Robert Fulton and the Submarine

by William Barclay Parsons

Second

Let there also be Some hundreds of Bombs Submarine Constructed of Which there Are two Sorts one arranged with Clockwork in Such a manner as to Go off at any Given Period from 4 Minuets to 4 hours, the Other with a gun Lock as before mentioned So as to go off when it Strikes against a Vessel or when a Vessel runs Against it. Each of these carcasses is arranged So as to float from 4 to 15 feet under water in Proportion to the Water which the Vessels to be attacked Draws, And in this there are two advantages, the first is that the bomb is Invisible, the Second is that when the explosion takes place under water the Pressure of the colume of water to be removed forces the whole action of the powder Against the Vessel; it was the resistance of the water which caused the Sloop on which I proved the experiment to be reduced to Atoms; for Water when Struck Quick such as the Stroke of a cannon ball or the expansion of Powder acts like a Solid, and hence the whole force was Spent on the Sloop or rather passed through the Sloop in finding its Passage to the air by the perpendicular and Shortest line of Resistance—the Same effect would no doubt be produced on a Vessel of Any dimensions by applying a Proportionate Quantity of powder Such as 2, 3 or 4 hundred Weight,

Therefore being prepared with plunging boats and Bombs submarine let the business of the boats be to go with cargoes of bombs and let them loos withe the current into the harbours of Portsmouth, Plymouth, Torbey or elsewhere, those with their graplings floating under water could not be perceived Some would hook in the cables, bow or Stern, or touch in their Passage; many no doubt would miss but Some would hit go off and destroy the Vessels they touched, one or more Vessels Destroyed in a Port by such invisible agents would render it to dangerous to Admit of any Vessel remaining. And thus the enemy may At all times be attacked in their own Ports—and by a means at once cheap, Simple And I conceive certain in its operation. Another mode Should be to go with cargoes of Bombs and Anchor them in the entrance of rivers So as to cut off or Blockade the commerce 2 or 3 hundred for example Anchored in the Thames or the channels leading to the Thames would completely destroy the commerce of that river and Reduce London and the Cabinet of St. Jameses to any tirms; no Pilot could Steer clear of Such hidden dangers, no one dare to raise them even if hooked by graplings as they could not tell the moment they Might touch the Secret Spring which would cause the explosion and destruction of everything Around them. No Vessel could Pass without the utmost danger of running on one of them And her instant destruction, if this measure Should ever become necessary Some Vessels Will most certainly be destroyed and their Destruction alarm the whole commerce of the Thames, by this means the Thames may be blockaded and the trade of London completely stoped nor can the combined fleets of England prevent this Kind of attack—And this is Perhaps the most Simple and certain means of convincing England that Science can put her her in the Power of France and of compelling her to become a humble Pleader for the liberty of the Seas She now denies to her Neighbors—I therefore conceive that it will be good Policy to commence as Soon as Possible the construction of the Boats and bombs if they can be finished before the arrival of Peace their effects may be Proved during this War Should Peace be concluded before they are finished the experiments can be continued Men can be exersised in the use of the engines; And it is Probable in a few years England will See it her best policy never to give france reason to exersise this invention against her—if England cannot prevent the Blockade of the Thames by the means of plunging boats and Bombs submarine, of what use will be her boasted navy, the free Navigation of the Thames nourishes the immense commerce of London And the commerce of London is the Nerves and Vitals of the Cabinet of St. Jameses—convince England that you have the means of Stopping that Source of Riches—And She must Submit to your terms—

Thus Citizens I have presented you with a Short account of my experiments and Plan for using this invention Against the enemy, hoping that under your protection it will be carried to Perfection, and Practised to promote the Liberty of the Seas—

Health and Sincere Respect

Robert Fulton

After reading the above, the commissioners desired further information which Fulton gave in the following letter:

Complimentary day an 9

(i.e. September 20, 1801)

Robert Fulton to the Citizens Monge, La Place and Volney members of the National Institute and Commissioners appointed by the first Consul to Promote the invention of Submarine Navigation.

Citizens this morning I received yours of the 2d Comp^l As to the expence of Plunging boat, I believe when constructed in the best manner with every improvement which experience has Pointed out She cannot cost more than 80,000 Livers, the bombs Submarine may be estimated at 80 Livers each on An Average independent of the Powder.

I am Sorry that I had not earlyer information of the Consuls desire to See the Plunging boat, when I finished my experiments. She leaked Very much and being but an imperfect engine I did not think her further useful hence I took her to Pieces, Sold her Iron work lead and Cylenders and was necessitated to break the greater part of her movements In taking them to Pieces, So that nothing now remains which can give an Idea of her Combination, but even had She been complete I do not think She could have been brought round to Paris—You will be so good as to excuse me to the Premier Consul, when I refuse to exhibit my drawings to a committee of Engineers for this I have two reasons, the first is not to put it in the Power of any one to explain the Principles or movements least she Should Pass from one to another till they enemy obtained information, the Second is that I consider this invention as my Private Property the Perfectionment of which will give to france incalculable advantages over her most Powerful and Active enemy. And which invention I conceive aught to Secure to me an ample Independence, that consequently the Government Should Stipulate certain terms with me before I proceed to further explination: the first Consul is too Just and you know me too well to construe this Into an Avericious disposition in me.

I have now laboured 3 years and at considerable expence to Prove my experiments. And I find that a man who wishes to Cultivate the useful Arts cannot make rapid Progress without Sufficient funds to put his Sucession of Ideas to immediate Proof—And which Sufficiency I conceive this invention Should Secure to me, You have intimated that the movements and combination of So interesting an engine Should be confided to trusty Persons least any accident Should happen to me, this Precaution I took Previous to my departure from Paris for my last experiment by Placing correct Drawings of the machine and every improvement with their descriptions In the hands of a friend So that any engineer capable of constructing a Steam engine could make the Plunging Boat and Carcasses or Bombs. You will therefore be so good as to beg of the first consul to permit you to treat with me on this business, And on this Point I hope there will not be much difficulty

Health and Sincere respect

(Signed) Robert Fulton

From the above letter it appears that Napoleon had expressed a wish to inspect the Nautilus, which was prevented by Fulton having destroyed her immediately after the termination of the experiments. Had she been saved what an intensely interesting exhibit she would make today!

Fulton’s haste in dismantling her is quite on a par with his refusal to exhibit his drawings on the ground that they were his private property. Apparently he expected the French government to adopt his ideas on his own statement of facts and unverified interpretation of his experiments. In his impetuosity and lack of judgment he could not see that he was defeating his own purposes.

The Brest experiments not only repeated the success shown at Havre, but gave evidence of improvements as was recognized by the authorities. Their attitude is perhaps shown by the Préfet Maritime at Brest who after witnessing the tests was forced to approve the Nautilus and all of Fulton’s claims, but added, “This manner of making war against an enemy carries the adverse criticism that the person using the device and sinking with it would be lost. Certainly that is not a death for military men.” How little did the estimable and high-minded préfet foresee the ruthless methods of warfare to be employed in another century.

Delpeuch asks what were the reasons that prevented use being made of the Nautilus or at least from trying it, and in answering his own question says that it is a mystery that has been impossible to clear away. There was no mystery. All innovations, and perhaps particularly so in connection with ships, have been forced on the world against the opposition of those to be directly benefited. It was so with Fulton’s submarine, and later with his steamboat. The change from side wheels to propellers, the use of metal for hulls, the introduction of watertight bulkheads and the elimination of sails were all adopted only after long delay and strong antagonism, due to the same official and unreasoning opposition.

Realization of defeat came slowly to Fulton, and was all the more bitter because it came so. He returned to Paris from Brest elated by his success in demonstrating the value of the improvements to his previous design. He expected to be notified immediately that his offer had been accepted. As the days passed without word from Bonaparte, certainty of victory first gave way to doubt, then doubt to hope, and finally hope was changed to despair. In his impatience he wrote a personal letter to Bonaparte. This letter dated 19 Fructidor an IX (16 Sept., 1801) urging and begging favorable action is still preserved in the Archives Nationales at Paris.

Bonaparte made no reply.

He had made up his mind to travel the road that led to St. Helena. Although he gave Fulton no answer, it is reported that he spoke of Fulton as being a charlatan and a swindler, intent only on extorting money.

There is one piece of evidence showing that Bonaparte subsequently regretted his action and realized the value that Fulton and his inventions might have been to him. Desbrière in his book entitled “1793–1805, Projets et Tentatives de Débarquement aux Iles Britanniques,” quotes a letter written on July 21st to M. de Champagny, at that time Counsellor of State in the Marine department:[^[4]]

I have just read the proposition of Citizen Fulton that you have sent to me much too late to permit it to change the face of the world. However I desire that you will immediately refer its examination to a commission composed of members chosen from the different classes of the Institute. It is there that the wisdom of Europe should seek judges to solve the problem in question. As soon as the report is made it will be transmitted to you and you will send it to me. Be sure that this will not take more than a week.

Desbrière states that the year when this letter was written is commonly put down as 1804. But he points out that in July of that year Fulton was in England and Champagny in Austria. The year was probably 1803, because in July, 1803, Fulton was exhibiting a steam-propelled boat on the Seine, concerning which innovation an official of the Navy department would undoubtedly have informed the First Consul.

During the agonizing period of waiting for an answer to his personal letter to Bonaparte, from which he had the right to expect some acknowledgment at least in view of the high standing of his introducers, Fulton still hoped. But when he heard that Bonaparte had characterized him as a swindler, he knew that all was ended, and that the door to further progress in France had been shut and finally barred. This was something much more to Fulton than a mere refusal of an inventor’s offer of an incomplete device. Such a refusal he could have endured with courage and some equanimity. He had gone through similar painful experiences with his canal schemes and his various excavating machines. Now he had to suffer that disappointment and in addition the still harder blow of having his altruistic offer of service and his views on political philosophy rejected with slanderous contempt to which he was powerless to reply. His writings show that his heart was as much set on his conception of liberty and freedom as on his mechanical contrivances.

After his defeat, one that Fulton recognized as final so far as France was concerned, he laid aside permanently his long cherished plans for constructing small canals, and temporarily his consideration of submarine warfare, to devote his attention to the development of a boat propelled by a steam engine. His only subsequent move to promote a system of canals coupled with his scheme to overcome differences in elevations by inclined planes was in a letter to Albert Gallatin, dated Washington, Dec. 8, 1807. Gallatin was then Secretary of the Treasury of the United States and was about to issue in pursuance of a resolution of the Senate a report upon “Public Roads and Canals.” Fulton in his long letter, that Gallatin made a part of his report, urged the construction of canals in preference to highways. Engrossed, however, in his steamboat to which, following the rejection of the Nautilus, he had thrown his impetuous energy, Fulton made no effort personally to carry his canal plans into execution either in France or the United States.

In 1801, Robert R. Livingston had arrived in France as American Minister to the French Government. He and Fulton met at the critical period in the latter’s career. The statesman, whose mind was sympathetic to the consideration of mechanical applications, soon became interested in his countryman’s projects. Stimulated by Livingston’s personal encouragement and supported by his financial aid, Fulton pushed his studies of a practical steam engine for navigation and entered into correspondence with Messrs. Boulton and Watt, then the most prominent builders of engines in England. The junior member of this firm was the famous James Watt (1736–1819), the discoverer of the principle that power could be produced from the elastic energy of steam, and the inventor of the steam condensing engine. Livingston as an individual with his own limited resources was about to accomplish in a few years a complete revolution of vessel propulsion that Napoleon with the almost unlimited resources of France could have done in much less time, certainly in time to offset England’s superiority on the high seas. Livingston with greater vision seized the opportunity that Napoleon rejected. But with this we are not concerned.

While Fulton was working under Livingston’s direction, the British Government was not unmindful of what he had done in the matter of submarine experiments. They had a secret service at work in enemy lands as other governments have done before and since. In England there were some men in authority who appreciated the possibilities lying dormant in the scheme of under-water attack.

In the British naval archives there has recently been found the following letter with its enclosure, recording the information possessed by the government and sent confidentially to the naval commanders that they might be on their guard against attack, if, perchance, any of Fulton’s boats should have been made secretly and unknown to the British navy. The British authorities did not deceive themselves, nor were they oblivious of the latent merits and actual accomplishments of Fulton’s design.

SECRET

CIRCULAR

Adml. Lord Keith

Sheerness.

Admiral Montagu /20th/

Portsmouth.

Rear Adml. Montagu

Downs.

Honbl. Adml. Cornwallis /20th/

at Sea.

Adml. Sir Jno. Colpoys, K. B. /20th/

Plymouth.

Admiralty Office,

19th June, 1803.

My Lord,

My Lords Commissioners of the Admty. having been informed that a plan has been concerted by Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, under the influence of the First Consul of the French Republic, for destroying the Maritime Force of this Country; I am commanded by their Lordships to send you herewith the substance of the information they have received relative thereto, that you may be apprised thereof, in order to your taking such measures as may appear to you necessary for frustrating any attempt on the part of the Enemy, connected therewith.

I have the Honour to be,

etc.

(Signed) Evan Nepean

(ENCLOSURE)

Mr. Fulton, an American resident at Paris, has constructed a Vessel in which he has gone down to the bottom of the Water, and has remained thereunder for the space of seven Hours, at one time—that he has navigated the said Vessel, under water, at the rate of two Miles and an half per Hour; that the said sub-marine Vessel is uncommonly managable, and that the whole plan to be effected by means thereof, may be easily executed, and without much risk; That the Ships and Vessels in the port of London are liable to be destroyed with ease, and that the Channel of the River Thames may be ruined; and that it has been proved that only twentyfive pounds of weight of Gunpowder was sufficient to have dashed a Vessel to pieces off Brest, tho’ externally applied.

But Fulton contributed directly to the information possessed by the British Government of what he had been doing and what he had in mind. He himself states that he wrote to his old friend the Earl of Stanhope giving him “general ideas of my plans and experiments.” Stanhope became so much interested, or “alarmed,” as Fulton puts it, that he made a public speech on the matter in the House of Lords. The speech by the Earl and the confidential information secured by the Admiralty led the British authorities to open communication with Fulton and finally, though without great difficulty, to induce him to go to England. They saw that it would be better to have the ingenious American a friend on their side rather than attached to the enemy’s cause. But let Fulton tell this story in his own words as given in the manuscript that he left with Consul Lyman to be delivered to Mr. Barlow in the event of his being lost on the voyage home. This paper will be subsequently called the “Descriptions” as named by Fulton.

Chapter V
THE “DRAWINGS AND DESCRIPTIONS”

Motives for inventing submarine Navigation and attack,

Statement of the causes which brought me to England, reflections on the prospect of emolument held out to me by Lord Hawkesbury, and again under the Contract with Mr. Pitt and Lord Melville,

Statement of the Sums received and disbursed by me.

Robert Fulton

Motive for inventing Submarine Navigation and attack.

Having contemplated the Federal government of the united States; the Vast country comprised in them which gives room for 120 Millions of inhabitents; Seeing the rapid increase of their population and consequently of their industry and commerce; A people without colonies and who did not desire to have any; Without Enemies on their frontiers, and having nothing to contend for but a rational intercourse with foreign nations by sea; which intercourse would be interrupted on every war which might take place between England and France or between European nations; and cause Vexatious feuds and parties in America, which might lead to marine and army establishments, to alliences offensive and defensive with European states, thereby direct the ambition of individuals to Military fame and the people to warlike pursuits; and all their complication of evils; which might finally divide the states, and destroy a system which should progress as near as man is capable, to the perfection of civilization.

MANUSCRIPT PAGES WITH FULTON’S SIGNATURE

I was to prevent the possibility of all such consequences; by destroying the principles which lead to them; that induced me at first to contemplate a plan which might destroy all Military marines and give liberty to the seas; But I did not hope to neutralize military marines by a confederation of maritime states; Henry the Fourt of France, and the Abbey St. Pierre with all their influence endavoured in vain to preserve peace in Europe by a confederation of States and a congress [of st] to decide on grievances;

I therefore looked to the arts for effecient means; and after some months study found that only two things were wanting: First to navigate under water, which I soon discovered was within the limits of physics, Second to find an easy mode of destroying a ship; which after a little time I discovered might be done by the explosion of some pounds of powder under her bottom; Being convinced of the practicability of two such engines, I commenced drawings on their combinations; and calculations on their power and effects; which occupied me near nine months. I then began my experiments first on a small and then on a large scale; and in two years was so wellsatisfied with my success and that everything which I had contemplated might be performed; that I wrote to the Earl of Stanhope and gave him general Ideas of my plan and experiments; His Lordships mathematical mind soon opened to him the practicability and ultimate consequences of such a System; he felt alarmed and as we all know spoke of it in the house of Lords; which excited much public curiosity And Some ridicule; on the justice of which Gentlemen will now have the opportunity of judging; however still anxious on a subject which his talents gave him a facility to understand; he took the trouble about the year 1803 to form a committe of Gentlemen to consider the principles and powers of my inventions, and get all possible information on the progress I had made, which committee I believe made a report to the then Minister Lord Sydmouth; whose attention was awakened to it; about this time May 1803 there was an english Gentleman in London who had known me for some years in Paris; Dr. Grigory became acquainted with him; had many conversations with him on my plan and its consequences if carried into effect; the Dr. Communicated what he had learned to Lord Sydmouth and it was agreed to send the Gentleman to Paris to induce me to come to London; when he communicated his mission to me, he said the British Government wished to us my submarine Vessel against the French fleets; I replied that in this there must be some mistake that it was neither the interest nor policy of the British government to Introduce such a Vessel into practice; he Said on consideration that might be true; but Ministers wished to be fully acquainted with the properties of my inventions; and wished me out of France and in England; that would I go over and explain to them my engines I should be rewarded in proportion to their Value; I asked if he had any written proof that such was their intention; he said no, that it was too dangerous to carry letters on such a subject; but as a proof of their liberality and the prospect which I had of being treated in like manner; they had given him 800 £ to pay his expences and mine in bringing me over; Knowing the Gentleman to be a man of Integrity; I believed such might be the wish of Ministers, Yet I would not move without some plan and written proof of their intention. I therefore desired him to return with the following proposals and if Ministers agreed to them I would come over,

First, For leaving France and the pursuits which at present occupy me, and for going to England I [demand] require the sum of Ten thousand Pounds;

Second, On my arrival in London Government shall within three weeks, mane a committe to examin the following principles of submarine Navigation and attack;