6. MARRIAGE
When the term of betrothal is drawing to its close, a suitable day (which is frequently a Tuesday) is chosen for the work of decoration (bĕrgantong-gantong) by the parents of both parties, and notified to the relations and friends who wish to assist in the preparations for the wedding.[75]
Both houses are decorated with vertically striped hangings (p’lang tabir) and ornamental ceiling-cloths (langit-langit), and mats, rugs, carpets, etc. are laid down. In the bridegroom’s house little is done beyond erecting a small platform or dais (pĕtărana) about six feet square, and raised about ten inches from the floor, upon which he is to don his wedding garments when he sets out to meet the bride. A similar platform (pĕtărana) is erected in the bride’s house, and a low dais called rambat in front of her door, at the outer corners of which are fixed two standard candlesticks (tiang rambat), which are sometimes as much as six feet high, and each of which carries three candles, one in the centre and one on each side, those at the side being supported by ornamental brackets (sulor bayong). The rambat may measure some 14 feet in length by 5 feet in width, and should be about 14 inches in height.
A dais (with two steps to it) is then built as follows, generally opposite the doorway, but standing a little way back from it, and facing the rambat, so as to leave a narrow passage (tela kĕchil) between the threshold and the dais, which latter is decked with scarlet, or at least scarlet-bordered cloth (kain bĕrumpok dĕngan săkalat). The lower step of the dais (ibu g’rei) is raised about 12 inches from the floor, and measures from 10 feet to 12 feet in length by 8 feet in width. The upper step (g’rei pĕnapah) is a little smaller, and is only raised about 10 inches above the lower one. The top of the dais is covered with a mattress, and both steps are decorated with expensive borders, which at the wedding of a Raja are made of embossed gold or silver, and may easily cost as much as $150 each, or even more. The mattress is covered in its turn with a quilt (lihap or pĕlampap), made of coloured silk stuffed with cotton; upon this quilt is laid a white cotton sheet, and the whole is surmounted by a row of colossal “pillows” (of the size of small packing-cases), surmounted by others of moderate size.
A mosquito-curtain is hung over all, and the completed couch is called pĕlamin. The head of the pĕlamin, it must be added, where the pillows are piled, is always on the left-hand side as you look towards it.
The number of the pillows used is of the highest importance, as indicating the rank of the contracting parties. The larger ones are about 5 feet in length and 2 feet in height by 1½ feet in width. They are covered with rich embroidery at the exposed end, and are arranged in a horizontal row (sa-tunda), with their sides just touching, in the front left-hand corner of the mosquito-curtain, so as to leave a clear passage of about 3 feet behind them (at the back of the curtain) by which the bride and bridegroom may escape to the pĕraduan after the ceremony. These big pillows are white, with the exception of the embroidered ends, unless they are intended for a Raja, when the royal colour (yellow) is of course substituted. The one nearest the centre of the couch is called bantal tumpu, and usually has a hexagonal or (in the case of a Raja) octagonal bolster deposited beside it.
The smaller pillows are red (occasionally purple, ungu, or orange, jingga), and are called the “embroidered pillows” (bantal bĕrtĕkat, or bantal p’rada). Occasionally a set of twelve small pillows is used (when they are called bantal dua-b’las, or the Twelve Pillows), but often there is only one of them to each “Big Pillow,” the set of twelve being said to be an innovation, probably introduced from Malacca. Sometimes, however, when many small pillows are piled upon each other, measures have to be taken to keep them from falling, in which case the space between the piles is said to be filled up with wool or cotton stuffing (pĕnyĕlat), the front being covered with embroidered cloth, the upper border of which is carried up diagonally from the top of one pile to the top of the next.
As regards the permissible number of big pillows, according to a scale in use at Klang, the common people are allowed three big pillows (including the bantal tumpu); a wealthy man, four; and a Headman, such as the ’Toh Kaya Kĕchil, five; a Raja being presumably allowed one or two more. According to this scale it is only the big pillows that are of importance,[76] and the people are allowed to use as few or as many small ones as they like. The topmost small pillow, however, is always triangular, and is called gunong-gunongan.
Plate 10.—Curtain Fringe.
Pattern of fringe used for the mosquito curtain at Malay wedding ceremonies, called daun budi, or the Bo-leaf fringe.
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The mosquito-curtain (enclosing the couch on which the pillows rest) of course varies in size according to the dimensions of the pĕlamin, but may be roughly taken to be from 7 to 9 hasta[77] in length, by 8 ft. in width, and 4 ft. to 5 ft. in height (reaching to the ceiling-cloth). Its upper edges (kansor) are stiffened externally with a square frame, consisting of four bamboo rods (galah k’lambu), and it is decorated in front with a beautifully embroidered fringe called “Bo-tree leaves” (daun budi). The front of this mosquito-curtain is rolled up[78] to within 2 or 3 ft. of the top, instead of being drawn aside as usual. At the back of the curtain is suspended, except in the case of a Raja’s wedding, a bamboo clothes-rod (buluh sangkutkan kain). This rod terminates at each extremity in an ornamental piece of scroll-work (sulor bayong) covered with scarlet cloth, which is sometimes made to issue from a short stem of horn or ivory, and has a wooden collar called dulang-dulang. This dulang-dulang, moreover, is sometimes provided with small hollows (’mbat-’mbat) at the top, two in front which are filled with rose-water or perfume (ayer mawar or ayer wangi), and two at the back which are filled with flowers.
Above the clothes-rod, and between its suspending cords (tali pĕnggantong)—which, by the way, are also covered with scarlet cloth—an inner fringe of “Bo-leaves” (daun budi dalam) is sometimes added at the top of the curtain.
At the wedding of a Raja nothing else should be put inside the curtain, but at an ordinary wedding a few small articles of typical marriage furniture are usually added as follows:—
Three or four small clothes boxes (saharah), such as are kept by every Malay family, and pĕti kapor (boxes whose corners are strengthened and decorated with brass) are ranged upon the mattress just below the clothes-rod. Upon these should be placed (a) the bangking, which is a kind of jar or urn of lacquered wood, ranging from about half a foot to a foot in height, and contains a portion of the bride’s wardrobe; and (b) the bun,[79] which is either octagonal (pĕchah d’lapan), or hexagonal (pĕchah anam), as the case may be, and which may be described as a box of tin, or sometimes of lacquered wood, whose contents are as follows:—(1) a couple of combs (sikat dua bilah), one with large and one with small teeth; (2) a small cup or saucer of hair oil (a preparation of cocoa-nut oil), or attar of roses (minyak attar), or pomatum (kateneh); (3) a small pen-knife for paring the nails; (4) a pair of scissors; (5) a preparation of antimony (chĕlak), which is a sort of black ointment applied by the Malays to the inside edge of the eyelids; and (6) a Malay work-box (called dulang in Selangor and bintang at Malacca), which is a circular box of painted or lacquered wood, furnished with a lid, and containing needles, cotton, and the rest of the Malay housewife’s paraphernalia.
Near the door of the curtain is placed an earthenware water-jar, called gĕlok (gĕlok Kĕdah and gĕlok Perak are the usual “makes”); this jar stands upon a small brass or earthenware plate with high sides (bokor), and its mouth is covered with a brass or earthenware saucer (chepir), on which is laid the brass or earthenware bowl (pĕnchedok ayer or batil) which is used for scooping up water from the water-jar, and which, when it is in use, is temporarily replaced by an ornamental cap woven from strips of screw-palm leaves. A couple of candlesticks placed near the water-jar, a betel tray (tepah or puan), a basin (batil bĕsar) for washing off the lees of henna, and a “cuspadore” (kĕtor), all of which are placed inside the curtain, complete the preparations for this portion of the ceremony.
The day concludes, as far as the workers are concerned, with a meal in which all who have assisted in the preparations take part, and this is followed by various diversions dear to Malays, such as the chanting of passages from the Korān.[80]
At a royal wedding, either the “Story of ’Che Mĕgat” (’Che Mĕgat Mantri), or a royal cock-fight (main dĕnok), or a performance by dancing girls or fencers (pĕdikir), may be substituted for these more devotional exercises.
These performances (whatever they may be) are kept up (with intervals for rest and refreshment) till four or five in the morning, when the guests disperse to their respective homes to sleep off the night’s fatigue.
Whilst the games are progressing (at about nine or ten P.M.) the first staining of the finger-nails of the bride and bridegroom is commenced, the ceremony on this occasion being conducted in the seclusion of the inner apartments, and hence called the “Stolen Henna-staining” (bĕrhinei churi). Leaves of henna are taken and pounded together with a small piece of charcoal, and the “mash” is applied to the finger-nails of both hands (with the exception of the middle or “Devil’s finger,” jari hantu). The centre of each palm is also touched with the dye, the area stained being as much as would be covered by a dollar. A line (of a finger’s breadth) is also said to be drawn along the inner side of the sole of each foot, from the great toe to the heel (hinei kaus).
Plate 11.—Fig. 1. Bridal Bouquets.
Bridal bouquets of artificial flowers and betel-leaves carried by bride and bridegroom, that on the left being the bridegroom’s.
Fig. 2. The Henna Cake, etc.
Three models of wedding apparatus: the one on the left represents the “henna cake” used at the “henna dance” during the ceremony of staining the finger-nails. The second represents the bouquet of artificial flowers, with coloured eggs and streamers, which must be presented to each guest at a wedding. The model of the buffalo shows the way in which these animals are dressed for presentation to a Raja.
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A couple of what we should call “pages,” of about ten years of age, are seated right and left of the bridegroom, and are called Pĕngapit.
The bride usually provides herself with one or more girl companions; but these are supposed to “hide themselves” when there is company, their place being taken by more staid duennas, who are called Tukang Andam (i.e. “coiffeurs”), and a personal attendant or nurse, called Ma’inang (Mak Inang), who appears to act as a sort of Mistress of the Ceremonies.
The second day is spent by the guests (as was said above) in sleeping off their night’s fatigue, and they do not reassemble till evening, at about five P.M.
When the last has arrived (at about seven P.M.) a meal is served, and at about half-past eight the games recommence; but after a round or so (zikir sa-jurus), say at about ten P.M., the bride at her house and bridegroom at his respectively make their first appearance in public, clad in their wedding garments, for the ceremony of staining the finger-nails, this time in public. When they are seated (between the two candlesticks, which are lighted to facilitate the operation) a tray is brought forward, furnished with the usual accessories of Malay magic, rice-paste (tĕpong tawar), washed rice, “saffron” rice, and parched rice, to which is added, in this instance, a sort of pudding of the pounded henna-leaves. A censer is next produced, and a brass tray with a foot to it (called sĕmb’rip) is loaded with nasi bĕrhinei (pulut or “glutinous” rice stained with saffron), in which are planted some ten to fifteen purple eggs (dyed with a mixture of brazil wood (sĕpang) and lime, and stuck upon ornamental sprays of bamboo decorated with coloured paper). The bride (or bridegroom) is then seated in a “begging” attitude, with the hands resting upon a cushion placed in the lap; the first of the guests then takes a pinch of incense from the tray and burns it in the brazier (tĕmpat bara); next he takes a pinch of parched rice, a pinch of newly-washed rice, and a pinch of saffron rice, and, squeezing them together in the right fist, fumigates them by holding them for a moment over the burning incense, and then throws them towards the sitter, first towards the right, then towards the left, and finally into the sitter’s lap.
The “Neutralising Paste”[81] is then brought and the usual leaf-brush dipped into the bowl of paste, with which the forehead of the sitter and the back of each hand are duly “painted.”
A pinch of the henna is then taken and dabbed upon the centre of each palm, the hands of the sitter being turned over to enable this to be done.
The sitter then salutes the guest by raising his (or her) hands with the palms together before the breast in an attitude of prayer; the guest replies by a similar action, and the ceremony is at an end.
The same operation is performed by from five to seven, or even nine, relations (Orang Waris, lit. “Heirs,”) the last operator concluding with an Arabic prayer.
While this ceremony is proceeding inside, music strikes up and a special dance, called the Henna Dance (mĕnari hinei),[82] is performed, a picturesque feature of which is a small cake of henna, which is contained in a brazen cup (gompong hinei) and surrounded by candles. This cup is carried by the dancer,[83] who has to keep turning it over and over without letting the candles be extinguished by the wind arising from the rapid motion.
The step, which is a special one, is called the “Henna-dance Step” (Langkah tar’ hinei, i.e. tari hinei), and the tune is called the “Henna-staining tune” (Lagu bĕrhinei).
This ceremony over, the “henna-staining” rice (nasi bĕrhinei) is partaken of by those present, the remainder being distributed to the guests engaged in “main zikir.”
On the third night the same ceremonies are repeated without variation.
On the fourth morning, called the “Concluding Day” (Hari Langsong), everybody puts on his finest apparel and jewellery.
Plate 12.—Fig. 1. Bridegroom’s Head-dress.
Head-dress worn by the bridegroom at the ceremony of the hari langsong.
Fig. 2. Pillow-ends.
Patterns used for decorating the ends of the wedding pillows.
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The bride’s hair is done up in a roll (sanggul) and this is surmounted with a head-dress of artificial flowers (called g’rak gĕmpa), cut out of p’rada kresek (“crackling tinsel”) and raised on fine wires; her forehead is bound with a band or fillet of tinsel—gold-leaf (p’rada Siam) being used by the rich—which is called tĕkan kundei, and is carried round by the fringe of the hair (gigi rambut) down to the top of each ear (pĕlipis)[84]; for the rest the bride is clad in a “wedding jacket” (baju pĕngantin), which has tight-fitting sleeves extending down to the wrist, or sleeves with gathers (simak) over the arm, and which is generally made of “flowered satin” (siten bĕrbunga) in the case of the rich, or of cloth dyed red with kasumba[85] (kain kasumba) in the case of the poorer classes. This “wedding jacket” fits tightly round the neck, has a gold border (pĕndĕpun ’mas), is fastened with two or three gold buttons, and fits closely to the person; the wealthy add a necklace or crescent-shaped breast-ornament (rantei mĕrjan or dokoh) round the bride’s neck. She also wears bracelets (g’lang) and ear-rings (subang) and perhaps anklets, of five different metals (kĕronchong panchalogam). A silk sarong, which takes the place of a skirt, and is girt about the waist with a waist-cord (but not usually, in Southern Selangor, fastened with belt and buckle), and a pair of silk trousers, complete her attire.
The groom, on the other hand, is clad in his best jacket and trousers, with the Malay skirt (sarong), fastened at the side, and girt above the knee (kain kĕmbang). His head is adorned with the sigar, a peculiar head-dress of red cloth arranged turbanwise, with a peak on the right-hand side, from which artificial flowers (gunjei) depend, and which preserves its shape through being stuffed with cotton-wool. Its border is decorated with tinsel, and it has a gold fringe (kida-kida). Besides this head-dress the bridegroom has a small bunch of artificial flowers (sunting-sunting) stuck behind each ear, whilst two similar bunches are stuck in the head-dress (one on the right and the other on the left).
Bridegrooms, however, who belong to the richer classes wear what is called a lester (=destar?), whilst former Sultans of Selangor are said to have worn a gold cap (songkok leleng), which is reputed to have contained eighteen bongkal[86] (or bungkal) of gold.
The remainder of the company are of course merely dressed in their best clothes.
The “Rice of the Presence” (nasi adap-adap) is now prepared for what is called the astakona or sĕtakona, which may be described as a framework with an octagonal ground-plan, built in three tiers, and made of pulai or mĕranti or other light wood; it has a small mast (tiang) planted in the centre, with cross pieces (palang-palang) in each of the upper stories to keep it in its place; the framework is supported by four corner-posts, on which it is raised about a foot and a half from the floor. The box thus formed is filled to the top with “saffron rice” (nasi kunyit), and in the rice at the top are planted the aforesaid coloured eggs. Into a hole at the top of the mast is fitted the end of a short rattan or cane, which is split into four branches, each of which again is split into three twigs, whilst on the end of each twig is stuck one of the coloured eggs (tĕlor joran), an artificial flower, and an ornamental streamer of red paper called layer,[87] which is cut into all sorts of artistic and picturesque patterns.
The sĕtakona is erected in front of the pĕlamin, on which the bride takes her seat at about 4 P.M. to await the coming of the bridegroom, the members of her own bridal party, including the Muhammadan priest or Imām, continuing the zikir maulud in the reception room at frequent intervals from 9 A.M. until the bridegroom’s arrival. The arrangements are completed by placing ready for the bridegroom the “Bridal Mat” (lapik nikah), which consists of a mat of screw-palm leaves (or in the case of a Raja, a small quilt, embroidered in the manner called jong sarat) five cubits of white cloth, which are rolled up and put on one side, and a tray of betel.
Returning to the bridegroom, holy water (ayer sĕmbahyang) is now fetched in a chĕrek (a kettle-shaped vessel) or bucket, for the bridegroom to wash his face and hands, and he then proceeds to put on his wedding garments, as described above, after which a scarf (salendang) is slung across his shoulder. The marriage procession (pĕrarakan) then sets out, the women heading it (pĕnganjor) and the men following, the bridegroom carried upon somebody’s shoulders (di-sompoh), and right and left the musicians beating drums, tabors, etc., whilst those who have any skill amuse the company with exhibitions of Malay fencing (main silat) and dancing, etc., to the accompaniment of the zikir intoned by their companions.
The arrival of the bridegroom at the bride’s house is the signal for a mimic conflict for the person of the bride, which is called mĕlawa, and is strangely reminiscent of similar customs which formerly obtained in Europe.
Plate 13.—Wedding Procession.
Model, showing a wedding procession arriving at the bride’s house, the bridegroom being carried on a man’s shoulders, and shaded by an umbrella.
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In some cases a rope or piece of red cloth would be stretched across the path to bar the progress of the bridegroom’s party, and a stout enough resistance would be offered by the defenders until the bridegroom consented to pay a fine which formerly amounted, it is said, to as much as $20, though not more than $3 or $4 would now be asked. Occasionally the bridegroom would pay the fine by pulling the ring off his finger and handing it to the bride’s relations, but the ceremony would not unfrequently end in a free fight. Verses were recited on these occasions, of which a few stanzas will be found in the Appendix.[88]
On arriving at the door the musicians strike up their liveliest tune, and as the bridegroom is carried up the steps he has to force his way through an Amazonian force consisting of the ladies of the bride’s party, who assemble to repel the invader from the threshold. A well-directed fire is maintained by others, who pour upon the foe over the heads of the defenders repeated volleys of saffron rice (or, at a royal wedding, ambor-ambor—i.e. clippings from a thin sheet of silver or gold which are thrown among the crowd as largess).
Plate 14.—Poko’ sirih.
Presentation “betel-leaf trees” (poko’ sirih), said to have been formerly carried in procession at weddings. These so-called “trees” are made of betel-leaves ingeniously arranged, and are called (from their patterns) sirih jantong (or “heart betel”); sirih gua (or “cave betel”); sirih palita (or “lamp betel”), the heart betel being on the left. The birds at the top of each “tree” are hornbills.
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Meanwhile the bridegroom persists until his efforts are crowned with success, and he makes his way (assisted possibly by some well-meant act of treachery on the part of the garrison) to the reception room, when the mat already referred to is unrolled and the white cloth suspended over it. Here the bridegroom takes his seat and the priest comes out to perform the wedding ceremony.[89] This, strangely enough, is performed with the bridegroom alone, the priest saying to him in the presence of three or four witnesses and his surety (wali), generally his father, “I wed you, A., to B., daughter of C., for a portion of two bharas.” To this the bridegroom has to respond without allowing an interval, “I accept this marriage with B., for a portion of two bharas” (or one bhara if one of the parties has been married before). Even this short sentence, however, is a great deal too much for the nerves of some Malay bridegrooms, who have been known to spend a couple of hours in abortive attempts before they could get the Imām to “pass” it. As soon, however, as this obstacle has been surmounted, the priest asks those present if they will bear witness to its correctness, and on their replying in the affirmative, it is followed by the “bacha salawat,” which consists of repeated shouts from the company of “Peace be with thee.” This part of the ceremony completed, one of the brothers or near relations of the bridegroom leads him into the bridal chamber, and seats him in the usual cross-legged position on the left side of the bride, who sits with her feet tucked up on his right. Even the process of seating the couple (bĕrsanding) is a very fatiguing one; each of them has to bend the knees slowly until a sitting posture is reached, and then return to a standing posture by slowly straightening the knees, a gymnastic exercise which has to be repeated thrice, and which requires the assistance of friends.[90]
The seating having been accomplished, friends put in the right hands of bride and bridegroom respectively handfuls of rice taken from the nasi sĕtakona; with this the two feed each other simultaneously, each of them reaching out the hand containing the rice to the other’s mouth. (This part of the ceremony is often made the occasion for a race.)
The bridegroom is then carried off by his friends to the outer chamber, where he has to pay his respects (minta’ maʿaf, lit. “ask pardon”) to the company, after which he is carried back to his old post, the bride in the meantime having moved off a little in the mosquito curtain.
The sweetmeats are then brought and handed round, the sĕtakona is broken up, and the bundles of rice wrapped in plantain leaves which it contains distributed to the company as largess or bĕrkat. Each of the company gets one of the tĕlor chachak, the tĕlor joran being reserved for the Imām and any person of high rank who may attend, e.g. a Raja.[91]
This completes the wedding ceremony, but the bridegroom is nominally expected to remain under the roof (and eye) of his mother-in-law for about two years (reduced to forty-four days in the case of “royalty”), after which he may be allowed to remove to a house of his own. No Kathi[92] was present until quite recently at marriages in Selangor, nor has it in the past been the practice, so far as I could find out, for him to attend. Sir S. Raffles gives as part of the formula used in Java:—“If you travel at sea for a year, or ashore for six months, without sending either money or message to your wife, she will complain to the judge and obtain one talak (the preliminary stage of divorce),” and this condition should, strictly speaking, be included in the Malay formula. It is now growing obsolete, but was in former days repeated first by the priest, and then by the bridegroom after him. The marriage portion (isi kahwin, Arabic mahar) is here generally called b’lanja kahwin or mas kahwin.[93] No wedding-ring should, strictly, be given.
For three days lustrations are continued by the newly-married pair, but before they are completed, and as soon as possible after the wedding, friends and acquaintances once more put on their finery, and proceed to the house to pay their respects, to bathe, and to receive largess.
On the third day after the hari langsong there is a very curious ceremony called mandi tolak bala, or mandi ayer salamat (bathing for good luck).
On the night in question the relatives of the bridegroom assemble under cover of the darkness and make a bonfire under the house of the newly-married couple by collecting and burning rubbish; into the fire thus kindled they throw cocoa-nut husks and pepper, or anything likely to make it unpleasant for those within, and presently raise such a smoke that the bridegroom comes hastily down the steps, ostensibly to see what is the matter, but as soon as he makes his appearance, he is seized by his relatives and carried off bodily to his own parents’ house; these proceedings being known as the stealing of the bridegroom (churi pĕngantin). Next day there is a grand procession to escort him back to the house of his bride, which he reaches about one o’clock in the afternoon, the processionists carrying “Rice of the Presence” (nasi adap-adap) with the eggs stuck into it as on the last day of the wedding, two sorts of holy water in pitchers, called respectively ayer salamat (water of good luck), and ayer tolak bala (water to avert ill-luck), vases of flowers (gumba) containing blossom-spikes of the cocoa-nut and areca-nut palms, and young cocoa-nut leaves rudely plaited into the semblance of spikes of palm-blossom, k’risses, etc. etc., together with a large number of rude syringes manufactured from joints of bamboo, and called panah ayer, or “water-bows.”
A set of similar objects (including nasi adap-adap), is prepared by the relatives of the bride, and deposited upon the ground in the place selected for the bathing ceremony. A bench being added for the bride and bridegroom to sit upon, the ceremony commences with the customary rite of tĕpong tawar, after which the two kinds of holy water, ayer tolak bala and ayer salamat, are successively thrown over the pair.
Now, according to the proper custom, during the proceedings which follow, all the bride’s relatives should surround the bride’s seat, and the bridegroom’s relatives should stand at a distance; but, in order to save themselves from a wetting, the women of both parties now usually assemble round the bride and bridegroom, where they are protected by a sheet which is hung between them and the men; for all the young men now proceed to discharge their “water arrows,” and as they are stopped by the sheet they proceed to turn their syringes against each other, until all are thoroughly wetted.
Meanwhile a young cocoa-nut frond, twisted into a slip-knot with V-shaped ends (something like the “merry thought” of a fowl), is presented to the bride and bridegroom, each of whom takes hold of one end, and blowing on it (sĕmbor) thrice, pulls it till it comes undone, and the lĕpas-lĕpas rite is concluded. Finally, a girdle of thread is passed seven times over the heads and under the feet of the bride and bridegroom, when the bridegroom breaks through the thread and they are all free to return homewards. This latter ceremony is called ’lat-’lat. The guests then return to their homes, divest themselves of their wet garments, and put on their wedding attire. The bĕrsuap-suapan, or feeding ceremony, is then performed (both vessels of adap-adap rice being used), and then all parties disperse for the usual games. Seven days after the “Concluding Day” (Hari Langsong), the ceremony of Discarding the Earrings (i.e. subang, the emblems of virginity) is performed by the bride.
Raja Bôt of Selangor, who attaches great importance to the lustration ceremony, and says that it ought not to take place later than the seventh day (at a Raja’s wedding), thus describes the full ceremony as once arranged by himself:—A small bath-house was built at the top of a flight of seven steps, and water was pumped up to it through a pipe, whose upper end was made fast under the roof of the shed, and terminated in the head of a dragon (naga), from whose jaws the water spouted. The steps were completely lined with women, of whom there must have been an immense number (no men being allowed to be present), and the Raja and his bride bathed before them. A royal bath-house of this kind is called balei pancha pĕrsada, and should be used not only at “royal” weddings, but at coronations (waktu di-naubatkan); it is described in the following lines:—
“Naik balei pancha pĕrsada
Di-hadap uleh sagala Biduanda,
Dudok sĕmaiam dĕngan bĕrtakhta.
Mandi ayer yang kaluar di mulut Naga”—
which may be translated:—
“Ascend to the Royal Bath-House
In the presence of all your courtiers,
Take your seat in royal state,
And bathe in the water that flows from the Dragon’s Mouth.”
It must not be supposed that, with such a mass of detail, many things may not have been overlooked, but it may be remarked as some sort of a practical conclusion to this account, that the Malay wedding ceremony, even as carried out by the poorer classes, shows that the contracting parties are treated as royalty, that is to say, as sacred human beings, and if any further proof is required, in addition to the evidence which may be drawn from the general character of the ceremony, I may mention, firstly, the fact that the bride and bridegroom are actually called Raja Sari, (i.e. Raja sa-hari, the “sovereigns of a day”); and, secondly, that it is a polite fiction that no command of theirs, during their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed.
Plate 15.—Wedding Centrepiece, with Dragons etc.
Set piece used at a Malay wedding, and presented to the author afterwards. It represents two dragons issuing from caves in opposite hills into a lake, in which they are fighting. On the tree-tops are to be seen the fabulous birds the roc (garuda), the jintayu (a fabulous vulture), and the walimana (a harpy). Page 388.
I will now give accounts of two Malay weddings which took place at Klang: both accounts were composed by respectable Malays, the first one being translated by Mr. Douglas Campbell of Selangor, and the second by the present writer:—
“The following account of the ceremonies connected with the marriage of Siti Meriam, a daughter of the Orang Kaya Badu,[94] of Selangor, to Wan Mahamed Esa, a son of Datoh Mentri[95] Ibrahim of Perak, has been furnished by a Malay contributor, Haji Karrim, and in translating it into English an endeavour has been made to follow, as far as possible, the style of the native writer.
“On Monday, the 1st of August, the house was prepared and the hangings and curtains put up, and on that evening the ceremony of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom with henna was performed for the first time. Then there were readings from the Korān, with much beating of drums and kettledrums and Malay dances, and when this had gone on for some time, supper was served to all the men present in the balei, or separate hall, and to the women in the house adjoining. Supper over, readings from the Korān and beating of drums were continued till daylight.
“On Tuesday evening the dyeing of the fingers of the bridegroom was performed for the second time, as on the preceding evening.
“The third occasion of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom took place on Wednesday evening, but with much more ceremony than previously. The bridegroom, after being dressed in silks and cloth of gold, was paraded in an open carriage. On each side of him was seated a groom’sman shading him with a fan, and behind, holding an umbrella over him, was another. And thus, with many followers beating drums and singing, and with the Royal sireh[96]-box, on which are seated the dragons known as naga pura and naga taru, and with two Royal spears carried before him and two behind, the bridegroom was taken through the streets in procession. On arriving at the bride’s house he was received with showers of rose-water, and then conveyed by the elders to the raised dais on which the bride and bridegroom awaited their friends.
“The bridegroom being seated, fourteen of the elders came forward and dyed his fingers with henna, and afterwards others, who were clever at this, followed their example. While this was going on there was much beating of gongs and drums, and then the same process of dyeing was repeated on the bride by women. Next the Imām came, and, after stating that the dowry was $100 cash, heard Wan Mahamed Esa publicly receive Siti Meriam as his wife, whereupon the Bilal[97] read a prayer and afterwards pronounced a blessing.
“Supper was then served to all the guests present as before, the men having their meal in the balei and the women in the house adjoining, and singing and dancing was kept up until daylight.
“On Thursday afternoon the bride, dressed in her best, with her father and relations, received the Resident, who was accompanied by Mrs. Birch, the Senior District Officer and Mrs. Turney, Captain and Mrs. Syers, Mr. Edwards, and many other ladies and gentlemen. Cakes and preserves were served, of which the ladies and gentlemen present partook. Then the bridegroom arrived, seated in an open carriage with a groom’sman on each side of him, while one, carrying the Royal silk umbrella, kindly lent by H.H. the Sultan, went before him.
“The procession was headed by one of the Royal spears, and two more were carried before the bridegroom and two behind him, and so, accompanied by the Selangor Band, kindly lent by the Resident, and by a crowd of people singing and beating gongs and drums, he was conveyed to the bride’s house. His arrival was greeted with showers of rice, and he was seated, together with the bride, on the dais, where they, with the assistance of Mr. and Mrs. Birch, helped each other to partake of yellow rice.
“So the marriage was completed satisfactorily, and then, as it was evening, the Resident and Mrs. Birch, and the other ladies and gentlemen present, returned to Kuala Lumpur; the people who remained amusing themselves with dagger dances (main dabus).
“On Friday evening the bride and bridegroom left for Jugra in the Esmeralda, which had been lent by the Resident, to pay their respects to H.H. the Sultan, returning to Klang on Saturday.
“On the same afternoon the ceremony of the bath was performed, to the great satisfaction of every one present, and was kept up till six o’clock, by which time every one was wet through.
“This was the last ceremony in connection with the marriage, and then every one wished the bride and bridegroom much happiness.”[98]
The following account was translated by the writer:—
“Preparations for the wedding of Inche Halimah, daughter of Sheikh ʿAbdul Mohit Baktal, and Said ʿAbdul Rahman Al Jafri, commenced on Monday, the 2nd of August 1895.
“The mosquito-curtain, tapestries and canopies were suspended, and decorations, including the marriage furniture (pĕti bĕtuah dan bangking), arranged. Moreover, the bridal couch was adorned with decorations of gold and mattresses raised one above the other, one with a facing of gold and the other with a facing of silver, and four pillows with gold facings, and five piled-up pillows with silver facings; and the kitchen apparatus was got ready, including ten pans and coppers of the largest size, and the sheds for those who were to cook rice and the meats eaten therewith. On this day, moreover, a buffalo was sent by Towkay Teck Chong, with the full accompaniments of music, and so forth.
“On Tuesday, the 3rd day of the month, took place the first Henna-staining, the bride being led forth by her Coiffeur and seated upon the marriage throne. And the bride seated herself against the large pillow, which is called ‘The Pillow against which One Rests,’ or bantal saraga. And towards evening all the relatives on the woman’s side sprinkled the tĕpong tawar (upon the forehead and hands of the bride), and after the Henna-staining, dishes of confectionery and preserved fruits were offered to all the guests who were present in the reception-room.
“And on the 3rd[99] day of the month there took place in like manner the second Henna-staining. And on the 5th day of the month took place the Private Henna-staining (bĕrhinei churi); the bride’s hair being dressed after the fashion known as Sanggul Lintang, and further adorned with ornaments of gold and diamonds to the value of about $5000. And after this Henna-staining all persons present descended to the rooms below, where fencing and dagger dances, and music and dancing were kept up at pleasure.
“On the 6th day of the month, being Friday, Inche Mohamad Kassim, Pĕnghulu of the Mukim of Bukit Raja, was commissioned by Datoh Pĕnghulu Mohit to summon the bridegroom, inasmuch as that day was fixed for the marriage rite. And the bridegroom, wearing the robe called jubah and a turban tied after the Arab fashion,[100] arrived at about three o’clock, and was met by the priest (Tuan Imām) at the house. Very many were the guests on that day, and many ladies and gentlemen, and his renowned Highness the Tungku Dia-Uddin, were assembled in the house.
“And the Tuan Imām read the marriage service, Datoh Pĕnghulu Mohit giving his permission for Tuan Haji Mohamad Said Mufti to wed Inche Halimah to Said ʿAbdul Rahman Al Jafri, with a marriage portion of $100. And after the marriage rite Tuan Imām proceeded to read prayers for their welfare. And afterwards dishes of rice were brought, of which the guests present were invited to partake. And when all had eaten, the Coiffeur led forth the bride to the scaffolding for the ceremony called ‘Bathing in State.’ And upon that same evening took place the Great Henna-staining, and the guests assembled in exceeding great numbers, both men and women, and filled the house above and below to overflowing. And when the henna-staining was completed, all the men who were present chanted (bacha maulud) until daybreak.
“And upon the 7th day of the month, being Saturday, the bride being adorned, the bridegroom seated in a buggy was drawn in procession at about 5 o’clock from the house of his renowned Highness Tungku Dia-Uddin, accompanied by the Government Band and all kinds of music, to the house of the Datoh Pĕnghulu, where he was met and sprinkled with saffron-rice and rose-water. Afterwards, being seated on the marriage throne side by side, both husband and wife, they offered each other in turn the mouthfuls of saffron-rice which were presented by the ladies and gentlemen and His Highness Tungku Dia-Uddin.
“And afterwards the elder relatives on the side of both husband and bride presented the rice, and Inche Mohamad Kassim presented red eggs (tĕlor bĕrjoran) to all the ladies and gentlemen, and the bridegroom led the bride with him into the bridal chamber by the finger, walking upon cloth of purple and gold. And afterwards all the ladies and gentlemen were invited to eat and drink, and the band played, fireworks and artificial fires were burned, and great was the brightness thereof, and all the young people danced and sang at their pleasure until the evening was spent.”[101]
The marriage customs hitherto described have been only such as are based on a peaceful understanding between the parents of the contracting parties. An account of Malay marriage customs would not, however, be complete without some mention of the customs which regulate, strange as it may seem, even the forcible abduction of a wife. Of these customs Sir W. E. Maxwell says:—
“The word panjat in Malay means literally ‘to climb,’ but it is used in Pêrak, and perhaps in other Malay States, to signify a forcible entry into a house for the purpose of securing as a wife a woman whom her relations have already refused to the intruder. This high-handed proceeding is recognised by Malay custom, and is regulated by certain well-known rules.
“Panjat is of two kinds—panjat angkara and panjat ’adat—entry by violence and entry by custom. In the first case, the man makes his way into the house armed with his kris, or other weapon, and entering the women’s apartment, or posting himself at the door, secures the person of his intended bride, or prevents her escape. He runs the risk of being killed on the spot by the girl’s relations, and his safety depends upon his reputation for courage and strength, and upon the number of his friends and the influence of his family. A wooer who adopts this violent method of compelling the assent of unwilling relations to his marriage to one of their kin must, say the Malays, have three qualifications—
“Ka-rapat-an baniak,
Wang-nia ber-lebih,
Jantan-nia ber-lebih,
‘A strong party to back him, plenty of money, and no lack of bravery.’
“Plenty of money is necessary, because, by accepted custom, if the relations yield and give their consent all the customary payments are doubled; the fine for the trespass, which would ordinarily be twenty-five dollars, becomes fifty dollars; the dower is likewise doubled, and the usual present of clothes (salin) must consist of two of each of the three garments (salendang, baju, kain), instead of one as usual. The fine for panjat angkara may be of any amount, according to the pleasure of the woman’s relations, and they fix it high or low according to the man’s position. I have heard of one case in Pêrak, where the fine was five hundred dollars, and another in which the suitor, to obtain his bride, had to pay one thousand seven hundred and fifty dollars, namely, one thousand two hundred and fifty dollars as a fine, and five hundred dollars for the marriage expenses. But in this case the girl was already betrothed to another, and one thousand dollars out of the fine went to the disappointed rival.
“Sometimes the relations hold out, or the man, for want of one of the three qualifications mentioned above, has to beat an ignominious retreat. In the reign of Sultan Ali, one Mat Taib, a budak raja, or personal attendant on the Sultan, asked for Wan Dêna, the daughter of the Bandahara of Kedah (she then being at Kota Lama in Pêrak) in marriage. Being refused he forced his way into the house, and seizing the girl by her long hair drew his kris, and defied everybody. No one dared to interfere by force, for the man, if attacked, would have driven his kris into the girl’s body. This state of things is said to have lasted three days and three nights, during which the man neither ate nor slept. Eventually he was drugged by an old woman from whom he accepted some food or water, and when he fell asleep the girl was released from his grasp and taken to the Sultan’s palace, where she was married off straightway to one Mat Arshad. Mat Taib had his revenge, for within a year he amoked at Bandar, where Mat Arshad lived, killing the latter and wounding Wan Dêna.
“Panjat ’adat is a less lawless proceeding. A man who is in love with a girl, the consent of whose parents or relations he cannot obtain, sends his kris to their house with a message to the effect that he is ready with the dower, presents, etc., doubled according to custom, and that he is ready to make good any demands they may make.
“The kris is symbolical of the violent entry, which in this case is dispensed with. If the girl’s guardians are still obdurate they send back the kris, but with it they must send double the amount of the dower offered by the man.[102]”
7. FUNERALS[103]
When a man dies, the corpse (called Maiat, except in the case of a Raja, when it is called Jĕnaja or Jĕnazah) is laid on its back, and composed with the feet towards Mecca, and the hands crossed (the right wrist resting upon the left just below the breast-bone, and the right fore-finger on the top of the left arm). It is next shrouded from head to foot in fine new sarongs, one of which usually covers the body from the feet upwards to the waist, the other covering it from the waist to the head. There are generally (in the case of the peasantry) three or four thicknesses of these sarongs, but when a rich man (orang kaya) dies, as many as seven may be used, each of the seven being made in one long piece, so as to cover the body from the head to the feet, the cloth being of fine texture, of no recognised colour, but richly interwoven with gold thread, while the body is laid upon a mattress, which in turn rests upon a new mat of pandanus leaf; finally, all but the very poorest display the hangings used on great occasions. At the head of the corpse are then piled five or six new pillows, with two more on the right and left side of the body resting against the ribs, while just below the folded hands are laid a pair of betel-nut scissors (kachip bĕsi), and on the matting at either side a bowl for burning incense is placed. Some say that the origin of laying the betel-nut scissors on the breast is that once upon a time a cat brushed against the body of a dead person, thereby causing the evil influence (badi) which resides in cats to enter the body, so that it rose and stood upon its feet. The “contact with iron”[104] prevents the dead body from rising again should it happen by any mischance that a cat (which is generally the only animal kept in the house, and which should be driven out of the house before the funeral ceremonies commence) should enter unawares and brush against it. From this moment until the body is laid in the grave the “wake” must be religiously observed, and the body be watched both by day and night to see that nothing which is forbidden (pantang) may come near it.[105] The Imām, Bilal, or Khatib, or in their absence the Pah Doja, or Pah Lĕbai, is then summoned, and early notice of the funeral is given to all relations and friends to give them an opportunity of attending. Meanwhile the preparations are going on at the house of the deceased. The shroud (kain kapan) and plank or planks for the coffin are got ready: of coffins there are three kinds, the papan sakĕping (the simplest form, generally consisting of a simple plank of pulai or jĕlutong wood about six feet long by three spans wide), the karanda (a plain, oblong plank box, of the same dimensions), and the long (consisting either of two planks which form a sort of gable with closed ends called kajang rungkop, or the long bĕtul, which is like three sides of a box with its sides bulging out, both ends open, and no bottom). Varnish or paint is forbidden in Malay coffins, but the planks are washed to insure their cleanliness, and lined with white cloth (alas puteh). About three inches of earth is put into the karanda ordinarily, but if the coffin is to be kept, about a span’s depth of earth, quicklime, and several katis[106] of tea-leaves, rush-piths (sumbu kumpai), and camphor are also deposited in it, in successive layers, the rush-piths at the top. Afterwards when the corpse has been laid on the top, tea-leaves are put at front and back of the corpse as it lies.
The next operation is to wash the corpse, which is carried for this purpose into the front or outer room. If there are four people to be found who are willing to undertake this disagreeable duty, they are told to sit upon the floor in a row, all looking the same way, and with their legs stretched out (bĕlunjor kaki), the body being then laid across their laps (riba). Several men are then told off to fetch water in jars, scoop it out of the jars and pour it on the body in small quantities by means of the “scoop” (pĕnchĕdok ayer), which is usually a small bowl, saucer, or cocoa-nut shell (tĕmpurong). It frequently happens, however, that this unpleasant task finds no volunteers, in which case five banana stems are turned into improvised “rollers” (galang), on which the body is raised from the floor during the process of washing (mĕruang). When the body is ready for washing, a chief washer (orang mĕruang) is engaged for a fee of about a dollar; this is usually the Bilal or Imām, who “shampoos” the body whilst the rest are pouring water on it. The body then undergoes a second washing, this time with the cosmetic called ayer bĕdak which is prepared by taking a handful of rice (sa-gĕnggam b’ras), two or three “dips” of lime (cholek kapur),and a pinch of gambier (gambir sa-chubit)—the last three being the usual concomitants of a single “chew” of the betel-leaf—and pounding them up together with the rice. When pounded they are mixed with water (di-banchor[107]) in a large bowl holding about two gallons, the water at the top being poured off into a vessel of similar capacity, and scooped up and sprinkled as before on the corpse. The next washing is with juice of limes. Four or five limes (limau nipis) are taken, the ends cut off, and each lime slashed crosswise on the top without completely severing the parts. These limes are then squeezed (di-ramaskan) into another large bowl containing water, and the washing repeated. The final washing, or “Nine Waters” (ayer sambilan, so called from the water being scooped up, and poured thrice to the right, thrice to the left, and thrice over the front of the corpse from head to foot) is performed with fresh water as at first, and the whole ceremony when completed is called bĕdara. The washing completed, the orifices—e.g. ears, nostrils, eyes—are generally stopped with cotton, and the body is carried back to its mattress, and laid in a shroud of white cotton cloth, which should be about seven feet long by four feet in width (salabuh), so that the edges meet over the breast. After this the last kiss is given by the nearest relatives, who must not, however, disturb the corpse by letting their tears fall upon its features. The shroud is usually of three thicknesses in the case of poor people, but wealthier families use five, and even seven-fold shrouds. In Selangor, however, each shroud is usually a separate piece of cloth. The dead body of a child is sometimes covered in addition with a fine sort of white powder (abok tanah or tayamam), which is sprinkled over the face and arms. Five knots are used in fastening the shroud, the ends being drawn up and tied (kochong) by means of the unravelled hem or selvage of the shroud torn into tape-like strips,[108] which are bound thrice round the body at the breast, the knees, and the hips respectively, as well as above the head and below the feet. The corpse is then laid on the mattress or mat again, this time with its head to the north, and on its right side looking towards the west (Mecca), which is the position it is to occupy in the grave. Prayers are then offered by four or five “praying-men” (orang mĕnyĕmbahyang), who know the burial service by heart, the Bilal or Imām joining in the service, and all turning towards the west in the usual way. One “praying-man” is sufficient, if no more are to be had, his fee ranging from 50 cents to a dollar in the case of the poorer classes, and among the rich often amounting to $5 or $6. This service is held about 1 P.M. so as to give plenty of time to carry the body to the grave and return before nightfall.
A jugful of eagle-wood (gharu) and sandal-wood (chĕndana) water is then prepared, a small piece of each wood being taken and grated on a stone over the jug until the water becomes appreciably scented; about twenty leaves of the sweet-scented pandanus (pandan wangi) are then added, together with a bunch of fragrant areca-palm blossoms, and other scented flowers, such as the champaka and kĕnanga, which are shredded (di-iris) into a wooden tray and mixed together, whilst fragrant essences, such as rose-water (ayer mawar), lavender water (ayer labenda), attar of roses (minyak attar or turki) are added when obtainable. A betel-leaf tray containing all the articles required for chewing betel is then prepared, together with a new mat of pandanus-leaf, in which are rolled up five hasta[109] of white cloth, and a brass bowl or alms box, in which latter are to be placed the contributions (sĕdĕkah) of the deceased’s relations. The preparations are completed by bringing in the bier (usongan), which has to be made on purpose, except in towns where a bier is kept in the mosque.
In the case of the single plank coffin the body is laid on the plank (which is carried on the bier) and a sort of wicker-work covering (lerang-lerang) of split bamboo is placed over the corpse, so as to protect it on its way to the grave. In the case of the karanda the body is laid in the coffin, which is carried on the bier; and in the case of the long, there being no bottom in this form of coffin, the body lies on a mat. In each case the bier is covered with a pall (kain tudong) of as good coloured cloth (never white, but often green) as may be obtainable. There are generally two or three of these coverings, and floral decorations are sometimes thrown across them, the blossoms of the areca-palm and the scented pandanus being woven into exquisite floral strips, called “Centipedes’ Feet” (jari lipan), about three feet long by two fingers in breadth, and laid at short intervals across the pall. There are generally from five to six of these floral strips, the areca blossom alternating with the pandanus. The number of bearers depends on the rank of the deceased; in the case of a Sultan as many as possible bear a hand in sending him to the grave, partly because of the pahala or merit thereby obtained, and partly (no doubt) for the sake of the sĕdĕkah or alms given to bearers. The procession then starts for the grave; none of the mourners or followers here wear any special dress or sign of mourning, such as the white sash with coloured ribbon which is sometimes worn at Singapore (unless the kabong puteh or strip of white cloth which is distributed as a funeral favour at the death of a Sultan may be so reckoned). The only mourning which appears to be known to Malays is the rare use of a kind of black edging for the envelopes of letters, and that is no doubt copied from the English custom, though I may add that a letter which announces a death should have no kapala.[110] Loud wailing and weeping is forbidden by the Imām for fear of disturbing the dead. The mosque drum is not usually beaten for funerals in Selangor, nor is the body usually carried into the mosque, but is borne straight to the tomb. If the coffin is a single plank one, on arriving at the grave (which should have been dug early in the morning) an excavation is made on the left side of the grave for the reception of the corpse, the cavity being called liang lahad. Three men then lower the corpse into the grave, where three others are waiting to receive it, and the corpse is deposited in the cavity on its right side (mĕngiring ka lambong kanan), looking towards the west (Mecca), and with the head therefore lying towards the north. Four pegs (daka-daka) are then driven in to keep the plank in a diagonal position and prevent it from falling on the body, while the plank in turn protects the corpse from being struck by falling earth.
The karanda is lowered into the centre of the grave in the same way as a European coffin, the body, however, being invariably deposited in the position just described; whilst the long acts as a sort of lid to a shallow trench (just big enough to contain the body) which is dug (di-k’roh) in the middle of the grave-pit. The five bands swathing the corpse (lima tali-pĕngikat maiat) are then removed, and at this point the bystanders occasionally hand lumps of earth (tanah sa-kĕpal) to the men standing in the pit, who, after putting them to the nostrils of the deceased “to be smelled,” deposit them at the side of the grave, when they are shovelled in by those standing at the top.[111] The filling of the grave then proceeds, but as it is “taboo” (pantang) to let the earth strike against the coffin in its fall, the grave-diggers, who are still standing in the pit, receive it as it falls upon a sort of small hurdle or screen made of branches, and thence tilt it into the grave. As the grave (which is usually dug to about the level of a man’s ear) fills up, the grave-diggers, who are forbidden to shovel in the soil themselves, tread down the earth and level it, and they are not allowed to leave the pit till it is filled up to the top. One of the relations then takes a piece of any hard wood, and rudely fashions with a knife a temporary grave-post (nisan or nishan), which is round in the case of a man and flattened in the case of a woman; one of these grave-posts is placed exactly over the head (rantau kapala) and the other over the waist (rantau pinggang), not at the feet as in the case of Europeans. Thus the two grave-posts are ordinarily about three feet apart, but tradition says that over the grave of a kramat or saint, they will always be found some five or six feet at least apart, one at the head and one at the feet, and it is said to be the saint himself who moves them. To the knob of the grave-post is tied a strip of white cloth as a sign of recent death.[112]
Leaves are then strewn on the ground at the left of the grave, and the five cubits of white cloth alluded to above are spread out to form a mat, upon which the Imām takes his seat, the rest of the company being seated upon the leaves. Eagle-wood and sandal-wood water (ayer gharu chĕndana) is then brought to the Imām, who pours it out in three libations, each time sprinkling the grave from the head to the foot. If any water is left, the Imām sprinkles it upon any other graves which may be near, whilst the shredded flowers (bunga rampai) are then similarly disposed of. Next is read the talkin, which is an exhortation (ajaran) addressed to the deceased. It is said that during the process of reading the Talkin the corpse momentarily revives, and, still lying upon its side, raises itself to a listening position by reclining upon its right elbow (bĕrtĕlku) and resting its head upon its hand.[113] This is the reason[114] for removing the bands of the shroud, as the body is left free to move, and thus in groping about (mĕraba-raba) with its left hand feels that its garment is without a hem or selvage, and then first realising that it must be really dead, composes itself to listen quietly to whatever the Imām may say, until at the close of the exhortation it falls back really lifeless! Hence the most absolute silence must be observed during the exhortation. The Imām then repeats, by way of “doxology,” the tahalil or mĕratib, “la-ilaha-illa-’llah” (“there is no god but God”), in company with the rest of the assembly, all present turning their heads and rocking themselves from side to side as they sit, whilst they reiterate the words a hundred times, commencing slowly till thirty-three times are reached, then increasing the pace up to the sixty-sixth time, and concluding with great rapidity. The contributions in the alms-basin (batil) are then divided among the entire company as alms (sĕdĕkah). The master of the house then invites those present to partake at about five p.m. of the funeral feast, which in no way differs from an ordinary Malay banquet, the more solid portion of the meal (makan nasi) being followed by the usual confectionery and preserved fruits. The Imām then reads prayers, and the company breaks up. The decorations for the funeral are left for three days undisturbed. During these three days the nearer neighbours are feasted, both in the morning and evening, at the usual Malay hours; and for three days every night at about ten P.M. the service called “Reading the Korān to the Corpse” (mĕngajikan maiat) is performed, either by the Imām or somebody hired for the purpose. This is an important duty, the slightest slip being regarded as a great sin. At the end of the three days there is yet another feast, at one P.M. (kanduri mĕniga hari), when those who are farther off are invited, and after this meal the tahalil is repeated as before.
On the seventh day a similar feast (called kanduri mĕnujoh hari) is followed by the tahalil, which necessitates a further distribution of fees (sĕdĕkah tahalil); but in the case of poor people this second tahalil may be omitted, or the master of the house may say to the company, “I ask (to be let off) the praying fees” (Sahya minta’ sĕdĕkah tahalil), in which case the tahalil is free.
Yet another feast is held on the fourteenth day (kanduri dua kali tujoh hari), when the ceremonies are at end, except in the case of the richer classes who keep the kanduri ampat puloh hari, or forty days’ feast, and the kanduri mĕratus hari, or 100 days’ feast, whilst the anniversary is also kept as a holiday by all who wish to show respect for the deceased. This closes the usual funeral ceremonies, but a day is generally chosen at pleasure in the month of Ramthan or Maulud for the purpose of offering prayers and feasting the ancestors.
The only difference made in the case of the death of a woman is that the washing of the corpse devolves upon women, whilst in the case of very young infants the talkin is sometimes omitted. The woman’s nisan, as has been explained, is distinguished by its shape.[115] The temporary nisan may be replaced by a permanent one at any time after the funeral. At the time the grave is made up, four planks (dapor-dapor), with the upper edges and ends roughly carved and scalloped, are placed round the grave mound (tanah mati) to keep the earth from falling down. Whenever the grave is thus finally made up a feast is held, but from the necessities of the case this pious duty is generally left to the rich.