Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650 / Rendered into modern English by Harold Paget

by William Bradford

CHAPTER V

Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to sending the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent holding to each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624.

The time for the election of the officers for the year having come, the number of people having increased and the business of government accordingly, the Governor desired them to change the officials and renew the election and give the Governor more assistants for his help and advice, pointing out that if it was an honour or advantage it was only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden,—as doubtless it was,—it was but fair that others should help to bear it, and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the annual elections. The outcome was that whereas before there had been only one assistant they now chose five, giving the Governor a double voice; and afterwards they increased them to seven. This plan has been continued to this day.

Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and rigged their pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent her well-victualed to the eastward, fishing. She arrived safely at a place called Damariscove, and was well harboured where ships were accustomed to anchor, with some other ships from England, already there. But shortly after there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, that the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat such a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have been driven through, and then she drifted into deep water, where she lay sunk. The captain was drowned; the rest of the men, except one, with difficulty saved their lives; all her provisions, salt, etc., were lost. And here I must leave her to lie till afterwards.

Some of those who still remained here on private venture, began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the community. The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate on the same terms as the other private settlers, with the additional stipulation that they should be bound to remain here till the general partnership was concluded; and that they should pay into the common store one half of all the goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred for them; and some other similar details. When this liberty was granted the defection soon stopped, for but few took this course when they came to consider it, and the rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that they had been told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that no more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that the private settlers had friends at home who would do I know not what for them.

Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and brought a pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship sent for fishing,—an enterprise never successful with the colony. He brought three heifers and a bull,—the first cattle in the country,—some clothing and other necessaries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers against the colonists, and especially against sending the rest from Leyden. He related with what difficulty the present supply was procured, and that by their strong and long opposition his departure had been so delayed that not only had they now arrived too late for the fishing season here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west country and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he could procure. Some letters from the adventurers will make these things clearer.

James Sherley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Most worthy and loving Friends,

Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks.... It has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with men and necessaries both for the settlement and fishing,—though with very great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who undoubtedly serve their private ends, and thwart the others here, and worthy instruments of God’s glory elsewhere,[5] rather than aiming at the general good and furtherance of this noble enterprise. Still we have many others,—I hope the majority,—very honest Christian men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for the glory of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, and the hope of gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of God. But as the proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole flock,—so these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they can to draw men’s hearts from you and your friends, and from the general business,—even with a show of godliness and zeal for the plantation. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the honester hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear at our last meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself with these restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, will be continual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On Thursday, Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us, at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you to grant in our recent letters,—an addition to the period of our joint stock. Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled their conscience to exact longer time from you than had been agreed upon at first. That evening, however, they were so confused and wearied by their own perverse contentions, that they even offered to sell their adventures,—and some were willing to buy. But I, thinking it would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do us more harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another meeting. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we had the friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies offered to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine—I would you could do the like—which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn the hearts of men when it pleases Him.... Thus loving friends, I heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,

Yours to my power,
JAMES SHERLEY.

Jan. 25th, 1623.

Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth:

Beloved Sir,

We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish three things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you can master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert yourselves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, and sent to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, whom, once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The boat-builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and will no doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command over his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, though none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, use your own liberty and discretion; he knows he has no authority among you, though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget himself. Mr. Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy some here, and we see no reason against it except his large family of children.

We have taken a patent for Cape Ann....

I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters home.[6] Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so on. I wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the whole plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better disposed; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it.

I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have run into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James, will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God give us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection.

Your assured friend,
R. C.

Jan. 24th, 1623.

With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent various charges against the colony, of which he writes thus: “These are the chief objections which those just returned raise against you and the country. I pray you consider them, and answer them at your first convenience.”

These objections were made by some of those who came over on private enterprise, and had returned home as before mentioned; they were of the same kind as those the last letter mentions. I shall record them here, with the answers made to them and sent over at the return of this ship. The fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, and others denied what they had said and ate their words; some have since come over again, and have lived here to convince themselves sufficiently.

Obj. 1. Diversity of religious beliefs.

Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been any controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we came.

Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord’s day.

Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have showed their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of it kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. But, to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better example.

Obj: 3. Want of both the sacraments.

Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have the Lord’s supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were children to baptise.

Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read.

Ans: Neither is true—several take pains with their own, as well as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin.

Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not work for the community.

Ans: This also is not wholly true: for though some do it unwillingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst of them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse them, but try to reform them the best we can,—or else quit the settlement of them.

Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome.

Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer in London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them; but for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it.

Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass.

Ans: Here, as everywhere, some ground is better, some worse. The cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be; we wish we had but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and know the contrary.

Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet.

Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught; things likely to be true in a country where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour.

Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another.

Ans: If London had been free from that crime, we should not have been troubled with it here. It is well known that several have smarted well for it—and so are the rest likely to do whenever they are caught.

Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves.

Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps, and other such means will help to destroy them.

Obj. 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson’s Bay, and are likely to overthrow the trade.

Ans: They would come and settle here as well, if we and others did not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend them, than condemn them for it.

Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes.

Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations and colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would wish such to keep at home,—at least till they be mosquito proof. But this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be,—and in the end scarcely any at all.

Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert two letters from Mr. Robinson, their pastor; the one to the Governor, the other to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which will throw much light on what has gone before, and show the tender love and care of a true pastor towards them.

John Robinson at Leyden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:

My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved, preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of many that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours equal to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we have never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. Our love and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of coming to you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at large in Mr. Brewster’s letter, with whom you mutually communicate your letters, I know, as I desire you may do these, etc.

Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish Christians?[7] Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had to consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were by necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many I cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been enough, according to the approved rule,—the punishment to a few, and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and meek among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, but if this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to fear that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image, which is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men’s eyes, than pleasing in God’s, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor barbarous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world. I doubt not that you will take in good part these things that I write, and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we were present, to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that cannot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and wait God’s appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither money to send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. They deny it to be any part of the agreement between us that they should transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them till means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and yours. Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to them which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with you, resting,

Yours truly loving,
JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Dec. 19th, 1623.

John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth:

Loving and dear friend and brother,

What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I most gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. Brewster’s weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the coming of her daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former ships, which makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of our desired transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: for first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so many uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle, still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised to take its place. In order to understand this better, we must divide the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six (as I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another five or six are openly our bitter adversaries; the rest—the main body,—are I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us; but they have other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer to them than we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict with ours, they would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull these men have with the professors, you know; and I am convinced that they, of all others, are unwilling I should be transported; especially such of them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing that if I go there, their market will be marred in many respects. As for these adversaries, if they have but half as much wit as malice, they will stop my going as soon as they see it is intended; and as one restive jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can draw forward, so it will be in this case. A clear proof of this they gave in your messenger’s presence, binding the company to promise that none of the money now subscribed should be expended to help any of us over to you.

Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawful for you,—a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as distinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the word and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, to administer them,—nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any learned man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must Consilium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable to His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen.

Your very loving brother,
JOHN ROBINSON.

Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623.

These matters premised, I will now proceed with my account of affairs here. But before I come to other things I must say a word about their planting this year. They felt the benefit of their last year’s harvest; for by planting corn on their own account they managed, with a great deal of patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a saying of Seneca’s (Epis. 123): that an important part of liberty is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers now began to consider corn more precious than silver; and those that had some to spare began to trade with the others for small things, by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc.; for they had no money, and if they had, corn was preferred to it. In order that they might raise their crops to better advantage, they made suit to the Governor to have some land apportioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly lot, whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought under good culture one year, would change hands the next, and others would reap the advantage; with the result that the manuring and culture of the land were neglected. It was well considered, and their request was granted. Every person was given one acre of land, for them and theirs, and they were to have no more till the seven years had expired; it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might be kept close together, for greater safety and better attention to the general employments. This often makes me think of what Pliny (lib. 18, cap. 2) says of the Romans’ first beginnings in the time of Romulus—how everyone contented himself with two acres of land, and had no more assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of Rome. And long after, the most generous present given to a Captain who had won a victory over their enemies, was as much ground as he could till in one day; in fact a man was not considered a good but a dangerous citizen, who was not content with seven acres of land; also how they used to pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to do for many years, until they got a mill.

The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, and, with her captain and crew was sent out fishing to Cape Ann, where they had got a patent, as mentioned above. As the season was so far advanced, some of the planters were sent to help to build the landing stage, to their own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness of the year, and more especially to the bad character of the captain, one Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very drunken beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and consume time and victuals, most of the crew following his example; and though Mr. William Pierce was superintending the business and was to captain the ship home, he could do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and would have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, which was a help to them.

The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was an honest and very industrious man. He and his assistants quickly built two good strong shallops, which afterwards did them great service, and a strong lighter; and he had hewn timber for two catches, when he fell sick with fever in the hot season of the year, and though he had the best attention the place could afford, he died. He was a very great loss, and they were very sorry for his death.

But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish, self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great things in making salt-works; so he was sent to seek out fit ground for the purpose; and after some search he told the Governor that he had found a suitable place, with a good bottom to hold water, and otherwise very convenient, which he doubted not, in a short time could be brought to perfection, and yield them great profit; but he must have eight or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make sure the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would incur great expense by employing himself and so many men. But he was, after some trial, so confident, that he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end it all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in which he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have the lighter to carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, though the Governor and some others saw that this would come to little good, they had so many malignant spirits amongst them who, in their letters to the adventurers, would have blamed them for not letting him bring his work to perfection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, had so wound himself into the high esteem of some here, that they decided to let him go on till everyone saw his vanity. In the end all he could do was to boil salt in pans, and yet tried to make those who worked with him believe there was a great mystery in it, and used to make them do unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through his deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and the pans were set up where the fishing was; but before the summer was out he had burnt the house, and the fire was so fierce that it spoiled the pans,—at least some of them; and this was the end of that expensive business.

The third person of importance mentioned in the letters was the minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and whose doings I must be more lengthy, though I will abridge as much as I can. When this man first came ashore, he saluted them with such reverence and humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have kissed their hands if they had allowed him. He wept and shed many tears, blessing God Who had brought him to see their faces, admiring what they had done in their need, as if he had been made all of love and was the humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judge by his after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm x, 10: who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. xli, 6), who, when he had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, and met them who were coming to offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia—when he meant to slay them.

They gave him the best entertainment they could in all simplicity, and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had; and as the Governor in all weighty affairs had consulted their elder, Mr. Brewster, and his assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, to the council with them, on the most important matters. After a short time he desired to become a member of the church here, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his being entangled with many corruptions which had been a burden to his conscience and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people, with many similar expressions.

I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who joined him in his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction among the private settlers, and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of the ship with supplies he opened his mind to some of the chief members here, and confessed that he had done them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to England; that he now saw the eminent hand of God was with them, which made his heart smite him; and he assured them that his friends in England should never use him against them again. He begged them that former things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one who desired to support them in every way,—and such like expressions. Whether this was hypocrisy or some sudden pang of conviction (which I rather think), God only knows. However, they at once showed themselves ready to embrace him in all friendliness, and called him to the council with them, on all the chief affairs without any distrust at all.

Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and smoothly amongst them, at which they rejoiced. But it did not last long, for both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could. No matter how vile or profane, they backed the delinquents in all they did so long as they would but uphold them and speak against the church here; so that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them. Thus they fed themselves and others with what they would accomplish in England through their friends there, bringing others as well as themselves into a fool’s paradise. However, they could not be so secret but that much of their doings and sayings was discovered; though outwardly they still showed a fair face.

At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered that Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters and could not forbear to communicate with his intimates such things therefrom as made them laugh in their sleeves, thinking he had done their errands satisfactorily. The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how matters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a shallop and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, and called for Lyford’s and Oldham’s letters. Mr. William Pierce being captain of the ship, and knowing well the mischief they made both here and in England, afforded them all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of Lyford’s letters, many of them long and full of slanders and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass, but took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and kept the originals, lest he should deny that he had written them. Amongst them they found copies of two which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of these two letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend. They were lying sealed in the main cabin; and whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly mischief-maker opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, but adds in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations!

The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the Governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, as they heard nothing, they were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing was known, and all had gone well for them, and that the Governor had only gone to despatch his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the rest took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that they might the better discover their intention and see who were their adherents; for, amongst others they had found a letter from one of their confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship was gone, they intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc.

As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was so bad a scribe that his hand was scarcely legible; but he was as deeply involved as the other. So, thinking they were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at everything. Oldham being told off to stand watch according to order, refused to come, calling the captain a beggarly rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, but had merely required him with all fairness to do his duty. The Governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it; but Oldham ramped more like a furious beast than a man, and called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he had been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some slight punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending further censure.

But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that Lyford with his accomplices, without speaking one word to either the Governor, the Church, or the elder, withdrew themselves, and held a separate public meeting on the Lord’s day; and with many such insolent doings, too long to relate here, began to act publicly what they had been plotting privately. It was thought high time to prevent further mischief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a court, and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged Lyford and Oldham with their guilt. But they were stubborn, and resolutely denied the charges, and required proof. The court first alleged that from what had been written to them from England, and from their practises here, it was evident they were plotting against them, and disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and church estate, which was most injurious to the colony; for both they and all the world knew that they had come here to enjoy liberty of conscience and the free use of God’s ordinances, and for that end had ventured their lives and had already passed through so much hardship; and they and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, which was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his part was sent over at their expense, and that both he and his large family were maintained by them; that he had joined the church, and was a member of it; and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin, was most unjust and perfidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over at his own expense, and were on their own resources, they had been received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek shelter and protection under its wings, being unable to stand alone; but as the hedgehog in the fable, whom the coney on a stormy day invited in pity into her burrow, would not be content to share it with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor coney out, so these men, with similar injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who entertained them.

Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people in England, or knew their plans, and pretended similar ignorance of the other charges. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at which he was struck dumb. But Oldham began to rage furiously, that they had intercepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in very high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and mutinous manner called upon the people, saying,—My masters, where are your hearts? Now show your courage; you have often complained to me so and so; now is the time; if you will do anything, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed and flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent uttered anything to him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he was disappointed; not a man opened his mouth, for all were struck silent by the injustice of the thing.

Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if they thought he had done wrong to open his letters; but he was silent and dare not say a word, knowing well what they might reply. Then the Governor explained to the people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was bound to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to the colony. But Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters, and opened them, and sent copies of them with disgraceful annotations to his friends in England. Then the Governor produced them and his other letters under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them read before all the people: at which all his friends were blank, and had not a word to say.

It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here—they would almost fill a volume—though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the chief things from them, with the answers to them as they were then given, as instances.

1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here except its members; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had but company with which to live elsewhere.

Ans: Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts; for they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good,—or at least do them no harm; and that there were many who would not live elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them.

2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, they soon disliked them, etc.

Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for they had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such who came to them.

3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men may be reproved as well as humble.

Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without truth or colour of truth—as was proved to his face—and that they had taught and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford.

4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell with them, or to exchange one commodity for another.

Ans: This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or exchanged with them as often as they pleased—and also both lent and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the company’s supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed this defaulter—who was one of these private settlers—by excusing and extenuating him; but upon this ground he built this mischievous and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin: Bad logic for a divine!

5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private settlers, on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistence.

Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they had turned none upon their own resources who had not of their own importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained them to do it. They appealed to the persons themselves for the truth of it, and they testified against him before all present, and that they had no cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage.

6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it seemed strange that some should be allowed 16 lbs. of meal per week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems that some men’s bellies and mouths are very little and slender compared with others!

Ans: This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he wrote his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for it; but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers had no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who came in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen months on the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of meal and peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, when fish and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at liberty to make their own provisions in addition. But some of those who came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and others who were to follow constant employment and had not an hour’s time from their labour to provide food besides their allowance,—such workers had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and afterwards, when fish and other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 lbs., or some of them 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who had time to plant corn for themselves, even though they received but 4 lbs. of meal a week from the store, lived better than the others, as was well known. And it must be remembered that Lyford and his family had always the highest allowance.

He accused them of many other things in his letters such as of great waste of tools and utensils—though he knew that an honest man was appointed to look after these very things; and of this, when it came to be examined, all the instances he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshead or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left carelessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what came from a minister would pass for true. He told them that Winslow had said that there were not above seven of the adventurers who sought the good of the colony; and he ended by saying that the faction here matched the Jesuits for cunning.

Finally he gave his friends advice and directions:

1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr. William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow’s place as agent, or it could not be prevented.

2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £10, the bill being taken out in the servant’s name, and then assigned to the party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means of strengthening the private settlers.

3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to take command, he was sure he would be elected, for “this Captain Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt.”

4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they could not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or four miles, and showing that there were far better places for a settlement than this.

5. Lastly, he concluded that if neither of these thing were accomplished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he added: “Since I began to write, some letters have come from your company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things. I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc.”

I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and shall now return to their proceedings with him. After reading his letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say in defence. But all the answer he made was that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and had made sundry complaints,—which they now denied. He was asked if that was sufficient ground for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by letter, never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And so they went on from point to point, and demanded that neither he nor his confederates should spare them, if they had any proof or witness of wrong doing on their part. He said he had been misinformed, and so had wronged them. And this was all the answer they could get; for none would take his part, and Billington and others whom he named denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and that, on the other hand, he would have drawn them to such and such things, which they had declined to do, though they had sometimes attended his meetings. Then they taxed him with dissembling about the church, professing to concur with them in everything; and with the large confession he made at his admittance, not considering himself a minister till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated himself from them, and drew a number away and would administer the sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking a word to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and, bursting into tears, confessed: he feared he was a reprobate; his sins were so great he doubted if God would pardon them; he was unsavoury salt, etc.; he had so wronged them that he could never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against them was false and empty, both in matter and manner—and all this as completely as words and tears could express.

After their trial and conviction the court censured them to be expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife and family had leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Lyford had leave to stay six months,—with some eye to remission of the sentence if he behaved himself well in the meantime, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was far less than he deserved.

Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in the church, more fully than before. I shall here record it, taken down in his own words. He acknowledged that he had done very evil, and had slanderously abused them. He had thought that most of the people would take part with him, and he would carry all with a strong hand against them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his writings, and blessed God they were intercepted. He had listened to any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all good; and if God should make him a vagabond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. He confessed three things to be the cause of his doings: pride, vainglory, and self-love—amplifying these generalities with many other sad expressions in particular.

They began to conceive well of him again after his repentance, and admitted him to preach amongst them as before; and Samuel Fuller, a deacon, and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken in by his signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed.

But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze all others who come to hear of it,—for a rarer precedent can hardly be shown,—was, that after a month or two notwithstanding all his former convictions, confessions, and public acknowledgments, both in the face of the church and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures of himself before God and man, he should try again to justify what he had done.

For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers in England, in which he justified all his former writings,—except as regards some things in which he had disparaged them,—which, as it is briefer than the former, I will here insert:

John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England:

Worthy Sirs,

Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth may not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor injurious dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have ventured once more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt very indiscreetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote to private friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the like, which I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to it by seeing the indiscreet courses of others, both here and with you there, for effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for it, and do to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The said letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under sentence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, and some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace to England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive better encouragement from you than from the church (as they call themselves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I came, so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the place, though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages ten times already. I suppose my letters,—or at least copies of them,—came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take notice of this: that I have written nothing but what is certainly true, and could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not to make myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the care of whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the means of salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the members forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the ministry, believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry for the conversion of those outside the church, so that some of the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was censured for preaching to all in general; though, in reality, they have had no ministry here since they came, but such as might be performed by any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they equivocate about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the bounds I set myself; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it come within the time limited me, I rest, etc.

Remaining yours ever,
JOHN LYFORD, Exile.

Aug. 22nd, 1624.

They made brief answer to some things in this letter, but referred chiefly to their former one to this effect: That if God in His providence had not brought all this to their notice, they might have been traduced, abused, calumniated, overthrown, and undone; and never have known by whom or for what. They desired but this just favour; that the adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice and reason, and then censure as they pleased.

I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not longer than was necessary. But I will revert to other things.

To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. Some of the fishing boats’ captains said it was a pity that so fine a vessel should be lost, and sent them word that if they would bear the expense, they would show them how to float her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sent men for the purpose and beaver to defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim I know not how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and hauled her ashore with many hands in a convenient place where she could be worked at; and then set several carpenters to work at her, and others to saw planks, and at last fitted her, and got her home. But it cost a great deal of money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails for her, both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved an expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter in great secrecy; but the party entrusted with it gave it to the Governor.

The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any special matter worth noting,—except that many who before stood somewhat aloof from the church, now seeing Lyford’s unjust dealing and malignity, came forward and were made members, stating that it was not out of dislike of anything that they had stood off so long, but a desire to fit themselves better for such a state; and that they now saw that the Lord called for their help.

And so these troubles produced an effect on several here quite contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it was recognized as a great work of God, to draw men to him by unlikely means, and such as, in reason, might have been calculated to alienate them. And thus I shall end this year.