The American Indian in the United States, Period 1850-1914 / ... The Present Condition of the American Indian; His Political History and Other Topics; A Plea for Justice

by Warren K. Moorehead

Two Plans for Indian Administration Reform

On page [26] I have referred to the great and efficient machinery of the United States Indian Office. This tremendous institution is composed of many and complicated parts, and they run smoothly. Frequently certain parts are replaced. But is this great machine operated in the best interests of the Indian and of the public? The brain responsible for the guidance, or management of this plant, and the officers in charge of its various Departments desire to produce a finished product of real value to the world. How can they do so when they must needs change their operation often, not in the real interests of a finished product, but because of political expediency?

It seems to me there are two, and only two ways, by which we may solve satisfactorily the Indian problem. Granted that a proper man is secured to occupy the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that man should remain in office ten or fifteen years. England seldom makes mistakes in her management of a dependent people. When a good man is found, he is continued in office until he understands his people thoroughly. With us the reverse is true. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs has no real advisory body with whom to consult, except the committees in Congress. Naturally, more or less politics creep into the Office through such arrangement. Thirty years ago the United States Board of Indian Commissioners consulted and advised with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. There is no reason why such a sensible arrangement is not carried into effect today. If the Board stood between the Commissioner and the Congressional Committees, a Commissioner would not be forced to accept decisions which he believed were inimical to the best interests of the Indians. Assuming that the Commissioner was continued in office ten or fifteen years, and that the Board frequently met with him, unwise legislative acts would not be common—as at present.

While the first suggestion has its merits, it seems to me that the plan proposed in the Lake Mohonk platform October, 1913, presents the most practical solution of the Indian problem. One of the speakers advocated a paid National Commission to take the place of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Board of Indian Commissioners. In view of the fact that the welfare of 330,000 human beings and $1,200,000,000 worth of property are involved, he proposed the National Commission idea. This has caused considerable discussion. Some critics contended that nine were too many, that the Commission should be composed of seven. Others thought that five would be sufficient. Honorable Senator Joe Robinson of Arkansas, last winter, having heard of the Mohonk platform, introduced a bill appointing a Commission of three. Mr. Sells and Mr. Meritt were to be two of the Commissioners, and some one else would be selected as third member. This would not solve the problem, since such a commission would be political—although the members were all personally above criticism.

The Board of Indian Commissioners, serving in honorary capacity, cannot devote sufficient time for investigation of conditions on the reservations, and in Indian communities. Its members are all exceedingly busy men. They have given much time, in spite of their other callings, to the work, as I have indicated in previous pages.

The Commissioner himself, able though he be, in my humble opinion is beset by political considerations—which is no fault of his own.

A high Commission in charge of our Philippine affairs with the work differentiated, and responsibilities placed upon each Commissioner, has resulted in a development of the Islands which has attracted the attention of the world during the brief period since the Spanish War. A similar commission of men of recognized qualifications, is entirely practicable in Indian affairs.

The Mohonk recommendation is absolutely sound. The seven men would divide the work between them, one having charge of education, another of health, a third of citizenship, a fourth irrigation, a fifth finance—and so on through the list. Having assumed control, the office of Commissioner and that of the honorary Board would be abolished. The hearings of this Commission would be open, quarterly reports would be published, and its findings made public. Its first duty would be to compile a roll, based on ethnological lines, of the full-blood and mixed-blood Indians. All competent educated Indians could be immediately eliminated from Government supervision. They would thus become citizens and cease to be included in the Indian body. The property of every ignorant full-blood, minor child, or incompetent would be restricted for twenty-five years, thus enabling all Indians to have reached adult age.

We owe it to the American Indian that the Commission idea be carried into effect. Politics would not interfere with the Commission, for the reason that its public hearings would be reported in the papers, the good citizens, as well as the undesirable class, would either attend the hearings or familiarize themselves with the quarterly reports. Thus a general steal would be impossible. A single Commissioner cannot make all of his business public, and much that he does never reaches the light of publicity. In fact, I believe that because the Commissioner cannot take the public into his confidence, abuses are bound to occur. Often it remains for the Indian Rights Association, or other organizations, to appeal to the public and do that which the Indian Office should establish without outside influence. There would be far less incentive to dishonesty, were covetous white men compelled to deal with a Commission instead of an individual. The publication of the Board’s hearings and findings would have a deterrent effect on certain men who otherwise appeal to Senators or Congressmen.

I have often contrasted the work of Dr. W. T. Grenfell in Labrador with that of organizations laboring among our Indians. We are not responsible for the condition of the fishermen in Labrador, and they are numerically but a fraction as compared with our total Indian population. Yet Dr. Grenfell, through his lectures and publications has aroused such an interest in this country that he can collect for his Labrador work a sum far greater than that expended in support of six Indian missions. People are interested in him and his work because of the appeal he makes. The Labrador fishermen suffer no wrongs compared with our Indians, and their condition is far better than that of the average aborigine. Similar publicity given to Indian affairs through the reports and hearings of a National Commission, would arouse the American people, and a brighter day for the Indian would certainly dawn.

No matter what is said, the Commissioner must fight alone and single-handed with the members of Congress. His is a great responsibility. Both Mr. Leupp and Mr. Valentine, in conversations with me, have admitted that the chief difficulty in handling the Indian problem is found in the word “politics”. The Commissioner is dependent on Congress for his appropriations. He may be sustained or opposed by members of Congress, and the public will remain in ignorance. He may not appeal save to the Secretary of the Interior. He must keep in mind the wishes of his political party. He will not admit political pressure when in office, but after leaving the Service, he may tell his story of trouble with politicians, as Mr. Leupp has in his book. Mr. Valentine could enlighten us further on “The Indian Office in Politics”, did he care to speak. A paid National Commission would be dominated by no political party. Ten years’ service would enable it to become entirely familiar with the needs of the Indians, whereas the average Commissioner, serving less than three years, barely becomes acquainted with the problem when he is succeeded by a new appointee.

I recommend to the earnest consideration of the American people the Commission idea, as the only means of salvation of the American Indian. It will be said by critics that many of the tribes are making satisfactory progress and need no Commission; that the present organization of the Indian Office is sufficient. This is partly true, but a study of the table of statistics, and reference to the testimony submitted in this book, establishes the sad fact, that the majority of the Indians must lose unless we make a radical change in our policy. It is useless to blind our eyes to hard facts; and these are that we develop a certain area after painstaking labor, and then through unwise acts (or legislation) we destroy the very tracts we have improved.

The Indian must ultimately be merged into the body politic, as has been affirmed. But in bringing about this desideratum, it is not necessary to crush all happiness out of his life. For fifty years the Indian has followed a devious and uncertain trail, in the fond hope that he might reach his journey’s end. If men and women, who through unintentional ignorance have given no heed to the welfare of our red Americans, will interest their Representatives in Congress, and also help to crystallize public opinion against further harmful legislation, it is quite possible that the National Commission plan may be carried into effect. After many years of study of the subject, I firmly believe that the welfare of the Indian depends upon the creation of such a Commission as has been indicated—one composed not of those interested in political parties, but on the contrary of competent men who understand Indians and their needs, of men who are willing to devote the best years of their lives to transforming the rough, uncertain trail along which the Indian has toiled, into a broad highway, upon which the Red Man may safely travel to his ultimate destination—the civilized community. And having reached the end of his journey, the Indian will live henceforth peacefully, and enjoy to the full the blessings of liberty, equality and justice.