Additional Notes
Of the supply of air in the submarine Vessel
The Cylender or incompressible part of this Vessel being 6 feet diameter and 24 feet long will have an Area of 672 cube feet on allowing a Man to consume the Oxygene of 20 Cubic feet in an hour it would be suffecient for one Man for 33 hours or for 6 men for 5 hours or should each Man consume the oxygene of only 15 cube feet in an hour and which is the usual estimate, there would be suffecient for 6 men for 7 hours or should a greater supply of air be necessary for any particular operation it may be done as in the following sketch
A is a cast Iron or copper box one cube yard or 27 cube feet. Into this 20 atmospheres may be compressed by proper pumps. B is a measure of half a cube foot. C. D two cocks, C being shut, D is opened and the measure B filled. D is then Shut and C opened which lets the measure of air circulate in the Vessel, the 20 atmospheres compressed in in this reservoir would equal 540 cube feet of common air and suffice for the 6 men for 5 hours more and thus the 6 men might continue under water 11 hours in such case were they in a harbour or surrounded by a fleet they could continue under water all day and mounting with their air pipe out of water in the night renew the air for the following day, but this is contemplating an extreme case, a Vessel which can stay 4 hours under water can move 8 miles in that time where the tide is two miles an hour and could get out of any open harbour Such as Brest, Cadiz &
PLATE THE TWELFTH
On the weight of the Cylender and its Buoyancy
Suppose it cast one inch thick on calculating its cube inches and allowing 4 cube inches of brass to a pound it would Weigh about 8 tons. Its volume of water or 672 cube feet would weigh upwards of 16 tons, hence such a cylender hermetically cloased would float 8 tons lighter than Water
Chapter VI
THE BRITISH CONTRACT
Size of the “Drawings and Descriptions.” Pseudonyms. Proposals. Contract with the British government. Was Fulton false to his principles in supporting Great Britain against France? His financial position under the contract.
The “Descriptions” that Fulton left in England were in two parts, of which the first is a recital of his negotiations and work, and the second a minute description of the boat and bombs. Both parts are wholly in Fulton’s handwriting and cover twelve double sheets of paper, five for the first and seven for the second part. The sheets are 14¾ inches high with a double or folded width of 19⅛ inches. The writing is on both sides of the sheets, so that exclusive of the outside pages, which are left blank, except for the descriptive recital on page 1 of the first part, there are 43 pages of writing. There are from 26 to 28 lines to a page with a margin of 2 inches on the left-hand side, and about 8 words to a line. The paper is heavy hand-made linen, slightly off the white in color with gilt on the edges. One-half of each sheet is water-marked with a design composed of a crown and fleur-de-lys surmounting the letters P & B, the other half of the sheet being water-marked Portal & Co. 1796.
The drawings are water-colored and are on sheets of heavy Bristol paper measuring 22¼ × 18¾ inches. As will be seen each one is dated and signed by Fulton.
The “Bond and Contract” to which reference is made was found in 1812 among the papers of Lord Melville and was then deposited by his executors in the Public Record office. With the exception of the Admiralty CIRCULAR given on page 52, the contemporaneous archives of the government contain little concerning Fulton’s work, and are in this respect quite different from the French records. The explanation is that the British ministers were fearful lest information regarding the submarine should transpire to their detriment. They, therefore, treated all correspondence as confidential and kept letters and other documents in their personal rather than official files. In fact Fulton adopted the pseudonym of “Robert Francis,” a designation that was frequently, though not exclusively, used by both the Government officials and himself in correspondence during the years 1804–1806.
The “Contract” was Fulton’s own conception in form and substance, the government accepting the terms that he proposed. This is shown by his notes and copies of letters that still exist.
Lord Hawkesbury who had induced Fulton to leave France for England was Robert Banks Jenkinson (1770–1828). His father, created Lord Hawkesbury in 1786 and Earl of Liverpool in 1796, had served as Secretary for War from 1778 and therefore during the greater part of the American Revolution. The son, using his father’s junior title of Lord Hawkesbury, became Secretary for Foreign Affairs in 1801 in the Addington ministry. As such Secretary, he would be the one to open negotiations with Fulton in Paris.
Fulton arrived in London on the 19th of May. Addington had been displaced by Pitt in the control of the government a few days before. Lord Hawkesbury, though no longer in charge of Foreign Affairs, continued in office, holding the portfolio of the Home Office in the new cabinet. In spite of his change of status, Fulton would naturally call on him as the only official with whom he was acquainted. In his note book, in which he copied in neat hand the letter of Lord Hawkesbury that the agent “Mr. Smith” had handed him in Paris, he writes at the bottom of the copy of the letter, “I had an interview with Mr. Hammond on the 21 when he desired me to give in proposals they were as follows.”
From this juxtaposition of names it is fair to assume that to Lord Hawkesbury he gave the name of Hammond. Fulton was fond of doing such things. His own attempt at personal disguise under the name of Francis was very thin. The coincidence that his real and temporarily assumed names began with the same letter will be noted. So do Hawkesbury and Hammond. The letters to “Mr. Hammond” are letters that would be written only to one who was high in authority. It was not in accordance with Fulton’s character to send such communications as are the Hammond letters to a subordinate. In “Mr. Hammond” can be seen Lord Hawkesbury who had just been made a peer in his own right and was Pitt’s leader in the House of Lords. This identification of “Mr. Hammond” will be borne in mind in connection with several letters given on pages 96 et seq. as well as those immediately below containing the proposals promised on May 21st.
London May the 22d 1804
Proposals for the examination of a System of Submarine navigation,
Having been invited to London by the late Administration to demonstrate the practicability of navigating under water and attacking and destroying ships of war by submarine operations I propose that government name a commission as they think proper to examine the following principles and give their decision for or against each article, which commission Should be composed of at least two able mechanecians and one Chymest,—
Then follows matter describing the plunging vessel almost verbatim with that given in the “Descriptions,” beginning with First principle on page 56 down to and including the demand for £100,000 on page 59, after which the proposals continue as follows:
What plans government may have in View to draw the power of Bounapart into governable limits Secure perminant peace and forever remove all Ideas from the Side of France I do not pretend to Conjecture.
I beg leave to propose one which will be prompt in execution and if Successful will forever Remove from the mind of Man the possibility of France making a descent on England. I propose a submarine expedition to destroy the fleets of Boulogne and Brest as they now lie. I am ready to exhibit the practicability of my plan or at least that the chances are many to one in favour of Success, and merits immediate attention as the Season is much advanced much is to be done and no time should be lost.
If government adopt my plan it must be organized nearly as follows,
One good Mechanecian must receive my drawings, take my orders and see to the execution of the Machinery. An Active Sea officer must have power to choose 100 hardy seamen out of the fleet who are good swimmers about 40 tons of powder and 7 thousand pounds for various expences will fit out the expedition.
If government give into this plan I demand the following terms.
A pay of 200 pounds a Month while I devote my time to the enterprise or till government notify that they have no further need of my exertions,
If Government appoint their own officers to make the Attack; from the directions I may give, without my going to Sea to direct it I demand only the monthly pay.
But if government think proper that I go on board a Ship of war off Boulogne and Brest to direct the time and mode of Attack I demand one fourth the Value of each Vessel burnt or destroyed, In either case if I do not succeed I demand nothing for my trouble but the monthly pay before mentioned, till government notify that my exertions are no longer necessary,
Robert Francis
These proposals were sent under a covering letter to “Mr. Hammond” dated the following day.
London May the 23d 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir I herewith send you my proposals for examining the principles of submarine navigation, also my proposal for a submarine attack on Boulogne and Brest, in this period of our communications it is necessary we Should clearly understand each other, First Ministers will have the goodness to examine the mode I propose for investigating the properties and combinations of Submarine navigation, if they approve of it they will Sign it as a contract between them an me, then appoint a commission to decide which commission approving the reward follows; this part finished the expedition if thought proper is to commence on the terms specified
I have the honor to be with
much respect your most obedient
Robert Francis
Without waiting for his proposals to be accepted, Fulton’s mind began working on the commission to be named. On June 12th he suggested to “Mr. Hammond” that the government and he should name an equal number, the majority to decide. On his part, he proposed Bishop Watson, Sir John Sinclair, Lord Stanhope and the Rev. Edmund Cartwright. Apparently Fulton had great faith in the efficacy of the church in this matter.
The Bond and Contract is on five pages wholly in Fulton’s handwriting with an outside sheet with two dockets, one reading
Articles of Agreement
with Mr. Fulton
20th July 1804
The other
This attested Counterpart of an agreement between His Majesty’s Government in 1804 & Mr. Robert Fulton was found among the papers of the late Lord Viscount Melville, 22nd Jan. 1812.
M——
Articles of Agreement between the Right Honorable William Pitt, first Lord commissioner of his Majesty’s treasury and Chancelor of the Exchequer; and the Right Honorable Lord Viscount Melville first Lord of the Admiralty, in behalf of his Majesty’s government on the one part; and Robert Fulton citizen of the United States of America and inventor of a plan of attacking fleets by submarine Bombs, on the other part,
The said Robert Fulton agrees to disclose the principles of his scheme to Sir Home Popham and to superintend the execution of it on the following conditions
First, To be paid Two hundred pounds a month while he is employed on this Service for his personal trouble and Expences;
Second, To have a credit lodged from time to time for the payment of his Mechanical preperations, not to exceed Seven thousand pounds.
Third, That in His Majesty’s dockyards and Arsenals shall be made or furnished all such articles as may be required, which are applicable to this purpose.
Fourth, If any circumstance should arise to prevent government carrying this plan into execution then the parties are each to name two commissioners for the purpose of examining the principles; and trying such experiments as they may think proper, And if it should appear to the Majority of the Members that the plan is practicable and offers a more effectual mode of destroying the enemies fleet at Boulogne, Brest, or elsewhere, than any now in practice and with less risk, then government is to pay the said Robert Fulton the sum of Forty Thousand Pounds as a compensation for demonstrating the principles, and making over the entire possession of his submarine Mode of Attack.
Fifth, When the Said Robert Fulton has destroyed by his submarine carcasses or Bombs one of the enemies deck’d Vessels, then Government is to pay him the sum of Forty Thousand pounds, provided commissioners appointed As in the previous article shall be of opinion that the same Scheme can be practically applied to the destruction of the enemies fleets,
Sixth, If the Arbitrators differ in opinion then they are to draw lots for the choice of an Umpire and the Majority of Voices to decide all points of reference within the construction of this agreement and that decision to be final
Seventh, One half the supposed Value of all Vessels destroyed by Mr. Fulton’s Submarine Mode of attack to be paid him by government as long as he superintends the execution of his plan; but when government has no further occasion for his service; or that he wishes to retire, then he is only to be paid one quarter of the supposed value of such vessels as may be destroyed by his scheme, and this remuneration to continue for the space of fourteen years from the date thereof
Eighth, In case the Vessels destroyed by this scheme should exceed in amount Forty thousand pounds, then the Forty Thousand pounds first stipulated to be paid, shall be considered as part payment of the whole sum which may become due to the said Robert Fulton,
Ninth, If in the course of practice any improvemt Should be Suggested that can only be esteemed as a collateral Aid to the general principles of Mr. Fulton’s mode of attack, then such improvements are not to deminish or set aside his claims on government,
Tenth, All monies which may become due to Mr. Fulton to be paid within six months from the time when they Shall be so adjudged according to the tenor of this agreement,
Eleventh, This agreement to be considered by both parties as a liberal covenant with a View to protect the Rights of the individual, and to prevent any improper advantages being taken of his Majesty’s Government.
Mr. Fulton having deposited the drawings and plans of his submarine scheme of attack; in the hands of a confidential friend with the View to their being delivered to the American government in case of his death, does hereby bind himself to withdraw all such plans and drawings and not devulge them or any part of his principles to any person whatever for the space of fourteen years; which is the term during which he is to derive all the advantages of their operation from the British Government,
The benefit of the foregoing agreement shall be extended to the heirs and executors of the said Robert Fulton, Signed this Seventeenth day of July one thousand eight hundred and four
Robert Fulton
exchanged with a counterpart
signed by the Right Honble
William Pitt & the Right
Honble Lord Melville
H.P.
Witness
Home Popham
The reading of these remarkable documents of such great historical interest, especially at this time when submarine navigation has been developed to the point of complete success, kindles many lively reflections.
The question is whether Fulton acted as a man of honor in abandoning the country for which he had volunteered to fight and where he had received such signal and loyal service from its citizens. Was he justified in transferring his support to another nation at war with France and thus help destroy the growing power of France for which country he had professed so much affection? This question has been debated by Fulton’s biographers, although apparently none of them knew exactly what it was that Fulton had done for the British Government. They were all under the impression that his work consisted chiefly in the demonstration of the efficacy of torpedoes, carcasses or bombs as Fulton vicariously called them, or mines as we would speak of them today. Cadwallader D. Colden gives several pages of his book to developing, with some labor, an excuse for Fulton. Dickinson finds some justification in the fact that Fulton had been only partially reimbursed by the French Government for his work, but more particularly in that the development of Napoleon’s ambitions was repugnant to Fulton’s ideas of republicanism. The last is without question the correct and only view to take.
A radical republican, hating blindly all forms of autocracy, he had remained in France believing that in France he would see the full flowering of his principles. He offered his inventions to the French Government, not for pecuniary gain, because his proposals show that he was willing to abide by their decision as to the monetary value to be determined only after he had achieved success, but because he thought that the French revolution was a real movement toward perfect liberty. To this end he offered not only his device, but also himself. He was anxious to be enrolled in the fighting force of France and go forth in his little boat to do battle against mighty England. When, therefore, he was refused by Bonaparte and his sincere offers scorned with absolutely unjustified insult, we can imagine his revulsion of sentiment and forgive any bitterness of feeling. In a moment his idol was shattered. He realized that those in control of the French Government were not actuated by a broad conception of world freedom, but solely by personal ambition and thirst for power. He makes this position quite clear in a letter to Lord Melville quoted by Colden as follows, though, before publishing, the latter must have edited the orthography: “In writing this letter, I feel no enmity to the people of France, or any other people; on the contrary, I wish their happiness; for my principle is, that every nation profits by the prosperity of its neighbours, provided the governments of its neighbours be humane and just. What is here said, is directed against the tyrannic principles of Bonaparte, a man who has set himself above all law; he is, therefore in that state which Lord Somers compares to that of a wild beast unrestrained by any rule, and he should be hunted down as the enemy of mankind. This, however, is the business of Frenchmen. With regard to the nations of Europe, they can only hold him in governable limits, by fencing him round with bayonets.”
France, his dearly beloved France, was no more liberal under the upstart clique of the consulate than was England under the régime of her long established autocracy. This is the only explanation of how and why Fulton abandoned his allegiance to France, went to England and there worked to strengthen the British navy that it might the more easily smash the growing power of the French fleet with which he had once so ardently desired to serve. He had been cruelly stabbed by the hands of his friends in the most tender spot in his heart. This cruelty that served to clear his vision he could not forgive, much less forget.
Fulton had undoubtedly been unfairly and even cruelly treated by the French authorities. His cherished ideas into which he had thrown his whole soul had been rejected without fair or reasonable examination. His pride had been deeply wounded. But Fulton was magnanimous enough to have overlooked this treatment had France herself remained true to his conception of her own ideals. It was not that Fulton abandoned France, but that France deserted Fulton. From his arrival in 1797, he thought that he saw in France a great exponent of a new world liberty, with freedom of trade, freedom of men, freedom of the seas, and above all an enduring world-wide peace. In his enthusiasm he believed that such ideals, in which he firmly believed, were not only practically realizable, but that France was about to make them the guiding principles of every nation. It was for that reason that he so warmly espoused her cause.
In 1797, soon after his arrival in Paris, he wrote to his friend Lord Stanhope his views based on what he fancied to be the actuating theory of the French revolution:
My Lord
Hoping every month to Return to England, together with the difficulty of transmitting Letters to London, has hitherto prevented my Writing to you Since my arrival In Paris. But at present I have troubeled you with a very Long Letter, the object of Which I will here explain,—Since my arrival In Paris I have been Very active In my Canal pursuits, And on this Subject I have Created a Revolution In the mind of all the french engeneers I have met with, who are now descidedly In favour of the Small System of Canals—Which are now Contemplated on an emmense Scale of extension which you will See explained in my Letter—It is Contemplated to Raise the Whole Revenue by a Single toll on Canals which System will Infinately Simplify the operations of Government, tend directly to Set trade free and annihilate a Mass of Political absurdities which have hitherto disturbed the peace of Nations—all of Which you will find explained in the annexed Letter, Which Letter will Shew you how much Frenchmen are turning their mind to the true fountain of Riches—viz home Improvement and Systems of Industry. With the true philosophic Ideas which the entertain of Foreign Possessions and Restricted trade—And I Can assure you that I find In them the most Resolute determination to establish the principles which you will find explained And Which to me appears of the Very first Importance to Lasting peace—and the Wellfare of all Nations—It is therefore of much Importance that English Men Should know the truth of these principles and Learn their true Interest by Giving up as the french mean to do, and will Compel others to do the System of foreign Possessions and Restricted trade they should also understand that Frenchmen are Realy thinking Like philosophers Which I hope my Letter will prove.
By 1801, when his offer of his talents and personal service were spurned, Napoleon was already leading France far afield from the altruistic but impossible programme of 1797. In 1802, Napoleon had made himself consul for life. In the spring of 1804, he was proclaimed Emperor of the French and the beautiful dream that had entranced Fulton for more than ten years had faded into nothingness, as dreams usually do. He saw that in the aristocracy of England he could find a truer democracy than in the demagogic leaders of France. Fulton was but human. His warm heart, artistic temperament and impetuous nature now asserted themselves and drove him back to the country whence his forebears had come, and away from the people whose governing powers had wounded his pride and had failed him in his ideals.
The “Descriptions” given above were written just prior to August 10th, 1806, and recite the course of events from the autumn of 1803. At the time they were signed, Fulton was arranging to return to America, and actually sailed about ten weeks later. His negotiations with the Government had not been satisfactory in that his devices had not been accepted and he had not received in money what he felt was due. The contract shows that Fulton, profiting perhaps by his French experiences not to put trust in princes, foresaw this contingency and provided against it in the Fourth article, that should any circumstance arise to prevent carrying the plan into execution commissioners should be appointed to determine whether the stipulated compensation had been earned. The “Descriptions” were prepared for submission to the arbitrators and were actually read to them, as is shown by a note attached to a copy of the manuscript reading as follows:
These papers I read to Sir Charles Blagden, Capt. Hamilton, the Rev. Dr. Cartwright and Alexander Davison, Esq., on the 18th of August 1806 these gentlemen being named Arbitrators to settle my Claims on Government under a contract which I made with Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville—the two last named acting for me.
The words “two last” refer, of course, to Dr. Cartwright and Mr. Davison. The “Descriptions,” therefore, give Fulton’s case as he saw it, and consequently are of intense interest and historical importance.
His vision for the United States that the population would increase from 5,500,000, as it then was, to 120,000,000 has already been almost realized, sooner, of course, than he expected, but the absence of colonies and lack of desire for them have hardly met an equally successful prophetic fate. Certainly he never foresaw Porto Rico, Panama, Samoa, Hawaii, Guam, the Philippines and other outlying possessions.
What a delightful picture Fulton unconsciously presents of the skillful and diplomatic way in which the British Ministry handled him from the beginning to the end! When the emissary, known only as “Mr. Smith,” stated to Fulton that the Government wished to use the submarine against the French fleet, Fulton pointed out that it was not the part of wisdom so to do, that the British with their superiority in sea power had more to lose than to gain by developing such a weapon. In so doing, he but anticipated Earl St. Vincent who, bluff old sea-dog like so many of his profession to whom innovations in naval warfare were anathema, exclaimed that “Pitt was the greatest fool that ever existed to encourage a mode of war which they who commanded the seas did not want, and which, if successful, would deprive them of it.”
“Mr. Smith” was very clever and was not put off by any such argument. He saw clearly that whether England needed the device or not, they must have control of the man who possessed the secret. He evidently felt sure of Fulton’s sentiments because he told him quite frankly that they wished him “out of France and in England.”
On the financial side, Fulton appears to have had a proper estimate of himself and the value of his devices. The sum of £10,000 as a retainer would be no mean figure today, but owing to the difference in purchasing power it was comparatively a vastly greater figure in 1803. This retainer was in addition to his main fee or price for selling the explanation of his devices which he put at £100,000. The “Descriptions” read that he said “require” that sum. He first wrote “demand,” which word he erased, but not sufficiently to obliterate it, and then wrote “require.”
The rating of the value of his devices as being equivalent to a ship-of-the-line, or battle ship as a capital ship is now called, is certainly ingenious and not unreasonable. If his devices had any value at all they would increase the effective power of the fleet by much more than the addition of one first-class vessel.
But Fulton was dealing with men far abler than he in fixing values and making contracts. The negotiations were not broken off by abruptly refusing to pay the sums asked. That would have been a blunder that one selected for such a delicate mission would not be guilty of committing. The British representative apparently did not even suggest that the retainer was exorbitant, but only that it was “contrary to established rules” to pay in advance. Then, before giving an obligation to pay a sum commensurate with the value of the devices, the reasonable and unanswerable preliminary condition of an experimental demonstration was made a prerequisite.
The British diplomats unlike the French had avoided giving any offense to his amour propre. Though they refused to grant his financial requests, they succeeded in getting him to go to England, which was their main purpose. Not until they had him safe in London, did they take up the question of a contract. The original demand of £100,000 was reduced to £40,000. The retainer disappeared entirely except as it was represented by such portion of the £800 with which “Mr. Smith” was furnished in the first instance to pay his own and Fulton’s expenses. In lieu of the reductions, there appears in the contract an agreement to pay a salary of £200 a month. How deliciously clever! To one in the straightened circumstances in which Fulton always had been and still was, for even now any surplus of income of which he might have been possessed, but of which there is no evidence, was swallowed up by his steamboat experiments, this monthly payment must have been of inestimable importance. It guaranteed him comfort and at last a substantial excess for his other work, because his submarine disbursements were to be met entirely by the government up to a maximum limit of £7,000. On the other hand, the Government held secure the man, who as an enemy they feared, and who as such was a constant source of worry. This result was obtained at a cost that was to them a trifling figure.
Fulton appears to have concluded that his claim for £100,000 was perhaps too high because he voluntarily accepted the sum of £40,000 mentioned in the contract. Of this latter amount, he made to the arbitrators the ingenious suggestion that they pay him one-half in cash and the other half in an annuity based on his life, the annuity to be forfeit should the secret of his inventions in submarine warfare be divulged by him or his friends. It is regretted that Fulton did not disclose the names of his friends who were jointly interested with him, as they were probably the same who had financed his French experiments.
Fulton’s receipts on his own account amounted on balance to £13,391 .. 16 .. 10, leaving due as he claimed £1608 .. 3 .. 2, exclusive of any payment in part or whole of the £40,000. As it was, he did not do badly for two years’ work. In addition the Government furnished £11,353 .. 3 .. 2 to repay his expenditures.
Chapter VII
EXPERIENCE IN ENGLAND
Attack on fleet at Boulogne. Torpedoing of Dorothea (1805). Effect of Trafalgar on Fulton’s work. Copies of “Drawings and Descriptions.” Intent of government not to proceed with the submarine. Correspondence with Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Pitt (1804). Commission of investigation appointed. Decision adverse to a submarine. Nevertheless Pitt signs contract.
Two years had passed since the execution of the contract, during which time Fulton remained actively at work for the Government. He made an attack on the French fleet at Boulogne by means of his bombs but without success. He explained the cause, and probably correctly, but nevertheless he was charged with failure. Then he repeated the experiment with altered details in the mechanism and blew up a brig called the “Dorothea” on October 15, 1805, in the presence of Pitt and other officials. Success was again in sight, but only to vanish as quickly as it appeared.
Six days after the destruction of the “Dorothea” came the great event that made secure England’s control of the sea. On October 21st, Nelson destroyed the combined French and Spanish fleets in the decisive battle of Trafalgar. After that England had no need of submarines, torpedoes or Fulton. Her ships of oak were absolutely supreme, and she saw the force of Lord St. Vincent’s criticism.
The parallel between 1805 and 1922 is close. Then as now, and for similar reasons, England was, and is, opposed to the use of submarines in warfare.
Mention was made above that the “Descriptions” he left in England had been copied. Fulton did this with nearly all his important papers, and the copies were in manuscript, not letter press tissues. In this case the copy is in the possession of Edward C. Cammann, Esq., a great grandson, and bears several dates. To the main recital are added 41 pages of the same size paper, of which 12 pages contain material entitled “London August the 16th, 1806. Notes on observations of the Arbitrators, Particularly of Capt. Hamilton and Sir Charles Blagden in answer to objections stated by them.” The balance are taken up by letters to Lord Grenville dated September the 3rd, and “Further considerations on the instantaneous and clockwork bombs.”
Before leaving England he also copied the drawings. These copies are on thin paper and are obviously tracings of the original “Drawings” that are on bristol board. In the course of time the tracings have become separated from the manuscript copy and are now the property of the New Jersey Historical Society at Newark, N. J. The latter plates are signed and dated 1806, whereas the originals bear date 1804. In the eleventh clause of the contract Fulton stated that he had “deposited the drawing and plans of his submarine scheme of attack in the hands of a confidential friend with the view to their being delivered to the American Government in case of his death.” As it is unlikely that Fulton made two sets of carefully prepared drawings in 1804, the evidence is presumptive that the plans above referred to are the ones that have recently been found in England and that form the basis of this book. The American Consul at the time, especially as he was a man of character and responsibility, would be the natural depositary for papers of semi-official character. Of the original drawings, numbers 1, 6, 8, 10 and 11 are unfortunately missing. Through the courtesy of the Historical Society their copies have been used to make good the deficiency.
By the spring of 1806, Fulton had no misapprehensions as to the intent of the British Government. It was quite clear to him, as his letters show, that the authorities had decided not to use his devices for either submarine or torpedoes. It is also likely that he had received an intimation that his salary would be discontinued. Professional recognition was to be denied him, and unless he was also willing to forego hope for substantial pecuniary recompense he must have recourse to the arbitration clause of his contract.
Whether the necessity for such action came as a surprise to Fulton, one thing is clear from his letters. In spite of a liberal contract, carrying a generous salary and full allowance for his disbursements, Fulton had not been happy from the very first. He was impatient at every delay and intolerant of every suggestion. He would not, or could not, understand that the progress of government affairs is always slow, and that no government official, no matter how exalted his rank, could make decision promptly without reference to his professional advisors. The similar errors in judgment that he committed in France he repeated in England.
His letters, of which he wrote many, are from the very first couched in terms that it must be confessed are impatient, dictatorial and fault-finding, and never in that diplomatic and conciliatory form that has always been considered proper when addressing high government officials. This is particularly true when one remembers that he was corresponding with men holding office under George III, a period when those directing government did not hesitate to arrogate to themselves full autocratic powers and to regard all who were not in their own class as far removed inferiors. From others than their associates they were not inclined to accept dictation or brook carping criticism. That the several ministers with whom Fulton dealt tolerated the tone of his communications and overlooked his demands and complaints, is most striking testimony of the high regard in which they held his devices. Just so long as France was in a position to threaten their power on the ocean they intended to keep and hold Fulton safe.
Although on May 23rd he had submitted his proposals to “Mr. Hammond,” nevertheless immediately afterward, and before his proposals could be examined, he decided to go over Lord Hawkesbury’s head and seek a conference direct with the prime minister. On June 6th, he wrote the following letter in which it will be noticed he explained the connection between his right and assumed names:
Robert Fulton known by the name of Francis Author of Submarine Navigation to Mr. Pitt.
Sir What I have to say on this subject and its prompt effects I hope you will find interesting, it possibly may be of the utmost importance in Seconding your Views if Soon adopted; it is at least of some moment that you feel a conviction what I propose to demonstrate are facts and that your mind trace over the political consequences I beg 20 minuets conversation with you as soon as possible.
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient R Francis
Storeys gate coffee house June the 6th 1804
Before Pitt had reasonable opportunity to arrange for an interview, or Lord Hawkesbury to name a commission of investigation, Fulton wrote “Mr. Hammond” a tart letter of complaint just one month after he had arrived in London:
Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 22d 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir
The first day I had the pleasure of Seeing you I promised you candor, and Should time make me more known to your government they will find frankness one of the leading lines of my character, Now I candidly declare that having been here 5 weeks in some degree like a prisoner, and at present as much in the dark as on the day of my arrival such a state of Suspence begins to grow extremely unpleasant
The flattering and I believe candid promises of the late ministry induced me to come to this country and as yet I do not repent it but I beg to be informed if the present ministry mean to act up to the spirit of Lord Hawkesburies letter to me or what do they desire of me?
On my part I came here to acquire wealth by communicating a new System to government which I do not hesitate to Say is to them more than one thousand times the value of any sum I may receive, I have pointed out the most Simple and honorable mode of determining whether this ascertion is fact, by means of a committee of scientific men, and now I beg to know will government agree to such decision and when Shall the discussion commence? or do they wish to decline all research into this business you will have the goodness to give me their ultimatum when I shall have the honor to see you on tuesday
Believe me impressed with the highest
respect for you your most obedient
Robt Francis
As a matter of fact, in spite of Fulton’s impatience the government acted with commendable, if not extraordinary, celerity. A commission was named and it reported before June 27th, because on that date Fulton addressed to “Mr. Hammond” a review of their findings. The commission was composed of Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Academy, the Hon. H. Cavendish, a well-known chemist, Sir Home Popham, Major Congreve, an inventor of projectiles, and Mr. John Rennie, one of England’s leading engineers. Dickenson thinks that possibly the first two were suggested by Fulton. The subjoined letter to “Mr. Hammond” seems to contradict this, because in it he complains that they “passed judgment” (adversely) “without even desiring to have the details of operation.” Had two of the five members been representing Fulton it is almost certain that they would have insisted on his being invited to be present to explain his device. As it was, all they had were certain proposals made by a “Mr. Francis.”
Storeys Gate coffeehouse June the 27th 1804
Mr. Hammond
Sir
I have examined the 5 Articles of the commission they seem to admit the possibility of making a Submarine Vessel but they conceive it impossible to use it to Advantage, hence recommend that it Should not be adopted,
It possibly may be good policy in government not to adopt the whole of my system, it merits however their serious consideration whether they cannot draw great advantage from using part of it without risque to themselves, But that the whole of it is practicable and even in general cases easy executed can be proved, hence I am somewhat surprised that 5 Gentlemen of science Should pass Judgement on a work which rises out of the progress of improving Arts, without even desiring to have the details of Combination or operation, without having evidence of what has been done; and Judging from thence what maybe done, thereby leaving government as much uninformed of the truth and probable consequences of Submarine navigation as though I had never arrived; this is not the interest of Government your interest is to know the whole truth that you may see, clearly what maybe hoped or calculated upon from this discovery, I shall be happy to have an interview with Mr. Congreve, Mr. Cavendish and Sir home popham, but I can say little more to those gentlemen than endavour to convince them that the true Interest of Government, is to go into a thorough examination in order to arrive at truth; which examination I will put on the most liberal and honorable terms, you will have the goodness to desire a meeting as soon as possible
I have the honor to be yours
with respect
Robert Francis
The suggestion to have a conference with Major Congreve, Mr. Cavendish and Sir Home Popham was referred to Mr. Pitt and was objected to by him, as is shown by a memorandum among Fulton’s papers:
June the 28th 1804
Saw Mr. Hammond this morning at 1 who informed me Mr. Pitt wished me to see the whole of the commission least it should offend Sir Joseph Banks & Mr. Rennie, Agreed
If Fulton was impatient he was also indefatigable. However much one must condemn his lack of tact, one cannot help admiring his persistence. He wrote not only to “Mr. Hammond,” but also to Sir Home Popham. In spite of the fault-finding tone of Fulton’s letters, he and Sir Home Popham apparently remained friendly to the very end. As will have been noticed, it was the latter who witnessed the contract and perhaps was instrumental in arranging for its execution. When Fulton found that the commission would not come together again, he wrote to Sir Home a long letter under date of June the 30th. The letter is too long to quote fully but the following extracts will show its general nature:
To Sir Home Popham
Sir
Were the Gentlemen who reported on my proposals to meet again I Should have addressed them as a commission. As that may not be the case I shall be happy to have some conversation with you on the subject of submarine navigation ........................
If Gentlemen were Actuated by what the conceived Patriotism in rejecting every investigation of this Subject in order to keep it in oblivion as much as possible I conceive the measure not effectual, what has been proved And is Supported with Energy, cannot be consealed but by the consent of the Author; but perhaps this was not the motive, for deciding without evidence ........................
Now Sir permit me to make some observations on the real patriotism connected with this business.
If what I Say of submarine navigation and attack be true, if fleets can be destroyed by this means without any human foresight preventing it; is it not important that Government should Know how and by what means, if on investigation you should found it all false and visionary would not the infirmation be pleasing to government and cost nothing? If true is not the wise policy to take amicable measures to prevent it doing any injury to this country. Suppose the decision of the commitee should necessitate me to seek fortune else where by disclosing my system it might fineally appear that such a decision was the most unpatriotic act a citizen could commit, Sir I give you my honor I have come here with the most friendly disposition towards the government. And I have not one sinister feeling the interest of this nation is not to adopt the submarine vessel they government aught to know what it is and its probable consequences ........................
When he speaks of the most friendly disposition towards the government, it is interesting and perhaps amusing to recall that in 1798 he wrote to Barras, then the guiding spirit of the Directorate, urging the destruction of British ships of war, saying: “Le commerce énorme de l’Angleterre, ainsi que son Gouvernement monstreux, dépend de sa marine militaire.” Times had changed!
To “Mr. Hammond” he wrote begging the latter to persuade “Mr. Pitt to name one person in whome he has full confidence, to treat or arrange with me.”
Fulton perhaps felt that the action of the commission was not intended to be final and therefore it was for him to suggest other ways for passing on his devices. If so, he was justified by the fact that in spite of the adverse report of the commission of which Mr. Pitt must have been informed, the latter accorded Fulton an interview on July 20th at which Sir Home Popham, who had just voted against the submarine, was present. An account of this interview Fulton committed to paper.
20th of July 1804
Breakfasted with Mr. Pitt at his country house Near Putny common, Sir Home Popham only present Lord Melville expected but did not arrive, after my being Introduced Mr. Pitt demanded of Sir Home if he and Mr. Francis had agree’d on terms Sir Home replied in the affirmative and told Mr. Pitt his perusal and Signature were only wanting. He then read and Signed the papers, delivering them to Sir Home, with orders to call on Lord Melville for his signature.
At Breakfast some general principles of Submarine navigation and mode of attack explained, which appeared to give pleasure; and make a Strong impression. When Sir Home Popham went into an ajoining Room, Mr. Pitt, remarked that this is an extreordinary invention which seemed to go to the distruction of all fleets; I replied that It was invented With that View, And as I had no design to desceive him or the government I did not hesitate to give it as my opinion that this invention would lead to the total annihilation of the existing System of Marine war,
But in its present state of perfectionment Said Mr. Pitt those who command the seas will be benefited by it while the minor maritime powers can draw no advantag from what is Now known, Answer, true unless plunging or submarine Vessels were introduced into practice; that it probably would be some years before any nation could bring to perfection such a Vessel, that it is not the interest of the British government to use such Vessels that consequently there was not at present much danger to be apprehended from that part of my System; at all events there would be, time to fit future politics to future circumstances, if at present the french preperations can be destroyed by Submarine attack, it will convince Bonapart and the whole world that frenchmen never can make a descent on England for any future fleet prepared by them may be burnt in like manner manner—
Little more passed it was agree’d to make the Submarine attack on Boulogne as soon as the engines could be prepared, returned to town with an appointment to meet at the same place on the following Week,
From the above it will be seen that Fulton and Sir Home had come to an agreement between June 30, the date of Fulton’s letter, and July 20.
While at work on his submarine he did not permit his political ardor to cool. He has left a copy of a letter about 2600 words in length written “to the right Honorable Lord Viscount Melville,” dated London, Jany the 20th, 1805, giving his “Observations on Bonaparte’s pacific Communications.” This long letter is in the flamboyant style that Fulton used when writing on political topics. After dilating upon economies that would flow from peace and how such savings from war disbursements might be turned to establishing canals, iron works, manufactures and improving agriculture, he speaks of Napoleon:
Humanity would commend the Man, who turned his talents to such usefull works provided he should use the fruits of it humainly, but it is a question whether, Bonaparte would do So, his insatiable ambition and extravagant Ideas, do not warrent so much confidence in him, Raised from nothing by military talents and a combination of extriordinary events, he is intoxicated with success, adulation has become his daily food as necessary to his happiness as high seasoning to a vitiated appetite, his mind is perpetually working on schemes, which he thinks will give great Eclat, he seeks to be ranked by the future historian above Ceasar and Charlemagne, his principle is that future ages, never take into consideration the miseries which accompany war, they only listen to the brilliant actions of the Chief....
Chapter VIII
NEGOTIATIONS WITH CABINET
Fulton begins to have doubts of accomplishment (1805). Correspondence with Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh reciting his contract, rights and claims. Pitt dies (Jan., 1806) and Fulton begins anew with Lord Grenville and Lord Howick.
By midsummer of 1805, Fulton was not making the progress that he had expected, and again we find him writing letters that could not have been helpful in advancing his cause.
Sackville Street Piccadilly No 13
July the 18th 1805
To the Right Honorable William Pitt
Sir
I have waited till you were releeved from the fateague of attending Parliament before I would urge you on my particular business, on which I have written to Lord Barham twice without an answer, which with other circumstances have led me to believe that government do not intend to prosecute my system of attack Whatever may be their decision it is interesting for me to know it As I have other and previous engagements of much magnitude which call for my attention, and do not warrant my loosing time; hence I hope you will have the goodness to mention an hour when I may have the honor to wait on you that a plan of Acting may be arranged or the business as relates to me put into such a train as to be speedily and finally setteled
I have made the machines and exhibited to Sir Home Popham all that I know of them; the mode of using them and their effects, and if it is thought proper to use them; it can be done as well without my aid as with it As to the submarine Vessel my opinion ever has been that it would not be good policy in this government to introduce it into practice, consequently you will not want me to construct one, But I have all the drawings to Shew that everything which has been said of it is practicable and which drawings according to contract, are to be delivered to such persons as you may think proper to name
Under these circumstances I wish to sail for America about the first of September, I Shall therefore hope that you will have the goodness, to appoint an early hour when I may have the honor to wait on you
I have the honor to be your most
Obedient Robt Francis
Before the year was finished the tone of his letters became more bitter. He was no longer giving the government advice upon how they were to treat Bonaparte, but was deeply engaged in fighting for what he considered his own rights. The stilted style gave place to a more simple and direct form, in which he made no attempt to disguise his irritation as is shown by two letters written to Lord Castlereagh:
London
Ibbotsons hotel Vere Street Oxford Road
December 13th 1805
Lord Viscount Castlereagh
My Lord
I have the honor to send you reflections without disguise with what I conceive a fair and honorable proposal for a final settlement with government you will have the goodness to consider them and let me have the honor of your decision as soon as possible
With all respects I have the honor
to be your Lordships most Obedient
Robt Francis—
London December the 13th 1805
Lord Viscount Castlereagh
My Lord
At various times I have been necessitated to say much on the importance of forming the Submarine mode of warfare into a regular and permanent System, As there is now full proof of the powerful effects of the carcasses, and the great execution which maybe done with them, a well organized mode of acting should be adopted,
System in this business is the true and best Interest of government, I must also beg leave to state that in System, I have a great and important Interest, for without it there is little hope of my acquiring the emolument from my invention which I have a right to expect,
When I discovered this mode of destroying ships of war, I considered it as the basis of an ample fortune, And every experiment I have made has confirmed me in my opinion of its immense importance, and my high interest In it, Therefore while I frankly give you my opinion on what I conceive the best interest of government I must be excused if I begin to insist on what I conceive my personal rights.
Lord Melville with whome I contracted was Very friendly to my enterprise and I have now no doubt would have wrought it into a form to produce the greatest possible effect, Since his leaving the Admiralty I have waited from month to month, hoping Lord Barham would follow Lord Melvilles measures, but I have reason to believe he disapproves of the whole plan or is indifferent to it which is the same thing in effect, however as to my private Interest and the situation In which I Stand In this country I consider that of little consequence, though it may be of some importance to the nation,
My contract states a certain reward for every Vessel of an enemy which shall be destroyed by my engines in 14 years and His Majesty’s Dockyards and Arsenals are to furnish me the necessary means of applying the carcasses to the destruction of the enemy hence if they do not give me reasonable and efficient means, government do not fulfill their part of the contract, the enemy cannot be attacked nor destroyed however good and simple the engines may be, and my time is consumed to no purpose;
As a Neutral in this country I cannot have a command so as to direct my own enterprise, nor do I desire it nor have I a right to press my plans and opinions on the Admiralty, but I have a right to convert the result of my studies to my own emolument And having demonstrated their certain effects to the conviction of every reflecting mind I cannot undertake to contend with opinions or prejudices nor wait the indeterminate time which maybe necessary to produce a conviction of their utility to this country, I must therefore in justice to myself and in conformity to all my engagements with this government beg leave to state my final resolution, The Submarine mode of warfare must be organized so as to render it effecient, or I must abandon it and direct my attention to other pursuits equally Interesting to me, The principles on which I came to this country were changed from the first week of my arrival I came by the invitation of Lord Hawkesbury to satisfy ministers as to the truth of whether I had or had not invented a destructive engine which might be wielded, either for or against the fleets of this country, and on proving that the engine has powers superior to the methods at present in practice, I was to receive an adequate reward, leaving government to use or bury the invention in oblivion as they might think proper,
After what has been done I hope that the power of the carcasses, and the certain annihilation which must be the consequence of their right application will not be doubted, arrangement and ordinary courage are only wanting to produce the most brilliant success, and were it prosecuted according to the terms of my contract, I should acquire an immense fortune, the destruction of 30 Ships of the enemies line would entitle me to half their Value or more than a Million Sterling, hence were the System pursued to the annihilation of the enemies fleets, and it should be practised to their annihilation or abandoned such would be my reward, but I have no such Ambitious Views, tranquility and a much less sum will content me
I have now directed the construction of a store of engines, shewn their incalculable effects and the simple mode of using them, arrangement time and perseverance are only necessary to destroy every Ship of the Enemy, but as in this part of the business I can be of no use I do not at present see that I can be of any further material service In this system of warfare,
I therefore propose as the most equitable arrangement between his Majesty’s Ministers and me to revert to the principles which brought me to this country and finally settle with them,
Before I came to this country Ministers were desirous of knowing whether my invention was of a kind to be feared this has been proved in the affermetive, they have possessed themselves of it, may use it as they think proper and Averted all danger which might be apprehended this consideration alone is suffecient to justify ministers in granting me the terms which I shall propose and which being small compared, with the prospect of emolument before me will be infinately better terms for the nation than my existing contract
My Lord in making this statement I beg you to be assured that I am nowise discontented, with what has passed nor with the time lost. It has been caused by the natural Suit of Idea and demonstration necessary to open the mind to a new subject. And although I feel a high sense of my independence of the immense and incalculable consequences of my discovery, of the right which I have to dispose of it as I think proper and convert it to my own emolument or Ambition. In doing which I might change the whole politics of this country and even Europe* yet on a fair and honorable arrangement with this government there is nothing to be feared from me, I am perfectly satisfied with the conduct of Lord Melville, Mr. Pitt and your Lordship but Seeing that you have prejudices to combat and many difficulties to encounter, feeling also that I can be of no further use, and having other and previous engagements which I must In honor fulfill I wish a final and equitable settlement and on this business I beg to have the honor of seeing your Lordship and Mr. Pitt as soon as possible,
I have the honor to be your
Lordships most Obedient
Robt. Francis
*This will appear strong and extraordinary assertion for a simple individual, but if necessary I will prove such to be the natural consequence of the invention if prosecuted to the extent of its powers with the means which I possess. I alude to the Submarine boat or Vessel.
The following are the terms I propose the Sum and Conditions are Similar to those Specified in my letters sent by the agent of government from paris to Lord Hawkesbury