at his home.
By this system, each worker knows that everything he does is recorded at headquarters, and is kept there for all future time for reference by our national leaders, when they wish, either in asking for services or bestowing favors, to find the real, deserving, fighting material in our party. Each worker knows, also, that it is the end of the unjust custom, whereby one or two loud-mouthed adventurers, who have done nothing but who claim all, in the hour of victory cast aside the unselfish workers, whose years of patient labor gained the victory. With an account kept of the sacrifices made, the clubs organized, the members secured by each party worker in our country, there can be no more climbing into favor on the shoulders of others, but, instead, each man stands on his own bottom, reaping the fruit and recognition of his own work, and is assigned to leadership as the result of the exercise of his own genius and talents. At present, every Congressman, Governor or President elected to office, is punished sufficiently to offset all the pleasures and satisfactions of having been successful by the impossible task of trying to disentangle the various claims of the men who helped elect him. But no such discordant scramble need ever recur, for the Volunteers will, in the future, keep an exact history of the service rendered by every party worker, and, in Congressional parlance, each fellow will know exactly "where he is at." The system is as carefully thought out and perfected as that of any standing army.
The roll of honor appeals to the strongest instincts in man, which have been utilized in every successful social or religious movement since the dawn of history. If he is vain, it appeals to his vanity. If heroic, it stimulates his heroism. If ambitious, he sees the way to get place and position is to merit them by faithful work and that they cannot be had by cheating the rightful owners out of the fruits of their victories, to which he has not contributed.
In the Catholic Church and in many other institutions through all the centuries, as among the followers of Napolean and Caesar, men have often given up their lives for a medal or a bit of ribbon. For such rewards England to-day gets almost as much service as from her vast pay-roll.
By proper organization, vanity can be made to offset cupidity. It is as strong an instinct, and we have the means of satisfying it. To-day the name of England's Queen cannot inspire as great enthusiasm in the majority of the English speaking race, as does the name of William Jennings Bryan. The enthusiasm now aroused has sufficient force to accomplish all our ends. What we need is simply to harness this Niagara, organize this power, and apply it systematically and continuously. It can be done. It is being done. Never in the history of our country has the year following a great political campaign been the scene of such a rejuvenation of the defeated party as has taken place since our late repulse.
As every plant must shoot down two roots for sustenance, before putting forth a new twig, so we have decided to plant the roots of our organization prolifically throughout the Southern and Western states, where our cause is strong, thereby securing the support for a continuous and aggressive campaign before sending our Volunteers into the doubtful states and those still given over to the idolatrous worship of the golden calf.
Each congressional district in the Southern and Western states can be made by contributions of one cent, five cents, ten cents at a time, collected by the Volunteer Speakers, to support permanently one organizer in Republican territory.
There are many different ways to work. One is by educating and agitating and by advancing our principles indoors and outdoors upon every possible occasion by public speeches. Another is to go to work quietly, and, by personal man-to-man solicitation, to organize regular ward or precinct clubs in one's own town or county. This is the first thing to be done, where no regular Democratic club exists independent of boodling bosses. But, anyhow, get five true and tried workers enlisted and forward their names to headquarters. They will then receive monthly instructions for carrying on and enlarging the work. When a club is already formed, the Volunteer is to build it up by increasing its membership and educating its members, and defeating, as club officers, any man who is known to apologize for the existence of any monopoly whatever. After this try to establish a league of the clubs in the county, city or state, known to be formed on right principles.
In the centuries to come, there will be no prouder title to boast of, no higher family honor, no more distinctive mark of aristocracy, than this record in black and white that one's forefather belonged to the band of patriots who, through four years of persecution and struggle, succeeded in driving from American soil, that last representative of historic tyranny, organized plutocracy.
CHAPTER VII.
PRACTICAL POLITICS.
In a cause as holy as ours, false modesty is as unwise as false dignity. When we realize that money represents human effort, that it gives multiplied power either in war or peace and that the possession of money, with its accompanying power to an almost unlimited extent, is enjoyed by our enemies, it is well for us to admit at the start that we, every Volunteer of us, must make constant efforts wherever speaking or working, to raise funds, on however small a scale, for the great work before us. One humble but time-honored method, which has proved useful in every popular movement, recorded in history, is that of "taking up a collection." People may laugh at it and the collections be small but we must not be deterred by ridicule nor discouraged by the apparent insignificance of the returns. This is the only way to give all the people systematically and persistently a chance to contribute according to ability to the cause that means liberty and the opening of opportunity to them. Therefore, let no speaker listen to advice from the timid and over-modest, who shrink from the sneers and taunts of the over-nice, but at every meeting let them pass around the hat after the manner of our forefathers. We must also remember that in every audience, however small, there may be some penitent Croesus awake to existing evils but as yet with no clear vision of a remedy, with power and will to help but lacking knowledge as to where such help should be given. Sudden conversions are not unknown where the message of truth is delivered with sincerity and simplicity. There are thousands of rich men at this moment who, if properly appealed to, would give liberally to the cause that to them seemed likely to promote the general welfare. There are many human hearts now waiting, like the Pool of Bethesda, for the angel's touch, which shall "trouble" their calm and transform them into sources of healing for the woes of humanity. No speaker knows but he may be the one destined to open up these closed fountains of power. The heights and depths of human nature lie beyond our ordinary vision. A man's power of response to an appeal in behalf of those who suffer is not always graven on his forehead, so that "he that runneth may read." In any audience there may be some listener, apparently indifferent, in whom all the preliminary processes of conversion have already taken place, and who needs only the warm breath of an atmosphere charged with unselfish enthusiasm to complete the work of regeneration. Such cases are on record. Within a few years, the gift of a million dollars was received by the promoters of a reform movement in New York, not from an habitual contributor to such enterprises, but from a sudden convert, a man ordinarily cold and indifferent to humanitarian movements, and before unresponsive to his brothers' needs. Perhaps it was not the need that previously had failed to stir his heart, but only the methods of helping that had not satisfied his mind. There are rich men and women to-day, honestly desirous of bringing about better social conditions and willing to make sacrifices to that end, but who, so far, have found none of the methods suggested practicable. To such we may appeal with certainty of response, thereby being furnished with the sinews of war by those who owe their wealth to the very system we oppose.
And why not? Because a man has been thrown into a brutal and wasteful contest and has come victorious from the struggle is no reason why he should wish his children and humanity at large to be forced into another of the same kind. Such a man well knows that he, too, in spite of apparent success, is also a victim. He sees the possibilities of life under a better social system—the order, the beauty, the harmony, the possible development of higher faculties and extinction of those that link him with the brutes. All this he sees, and even while scrambling with the rest for possession of the booty, he would hail with joy any change that promised to relieve his children from a like sad necessity.
Starve fifty Sunday school teachers for a week, lock them in a cage together, throw in a roast of beef, a plum pudding, a pitcher of soup, a plate of pickles and a pot of beans, at the same time telling each to get what he can, as no more will be furnished for a month; and a swinish scramble will at once ensue, in which two thirds of the food will be wasted, and in the end one man will have a pocket full of plum pudding, another a handful of pickles, and the strongest the roast beef to himself in a corner.
Let it be understood that he who gets the roast beef is no worse than the others, nor will he, because of his success, NECESSARILY favor an indefinite continuation of such brutal scrambling. The difference between him and the least successful is a difference in strength, NOT NECESSARILY A DIFFERENCE IN AIM. To-day, most men are actuated by the same spirit. To desire success and a share of life's gifts is right and normal. It is the political system under which we live that has transformed this natural and healthy impulse into a devilish desire to absorb not only all wealth but all opportunities.
To remedy this radical evil, it is not enough to change individuals; we must change the system. It is, of course, to be expected that the impulse to change our present barbarous monopolistic methods will come from those who have failed in the scramble for riches. For the possession of wealth naturally tends to promote in the minds of those who possess it, a certain degree of satisfaction with the methods by which it has been acquired and a tendency to oppose any change. A spirit of toadyism and fear of social ostracism also induces many to sacrifice their highest ideals. Great fortunes often destroy the independence which it might be supposed they would secure to their possessors; yet, in spite of the temptations of wealth and the unwritten, but none the less rigidly enforced mandates of a heartless society, not a few are ready to make the required sacrifices in order to advance the interests of our common humanity.
To such partially awakened minds, it ought not to be difficult to show that the times are ripe for a solution of existing problems other than that offered by charitable associations. For eighteen centuries the Good Samaritan has been the working model of the church and society, yet the number of the wounded and robbed on the world's highway has so increased that the gigantic systems of modern charity are inadequate to meet the increasing demands upon them. Why? The answer is clear. No very keen intelligence is required to see that one very important duty has been neglected by the Good Samaritans of all times. Occupied with caring for the wounded, they have neglected to hunt down the thieves, who have accordingly increased in numbers and boldness. It is time for us to leave effects and study causes, to organize at once to hunt down the thieves, for, when these are routed, there will be fewer victims on whom to exercise charity. Why plan educational and charitable institutions in the slums when the causes that produce the slums are left untouched? Why add another to the five hundred churches of a great city, when the influence of the money power makes the preaching of the real gospel well nigh impossible,[7] thus largely destroying the usefulness of those already built? Instead of new homes of charity, let us organize to end the need for charity. Instead of building one new school, the true educator will ally himself with those forces that seek, through public action, to place education within the reach of all. Instead of building a new church, the devout Christian or Jew will divide his substance with the party that aims to make possible the application of the principles of religion to the everyday affairs of life and to all social institutions.
Never was there a cause that appealed more strongly than ours to a man's generous instincts. In the middle ages all Europe was fired by the idea of wresting the Holy Sepulchre from infidel hands; to-day Greek and Cuban patriots are laying everything upon their country's altar for the sake of national honor and freedom. Our cause is nobler, larger than any of these. Not Christ's tomb, but the race He died to redeem; not an insignificant nation, but humanity is through us pleading to be rescued and restored to liberty. Our appeal is not to a class, a church or a nation; it is to MEN for MAN.
ONE DOLLAR GIVEN TO OUR CAUSE WILL ACCOMPLISH MORE FOR THE ALLEVIATION OF HUMAN SUFFERING, FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF TRUE CIVILIZATION, THAN FIVE HUNDRED DOLLARS SPENT FOR ANY COLLEGE, CHARITY OR CHURCH. As hundreds of poor men have sacrificed all they possessed, given up home and the comforts of family life, to travel from town to town urging the principles of the New Democracy; so will there be rich men, who, feeling their RELATIONSHIP TO HUMANITY TO BE MORE BINDING than any ties uniting them with a selfish class, will also give up the larger part of what they have and lay it on the altar of their country.
Those who feel the divine impulse to give to this movement will give double by giving promptly, and will have the added personal joy of seeing some of the results of their generosity. Not all the results, because each dollar given to this cause starts a train of consequences for the happiness of men and for the peace of society that will continue as long as this old earth is inhabited by mortals. The effect of every penny, given by the smallest child or the poorest servant girl, may produce results for good that will be felt by mankind through all the generations to come.
It is not unreasonable for us to ask for constantly, and to expect to receive a single donation of a million dollars sometime during the coming four years. Such donations have many times been given to causes less holy than ours, and in emergencies not to be compared to it in importance. We can in reason hope for several gifts of not less than twenty-five thousand dollars each, and many of not less than one thousand dollars, and thousands of lesser gifts proportionate to the purses of the poor who will regard it not as a duty, but as a privilege to thus co-operate with God. Such amounts have been subscribed to a single college and to a single religious denomination within the memory of the youngest reader. Can we not rationally expect that even more will be given to the movement which is to multiply many times the usefulness of all colleges and churches?
But do not trim your sails nor adapt your arguments to the rich, in order to secure donations, but speak bravely and fearlessly in behalf of justice and the rights of the people, and, if special selfish interests are thereby alienated, unselfish interests will be drawn to us.
Although generous help may be expected from those who have been enriched by the very system that we seek to destroy, nevertheless it is a fact that, as a class, the rich are satisfied with the system of injustice that has given them their riches, and, as a class, will oppose now, as they have opposed during all history, every reform or change that promises improvement to the masses. Therefore the bulk of the money to be raised for the people's cause must probably be given by the people themselves according to their means.
We should for this reason not only call for donations and pass around the hat at meetings when the people are enthusiastic, but, in forming clubs in every township throughout our country, we should try to induce each to appoint its most active and popular man as Treasurer, and especially to instruct him to collect every week or month, a regular subscription, HOWEVER SMALL, from every friend of our movement in his community. In this way, we can establish a system similar to "Peter's Pence," and the missionary contributions of the Protestant churches, and raise a fund during the coming four years that will be a wonder to ourselves and a menace to our enemies.
It may be asked, if the Volunteer Speakers work without pay, many of them living on heroic diet and traveling on foot, what need of money? To this it may be replied that the legitimate and honest uses for money in promoting any cause are too many to enumerate. The field is large and workers of many kinds are needed. Though many of our speakers will travel and work continuously without compensation and the vast majority will give their time without any reward even for their expenses, still, to utilize properly the Volunteer work of the thousands who are willing to make such sacrifices, it is very desirable that we have at least one paid organizer in each Congressional District, and, if possible, in each county one who will receive a moderate salary and who will be held responsible for all the routine work required in his territory. The Volunteer workers and speakers in any locality can be made many times as effective, if there is some one man responsible to the national office for the methodical arrangement of the work and the systematic utilization of their services. It is also highly desirable that every Volunteer be given a bountiful supply of the very best literature on economic subjects. Money is also needed for our central school for Volunteer Speakers in St. Louis, where those with hearts afire to speak for Democracy can come, and within one, two or three months, be trained and equipped with a practical knowledge of the details of the work in which they wish to engage.
But it is folly to enlarge further upon the need of money. Every person who appreciates the nature of our struggle knows that everything we do can be done more effectively with additional funds.
CHAPTER VIII.
FUNDAMENTALS.
To educate the people, the first essential is that the educators know exactly what they wish to teach and the ultimate purpose of such teaching.
In the previous chapters are outlined methods of reaching and persuading people. More important, however, than any manner of speaking, traveling, advertising or gaining an audience is it that our speakers never lose sight of the few great basic principles of our movement, and that they keep these central truths steadily before the eyes and minds of the people.
The principal danger to be overcome in every popular movement is that in the adaptation of the central truth of the movement to local and temporary requirements, the truth itself may be lost in a multitude of petty intricacies.
In the beginnings of the great religions when they spread irresistibly over the world, their teachers held firmly to a few great salient truths. But the influence of every religion waned when its ministers, forgetting its real object, gave themselves up to details of worship and church government. This is also the history of nearly every Christian denomination. In their vigor and youth, they dwelt principally upon the great primary themes. When these were forgotten or neglected, the movements themselves lost their power.
The weakness of the people's movement to-day is that our leaders abandon too often the center of the stream, drawn away by the side currents and little eddies. The intricacies of finance, statistics and details of administration, often absorb their whole attention. Those who would guide the crowd to a higher civilization forget the object of their endeavors, the crowd forgets; then medley and Babel. Instead of marching toward the goal, the multitude halt by the wayside, and go to arguing over the incidents of the journey. The compass, governed by fixed and universal laws, that acts regardless of the turns in the road, no longer directs them. They are at the mercy of the local, the incidental and temporary. When they give up the main road to wander off in bypaths, unity and progress cease; division, disorder and disintegration begin.
The silver question, the question as to the power of the Supreme Court Justices, the railway question, are all merely incidental to the one great fundamental conflict that has been waged for centuries, the conflict of the general welfare resting on right against the special interests that thrive by wrong, of liberty against tyranny; the people against plutocracy. This conflict should be kept in the forefront by every Volunteer, who should urge continuously and repeatedly upon his hearers the few great simple truths of Democracy, holding these out in bold relief, like mountains above the rolling slopes and projecting crags that lead up to them, keeping the popular mind centered on the goal of their efforts, the North Star, as it were, of progress.
Revolutions and special evolutions are brought about in human affairs, NOT SO MUCH BY THE DISSEMINATION OF A GREAT MULTITUDE OF IDEAS, AS BY THE CONCENTRATION OF A MULTITUDE OF MINDS UPON A SINGLE IDEA. This single idea, however, cannot be of a local or temporary nature. It must, on the other hand, be comprehensive and of sufficient import to stir the very souls of the masses. A mere question of currency, transportation or judicial powers, however important, even if absolutely requisite to further progress, is not capable of producing the universal enthusiasm required to institute any fundamental innovation. The truths on which the popular mind is to be focused, must be self-evident, general, and their application not limited to a short time or a special locality. With the people's attention fixed upon a great moral truth universally applicable, their faces all turned toward, their eyes fixed on one star of deliverance, it is easy to convince them that to realize their goal no sacrifice can be too great. Men are prepared to act intelligently concerning currency, transportation or other incidental reforms when their enthusiasm and purpose are fully aroused and their attention is fixed upon universal laws about which there can be no doubt, hesitancy or confusion. Absorbed in great things, the petty causes of strife and dissension disappear. We can gain unity only when, leaving details to tried leaders, the people concentrate their attention on those simple realities, self-evident and capable of being understood by all, the attainment of which forces the righteous settlement of details and of all questions dependent and incidental.