Indian Nullification of the Unconstitutional Laws of Massachusetts Relative to the Marshpee Tribe / Or, the Pretended Riot Explained

by William Apess

THE INDIANS.

William Apes and the Marshpee Indians, who were tried before the Court of Common Pleas, in Barnstable County, were ably defended by Mr. Sumner, of this city. Apes was sentenced by Judge Cummings, to thirty days imprisonment in the common jail. One other was sentenced to ten days imprisonment, and the rest were not tried. When the sentence was pronounced, several Indians who were present, gave indications of strong excitement at what they conceive to be a tyrannical persecution. It is much to be feared, that this unnecessary and apparently vindictive course, pursued by the overseers and their friends, after the Indians had become quiet, and resolved to wait patiently for redress from the Legislature, will inflame them to acts of violence, and give the whites, who wish to oppress them, further advantages over them.

We have visited the greater part of the tribe recently, in their own dwellings, and we know how strongly and unanimously they feel upon the subject of what they really believe to be, their slavery to the overseers. If, therefore, the course we have pursued, and mean to pursue, in laying their claims to justice before the public, entitles us to be listened to as a friend, we beg them to abstain from all acts which violate even the unjust and hard laws by which they are now held in bondage. Resistance will furnish their enemies with the strongest weapons against them, and discourage their friends. Let them endure patiently, till the next Legislature meets, and if there is any virtue or honesty in our public men, the rights of the Marshpee Indians will be secured.

In our last article we said that it was impossible for the Indians to have an impartial jury in Barnstable. We did not mean that this arose from all the whites being opposed to the Indians. They have many friends in Barnstable County, who think them deeply injured, and who have no interest in keeping them degraded, in order to enjoy the privileges which too many whites now have, at the expense of the tribe. We alluded to the influences that would be used upon the jury, as in the case of Apes, where we learn, that three individuals, favorable to the Indians, but having formed no opinion in that case, were excluded from the regular jury. One of them was set aside, for saying he thought the Indians ought to be free. We are still at a loss to know under what law these Indians were found guilty of riot, in preventing their own wood from being carried off their own land. Where are all our Cherokee philanthropists, at this time?

The injustice of the proceedings of the Barnstable Court of Common Pleas and Sessions, is here fitly exposed. In empanelling the jury, it is certain that no name of one favorably inclined toward the Indians was selected, and there are many who do not scruple to say, that it was the determination of the Court to condemn them, right or wrong. Nevertheless, it appeared from the evidence brought, that no fear or alarm whatever had been occasioned to the complainants; and that all they had to complain of was having been hindered from taking away the Marshpees' wood.

It may not be amiss to say here, that when the honorable Judge said he thought it would be well to postpone the case till the next session, the District Attorney, Mr. Warren, replied that he did not think it would be proper, because such a course would involve the Commonwealth in extra expense. I should like to ask what thanks are due to the learned gentleman from the Commonwealth, for subjecting it to continued reproach and disgrace for the sake of a few dollars. Or, can it be that there is no disgrace in persisting in wrong toward Indians? Let those who think so, think so still; but there are many who think otherwise, and there is one above who knows that they think rightly.

When the witnesses and the pleadings had been heard, the jury retired, for the sake of decency, and presently returned with a verdict of guilty. I thought that his Honor appeared to be pleased with it. The judgment was suspended about two hours, when the Court again sat, and the matter was called up. There was not a little said concerning the case. Messrs. Reed, Sumner, Holmes and Nye, of Yarmouth, Boston, Rochester, and Sandwich, all professional men, were opposed to the course pursued by the Court, and thought that an exposition of the law to us and reprimand would be productive of a better effect, than imprisonment, or other severe punishment, which they justly believed would do no good whatever. Their judgment has since been confirmed by public opinion, and by the acts of the Legislature.

Since this affair took place, I have been kindly informed by a gentleman of Barnstable, that my punishment was not half severe enough. I replied that, in my mind, it was no punishment at all; and I am yet to learn what punishment can dismay a man conscious of his own innocence. Lightning, tempest and battle, wreck, pain, buffeting and torture have small terror to a pure conscience. The body they may afflict, but the mind is beyond their power.

The gentleman above mentioned, and one other, have frequently said to the Marshpees, "If you will only get rid of Apes, and drive him off the plantation, we will be your friends." This has been their continued cry since I began to use my poor endeavors to get the Indians righted; and if it is not now universally believed that it is impossible to benefit and befriend the Indians while I am among them, it is not because they have spared any pains to propagate the doctrine. One would think, to hear these gentlemen talk, that they have a strong desire to benefit the Marshpees; and the question naturally arises, what steps they would take to this end, if they had the power. If we are to judge of the future by experience of the past, we may reasonably suppose that they would profit the tribe, by getting possession of their property, and making their own advantage of it.

The Taunton Gazette found fault with the government of the Commonwealth, for having placed the Marshpees under its laws contrary to their wish and consent, and denies its right so to do. This may be considered as in some degree indicative of the feeling of the good people of Taunton; and there are many other towns in Massachusetts where a kindly feeling is entertained for our persecuted race. We believe the wish to relieve us from bondage is general throughout the State, and we earnestly hope that a few designing men will not be able to accomplish their selfish ends, contrary to the will of a majority of the people.

The next article is from the Boston Advocate, of December 4, 1833.

TEMPERANCE AMONG THE INDIANS AT MARSHPEE.

The Indians met upon the 11th of October to take into consideration the cause of temperance, and to investigate the evils that King Alcohol has practised upon us, by infusing into our heads fancied riches, fame, honor, and grandeur, making us the sovereigns of the whole earth. But having been so often deceived, beat, abused and tyrannized over, and withal cheated, and robbed, and defrauded by this tyrant, and to cap the climax, almost deprived of our senses, burnt and nearly frozen to death, and all our expectations cut off as to the comforts of life, it was agreed upon, (after an appropriate address from the Rev. William Apes, setting forth the evils of intemperance and its awful effects in wasting away our race, like the early dew, before the morning sun,) by our most influential people to attack this mighty champion, and if possible, overcome him, and shut him up in prison, and set a seal upon him, that he shall deceive our nation no more. Accordingly a Temperance Society was formed, and the following officers were elected: Rev. William Apes, President; Rev. Joseph Amos, Vice President; Dea. I. Coombs, and Thomas Hush, Recording Secretaries; Dea. C. Hinson, Corresponding Secretary; Executive Committee, Oakes Coombs, Joseph Tobey, Frank Hicks. Forty-two of the tribe united in the pledge of Temperance.

Nov. 14. We met again, and the President again addressed the meeting, much to the satisfaction of the people. After which many others gave spirited addresses, setting forth the evils of intemperance, in a most pathetic manner. It has caused a wonderful effect, and our brethren are enlisting to take hold and shut up our great enemy in prison, and choke him to death by total abstinence. Friends of Temperance help.

The Society passed the following resolutions:

Resolved, That we will not countenance the use of ardent spirits among us, in any way whatever; and that we will do all in our power to suppress it. That we will not buy it ourselves, nor suffer it to be in our houses, unless ordered by a physician.

Resolved, That this Society shall meet monthly, to regulate itself, and if any one is found to break their pledge, the same shall be excluded, without speedy repentance.

Voted, That the above be printed. Sixty-one is found upon our list.

CHRISTOPHER HINSON, Cor. Sec'y.

Marshpee, Nov. 15.

It appears from this that Indians can be temperate, and have a disposition and desire to benefit themselves. It shows, too, that they are capable of organizing societies, and taking care of their own concerns, as well, to say the least, as any equal number of persons in the Commonwealth; for they certainly feel more strongly interested for themselves than others can be for them.

It will be seen that little was done concerning our tribe, from the session of the Court at Barnstable up to the meeting of the Legislature, though the opposition to us had wealth, talent and power in its ranks. Clergymen, lawyers, physicians, counsellors, Governor, senators, and representatives were arrayed against us; and we Marshpees account all who opposed our freedom, as tories, hostile to the constitution, and the liberties of the country. This is our sincere opinion of them, and it is to us a thing inexplicable that his Excellency, the then Governor, should have seen fit to place himself at their head.[8] We desire to thank our Maker that they found themselves in the minority of the people, and fell in the esteem of Christian and benevolent persons who heard of their conduct. We thank the majority of the controllers of public affairs, that they had more sense than to think of holding the rightful lords of the soil in bondage any longer, for the gratification of selfish and unjust men. Honorable is it to Massachusetts that there are enough good and upright men in authority, to counteract the measures of those of a different character, and remedy the evils they may occasion.

I shall now proceed to present to my brethren, an Indian's appeal to them, and the laws framed by the Legislature for the oppression and moral and political destruction of the Marshpees in by-gone days. My comments thereupon will be omitted, because, should I say all the subject suggests, it would swell my book to a bulk that would be wearisome to the reader.

AN INDIAN'S APPEAL TO THE WHITE MEN OF MASSACHUSETTS.

As our brethren, the white men of Massachusetts, have recently manifested much sympathy for the red men of the Cherokee nation, who have suffered much from their white brethren; as it is contended in this State, that our red brethren, the Cherokees, should be an independent people, having the privileges of the white men; we, the red men of the Marshpee tribe, consider it a favorable time to speak. We are not free. We wish to be so, as much as the red men of Georgia. How will the white man of Massachusetts ask favor for the red men of the South, while the poor Marshpee red men, his near neighbors, sigh in bondage? Will not your white brothers of Georgia tell you to look at home, and clear your own borders of oppression, before you trouble them? Will you think of this? What would be benevolence in Georgia, the red man thinks would be so in Massachusetts. You plead for the Cherokees, will you not raise your voice for the red man of Marshpee? Our overseers are not kind; they speak, you hear them. When we speak for ourselves, our voice is so feeble it is not heard.

You think the men you give us do us good, and that all is right. Brothers, you are deceived; they do us no good. We do them good. They like the place where you have put them. Brothers, our fathers of this State meet soon to make laws; will you help us to enable them to hear the voice of the red man?

Marshpee, Dec. 19, 1833.

This appeal was published in several of the public prints, in order to make our dissatisfaction manifest.

The next extract is from the Boston Advocate, and shows what opposition was made to the reading of our petition in the House of Representatives. The article says all that can be said for itself.[9]

PETITION OF THE MARSHPEE TRIBE OF INDIANS.

Yesterday morning, in the House, Mr. Cushing of Dorchester, presented the petition of the Proprietors and inhabitants of the Marshpee Plantation, signed by 79 males and 92 females on the plantation, and in behalf of 79 males and 37 females, who are absent from the plantation, and say they will not return to live under the present laws, in all 287: praying for the privilege to manage their own property; for the abolition of the overseership, that they may be incorporated as the town of Marshpee, with the right to make municipal regulations; that one or more Magistrates may be appointed among them; and for a repeal of the existing laws relating to their tribe, with the exception of the law preventing their selling their lands, which they pray may be retained; and for a redress of grievances.

[The Memorial sets forth in detail, the complaints of the tribe, and was drawn up among themselves, without assistance. It is represented here by Deacon Coombs, Daniel Amos, and William Apes, all of them well informed Indians, who are deputed by the tribe, and were present in the House yesterday.]

Mr. Cushing moved that the petition be read and referred to a special Committee, to be joined by the Senate.

Mr. Swift of Nantucket, said there was a statement to be made from the Governor and Council, on the subject of the difficulties with the Indians, and he hoped the petition would be laid on the table without being read.

Mr. Allen of Pembroke, hoped the motion to read the petition would not prevail. We should have in a few days a statement from the Governor and Council, and he hoped nothing would be done until that was received, to prejudice the House.

Mr. Cushing of Dorchester, was not aware that any objections could be made to the reading of the petition, which he considered as a matter of course; nor could he see how a knowledge of the matter could prejudice the House. He presumed the House would not take upon itself to refuse to hear the petition of the humblest individual, and he did not fear that they could not control their minds so far as to be ready to give a fair hearing to the other side. The intimation that some document was to come from another source, did not go at all to show that the petition ought not to be read. Whether the statement which gentlemen said was to be made, was in aid or explanation of the petition did not appear, but the subject was before the House, and ought to receive the attention due to it.

Mr. Lucas of Plymouth, said (as far as we could hear him) that the difficulty in the Marshpee tribe had been caused by an itinerant preacher, who went there and urged them to declare their independence. They proceeded to extremities, and the Governor and Council sent a commissioner to examine the affair, and he made a report to the Council, and until that was heard, he hoped nothing would be heard from the Indians. It ought first to come before the House. The petition originated no doubt, from the itinerant preacher, who had been pouring into their ears discontent until they had a riot, and the rioters were prosecuted with the preacher among them, and he was convicted and imprisoned. Whether any of the petitioners were among those rioters or not, he did not know.

Mr. Allen of Pembroke, said he had not heard the gentleman from Plymouth. It was not his wish to prevent the petitioners being heard at a proper time, but he thought the House ought to hear the other side, before any course was taken.

Mr. Robinson of Marblehead, hoped that the attempt would not be persisted in, to withhold from these Indians the common indulgence of having their petition read.

Mr. Loring of Hingham, understood that this was the same petition which went before the Governor and Council, [Mr. L. was misinformed; It is a different petition,] and as it was very long, it would take up time unnecessarily to read it. He hoped it would be laid on the table.

Mr. Allen of Worcester, thought those who opposed the reading were in fact increasing the Importance of the petition by that course. If the House should refuse to hear it read, a course he did not remember had ever been adopted toward any respectful petition, from any quarter, it would become a subject of much more speculation than if it took the ordinary course.

Mr. H. Lincoln of Boston, was surprised to hear an objection raised to the reading of this petition. It was due to the character of the House, and to our native brethren the petitioners, whose agents were here on the floor, that they should be heard, and heard patiently. He hoped that out of respect to ourselves, and from justice to the petitioners, their petition would find every favor, which in justice ought to be extended to it.

Mr. Swift of Nantucket, again urged that the petition ought not to be read, until the report from the Governor and Council was first heard.

Mr. Chapman.—The petitioners have a constitutional right to be heard. I know not of what value that provision is which gives a right to petition, if the House can refuse to hear the petition. They do not ask for action, but to be heard. It can be read and laid on the table. So long as I hold a seat in this House, my hand shall be raised to give a hearing to the humblest individual who presents a petition for redress of grievances.

Mr. Loring of Hingham hoped the idea could not be entertained that they wished to throw this subject out of the House. He wanted the whole subject should be brought up, and not that this petition should go in first. It was not his wish to prevent the petitioners being heard.

The Speaker put the question, shall the petition be read? and it was carried in the affirmative, nearly every hand in the House being raised. In the negative we saw but five hands. The petition was then read by the Speaker.

Mr. Roberts of Salem moved that it be laid on the table and printed for the use of the House, as there must be a future action of the House upon it. The motion was carried without objection.

The attempt to prevent the petition of the Marshpee Indians from being read, was repelled in the House with an unanimity which shows the value the Representatives place upon the right of petitioning. The poor Indians are without advice or counsel to aid them, for they have no means to fee lawyers, but they will evidently find firm friends in the House ready to do them justice. This is no party question. It involves the honor of the State. Let all be done for them that can be wisely done in a spirit of paternal kindness. Let it not be shown that our sympathy for Indians extends only to those at the South, but has no feeling for our own.

* * * * *

[From the same.] THE MARSHPEE INDIANS.

The laws which regulate this remnant of a once powerful tribe of Indians, are not familiar to many, and it is one great defect in the present system, that these laws are so difficult of access, and so complex that the Indians neither know nor comprehend them; and it cannot be expected that they should live contentedly under oppressive regulations which they do not understand. Should any new laws be passed, they ought to be as simple as possible, and be distributed for the use of the Indians.

By the Act of 1788, Ch. 38, Vol. 1 of Laws, page 342, new provisions were made, the previous act of 1788, Ch. 2, being found insufficient "to protect them and their property against the arts and designs of those who may be disposed to take advantage of their weakness." The wisdom of the whites, at that time, invented the following provisions for that purpose:

SECTION 1. A Board of five Overseers was established, (afterwards reduced to three,) two to be inhabitants of Barnstable County, and three from an adjoining County. (Now two are inhabitants of Barnstable and one of Plymouth County.) These Overseers were vested with full power to regulate the police of the plantation; to establish rules for managing the affairs, interests and concerns of the Indians and inhabitants. They may improve and lease the lands of the Indians, and their tenements; regulate their streams, ponds and fisheries; mete out lots for their particular improvement; control and regulate absolutely, their bargains, contracts, wages, and other dealings, take care of their poor, and bind out their children to suitable persons.

The Overseers are directed to hold stated meetings, elect a moderator, secretary and treasurer, and may appoint and remove guardians over any of the Indians, to act under the the Overseers, and to carry their regulations into effect, the guardians to give bonds to the Overseers.

By section 2, the Overseers or the guardians they appoint have power to demand and receive all property or wages owing to said Proprietors or any of them, by any person, and may sue in their own names for its recovery, or for any trespass, fraud or injury done to their lands or them. They may settle all accounts and controversies between the Indians or any white person, for voyages or any services done by them, and may bind the children of poor proprietors by indenture, to suitable persons.

SECT. 3. No lease, covenant, bond or bargain, or contract in writing, is of any validity unless approved by the Overseer or guardian; and no Indian proprietor can be sued for any goods sold, services done, &c. or for money, unless the account is first approved by the Overseers.

[This, it is said, enables the Overseers to sanction the accounts of those who sell to the Indians upon the expectation of obtaining the favor of the Overseers, and opens a door for connivance.]

SECT. 4. The Overseers are to keep a fair account of all monies, wages, &c. they receive, and all proceeds of the plantation, and shall distribute to the proprietors their respective shares and dues, after deducting reasonable expense of conducting their business, paying their just debts, (of which the Overseers are made the judges,) and providing for the sick and indigent, from the common profits, and reserving such sums as can be spared conveniently, for the support of religious instruction, and schooling children. The accounts to be laid before the Governor annually. The Governor and Council appoint the Overseers and displace them at pleasure.

SECT. 5. The Indian Proprietors are prohibited giving any one liberty to cut wood, timber or hay, to milk pine trees, carry off any ore or grain, or to plant or improve any land or tenement, and no such liberty, unless approved by the Overseers, shall bar an action on the part of the Overseers to recover. The lands shall not be taken in execution for debt, and an Indian committed for debt may take the poor debtor's oath, his being a proprietor to the contrary notwithstanding.

The last act relating to this tribe, was passed Feb. 18, 1819, Chap. 105, 2d vol. of Laws, page 487. It provides that no person thereafter shall be a proprietor of the Plantation, except a child or lineal descendant of some proprietor, and in no other way shall this right, as it is called, be acquired. Other inhabitants are called members of the tribe.

The Overseers are to keep a record of names, or census, of all who are proprietors, and all who are residents or members of the tribe, a return of which is to be made to the Governor the last of December.

The Overseers, in addition to all former power, are invested with all the powers and duties of guardians of the Indians, whenever such office of guardian shall be vacant. [A very blind provision, by the way, which it may be as difficult for white men as for Indians to understand.]

Any person selling ardent spirits to an Indian, without a permit in writing from the Overseer, from some agent of theirs, or from a respectable physician, may be fined not more than fifty dollars, on conviction; and it shall be the duty of the Overseer to give information for prosecuting such offenders.

The Overseers may bind out to service, for three years at a time, any proprietor or member of the tribe, who in their judgment has become an habitual drunkard and idler, and they may apply his earnings to his own support, his family's, or the proprietors generally, as they think proper.

All real estate acquired or purchased by the industry of the proprietors and members, (meaning of course without the limits of the plantation,) shall be their sole property and estate, and may be held or conveyed by deed, will, or otherwise.

If any Indian or other person shall cut or take away any wood, timber, or other property, on any lands belonging to the proprietors or members, which is not set off; or if any person not a proprietor or member, shall do the same on lands that have been set off, or commit any other trespass, they shall be fined not over $200, or imprisoned not over two years. The Indians are declared competent witnesses to prove the trespass. No Indian or other person is to cut wood without a permit in writing, signed by two Overseers, expressing the quantity to be cut, at what time and for what purpose; and the permit must be recorded in their proceedings before any wood or timber shall be cut.

[Of this provision, the Indians greatly complain, because it gives them no more privilege in cutting their own wood than a stranger has, and because under it, as they say, the Overseers oblige them to pay a dollar or more a cord for all the wood they are permitted to cut, which leaves them little or no profit, and compels the industrious to labour merely for the support of the idle, while the white men, who have their teams, vessels, &c. can buy their permits and cut down the wood of the plantation in great quantities, at much greater profit than the Indian can do, who has nothing but his axe, and must pay these white men a dollar or more for carting his wood, and a dollar or more to the Overseers, thus leaving him not enough to encourage industry.]

All accounts of the Overseers are to be annually examined by the Court of Common Pleas for Barnstable, and a copy sent by the Overseers to the Governor.

Any action commenced by the Overseers, does not abate by their death, but may be prosecuted by the survivors.

All fines, &c. under the act, are to be recovered before Courts in Barnstable County, one half to the informer, and the other to the State. These are all the provisions of the law of 1819, and these are the provisions under which the tribe is governed.

As I suppose my reader can understand these laws, and is capable of judging of their propriety, I shall say but little on this subject, I will ask him how, if he values his own liberty, he would or could rest quiet under such laws. I ask the inhabitants of New England generally, how their fathers bore laws, much less oppressive, when imposed upon them by a foreign government. It will be at once seen that the third section takes from us the rights and privileges of citizens in toto, and that we are not allowed to govern our own property, wives and children. A board of overseers are placed over us to keep our accounts, and give debt and credit, as may seem good unto them.

At one time, it was the practice of the Overseers, when the Indians hired themselves to their neighbors, to receive their wages, and dispose of them at their own discretion. Sometimes an Indian bound on a whaling voyage would earn four or five hundred dollars, and the shipmaster would account to the overseers for the whole sum. The Indian would get some small part of his due, in order to encourage him to go again, and gain more for his white masters, to support themselves and educate their children with. And this is but a specimen of the systematic course taken to degrade the tribe from generation to generation. I could tell of one of our masters who has not only supported himself and family out of the proceeds of our lands and labors, but has educated a son at College, at our expense.

It is true that if any Indian elected to leave the plantation, he might settle and accumulate property elsewhere, and be free; but if he dared to return home with his property, it was taken out of his hands by the Board of Overseers, according to the unjust law. His property had no more protection from their rapacity than the rest of the plantation. In the name of Heaven, (with due reverence,) I ask, what people could improve under laws which gave such temptation and facility to plunder? I think such experiments as our government have made ought to be seldom tried.

If the government of Massachusetts do not see fit to believe me, I would fain propose to them a test of the soundness of my reasoning. Let them put our white neighbors in Barnstable County under the guardianship of a Board of Overseers, and give them no privileges other than have been allowed to the poor, despised Indians. Let them inflict upon the said whites a preacher whom they neither love nor respect, and do not wish to hear. Let them, in short, be treated just as the Marshpee tribe have been, I think there will soon be a declension of morals and population. We shall see if they will be able to build up a town in such circumstances. Any enterprising men who may be among them will soon seek another home and society, which it is not in the power of the Indians to do, on account of their color. Could they have been received and treated by the world as other people are, there would not be so many living in Marshpee as there are by half.

The laws were calculated to drive the tribe from their possessions, and annihilate them, as a people; and I presume they would work the same effect upon any other people; for human nature is the same under skins of all colors. Degradation is degradation, all the world over.

If the white man desired the welfare of his red brethren, why did he not give them schools? Why has not the State done something to supply us with teachers and places of instruction? I trow, all the schooling the Marshpee people have ever had, they have gotten themselves. There was not even a house on the plantation for the accommodation of a teacher, till I arrived among them. We have now a house respectable enough for even a white teacher to lodge in comfortably, and we are in strong hopes that we shall one day soon be able to provide for our own wants, if the whites will only permit us to do so, as they never have done yet. If they can but be convinced that we are human beings, I trust they will be our hindrance no longer.

I beg the reader's patience and attention to a few general remarks. It is a sorrowful truth that, heretofore, all legislation regarding the affairs of Indians, has had a direct tendency to degrade them, to drive them from their homes, and the graves of their fathers, and to give their lands as a spoil to the general government, or to the several States. In New England, especially, it can be proved that Indian lands have been taken to support schools for the whites, and the preaching of the gospel to them. Had the property so taken been applied to the benefit of its true owners, they would not and could not have been so ignorant and degraded a race as they now are; only forty-four of whom, out of four or five hundred, can write their names. From what I have been able to learn from the public prints and other sources, the amount annually derived to the American people, from Indian lands is not far from six millions, a tax of which they have almost the sole benefit. In the mean while, we daily see the Indian driven farther and farther by inhuman legislation and wars, and all to enrich a people who call themselves Christians, and are governed by laws derived from the moral and pious puritans. I say that, from the year of our Lord 1656, to the present day, the conduct of the whites toward the Indians has been one continued system of robbery.

I suppose many of my readers have heard of the late robbery at Barnegat, and are ready to say, that the like has never been known in this country, and seldom in any other. Now, though two-thirds of the inhabitants, not excluding their magistrates, have been proved to be thieves, I ask, was their conduct worse, or even so bad as that constantly practised by the American people toward the Indians? I say no; and what makes the robbery of my wronged race more grievous is, that it is sanctioned by legal enactments. Why is it more iniquitous to plunder a stranded ship than to rob, and perhaps murder, an Indian tribe? It is my private opinion that King Solomon was not far wrong when he said, "Bring up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it." He might have said with equal propriety, "in the way he should not go." I am sorry that the puritans knew no better than to bring up their children to hate and oppress Indians. I must own, however, that the children are growing something better than their fathers were, and I wish that the children of Barnegat had had better parents.

The next matter I shall offer is in two more articles from the Boston
Advocate. The first is by the Editor.