Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650 / Rendered into modern English by Harold Paget

by William Bradford

CHAPTER XVI

Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London partners withhold the accounts of the partnership—The French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut River—Mr. Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635.

Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the more so owing to the large consignment of fur he brought with him, which came safely to hand and was well sold. He was given to understand that all the accounts would be cleared up before his return, and all former differences settled, and that the account of the White Angel would not be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some complaints made against the country at the Council, more particularly concerning their neighbours at the Bay than themselves, which he did to good effect, at the same time furthering the interests of the colonies as a whole, as regards the encroachments of the French and other strangers, with a view to preventing them for the future, he took the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, the Commissioners for the Colonies.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies in America:

The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the Colonies in New England:

Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners have settled in New England under his majesty’s most gracious protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the land between them; for which purpose the French on the east side entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away the goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest prisoners with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made entry along the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty’s letters patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel your petitioners who are also established on the same river, maintaining possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the risk of both their lives and goods.

In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray that your Lordships will either procure their peace with those foreign states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and the English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign enemies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc.

This petition was well received by most of them, and Mr. Winslow was heard several times by them, and appointed to attend for an answer from their Lordships, having shown how this might be done without any expense or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men there authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a way as would avoid public disturbance. But this interfered with both Sir Ferdinand Gorges’ and Captain Mason’s plans, with whom the Archbishop of Canterbury was in league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by the Archbishop’s favour, was to have been sent over to the country as Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. The Archbishop’s intention was to send over officials with him, furnished with episcopal power, to disturb the peace of the churches here, overthrow their proceedings, and stop their further growth. But it fell out by God’s providence, that though in the end they prevented this petition from taking any further effect, his plot with Sir Ferdinand came to nothing.

So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have his petition granted, he found that the Archbishop had checked it. However, hoping to obtain it nevertheless, he went to the Board again; but he found that the Archbishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured Morton, the man referred to previously, to present complaints. Mr. Winslow answered them to the satisfaction of the Board, who checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges and Mason for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about many things. He accused him of preaching in the church publicly,—with which Morton had charged him, affirming that he had seen and heard him do it; to which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his brethren. The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage; to which he replied that as a magistrate he had occasionally married some of the people, pointing out to their Lordships that marriage was a civil institution, and that he nowhere found in the word of God that it belonged to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had no minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he himself had been married in Holland by the magistrates in their Stadt-house. To be short, in the end the Archbishop, by his vehement importunity, got the Board at last to consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned in the Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could get released. This was the end of the petition; but the scheme of the others was frustrated too, which was no small blessing to the people over here. The expense to this colony was heavy, though it was undertaken as much, or more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. Winslow was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, though it had to bear the whole expense.

As to their own business, whatever Mr. Sherley’s intention was before, he now declared plainly that he would neither take the White Angel from the general account, nor present any further account till he had received more goods; that though a fair supply had been sent over this time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow said he could not help, because of his imprisonment. However, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of attorney under their hands and seals to recover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the White Angel’s account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts, nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those at New Plymouth to act upon it. I will here insert a few passages from Mr. Sherley’s letters about these things.

James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth:

I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver and otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely. We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings per lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per lb. I have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to Mr. Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say the six years have expired during which the people put the trade of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our disbursements and engagements were met. You think this has been done already; we know otherwise.... I doubt not we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton towards meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly gave a bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has often affirmed with great protestations that neither you nor we should lose a penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough to meet it, so that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding his unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice remember mercy, and do not all you might do.... Let us get out of debt, and then let us survey the matter reasonably.... Mr. Winslow has undergone an unjust imprisonment but I am convinced it will result to your general advantage. I leave it to him to tell all particulars....

Your loving friend,
JAMES SHERLEY.

London, Sept. 7th, 1635.

This year they sustained another great loss from the French. Monsieur d’Aulney, coming into the harbour of Penobscot, having invited several of the chief men belonging to the house aboard his vessel, got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his power, he took possession of the house in the name of the King of France. By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their agent there, approve of the sale of the goods to him, of which he fixed the prices himself, making an inventory, though with many omissions. But he made no payment for them, saying that in due course he would do so if they came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built on their own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments and fine words, he let them have their shallop and some provisions to bring them home. When they got home and related the occurrence they were much disturbed about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house and all vexed them greatly. So they decided to consult with their friends at the Bay, who now had many ships there, and if they approved of it, they intended to hire a fighting ship and try to beat out the French and regain their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship of over 300 tons, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the captain, one Girling, that he and his crew should deliver them the house after they had overcome the French and give them peaceable possession of it, with all such trading commodities as should be found there, giving the French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration of which services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be delivered to him there when he had completed his bargain; but if he did not accomplish it, he was to lose his labour and have nothing. With him they sent their own bark, and about twenty men under Captain Standish, to help him if necessary, and to put things in order if the house were regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was aboard their own bark. So they piloted him there, and brought him safely into the harbour. But he was so rash and heady he would take no advice, nor give Captain Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing their force, the French would probably have yielded. He did not even have patience to place his ship where she could do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when he saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish and brought her well up, and placed a few shots to some purpose. But now, when he was in a position to do some good, his powder was used up, so he was obliged to draw off again. He consulted with the Captain how he could get further supplies of gun-powder, for he had not enough to carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next settlement and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. But Captain Standish gathered, from intelligence he received that he intended to seize the bark and take the beaver, so he sent him the powder and brought the bark home. Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his way; which ended the business.

Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his assistants here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed out that the French were now likely to fortify themselves more strongly, and become undesirable neighbours to the English. In reply they wrote to them as follows.

From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth:

Worthy Sirs,

After reading your letters and considering the importance of their contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to assist you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with the French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we commit you to God, and remain,

Your assured loving friends,

JOHN HAYNES, Governor
RICHARD BELLINGHAM,
Deputy Governor
JOHN WINTHROP
THOMAS DUDLEY
JOHN HUMPHREY

WILLIAM CODDINGTON
WILLIAM PINCHON
ATHERTON HOUGH
INCREASE NOWELL
RICHARD DUMER
SIMON BRADSTREET

Newtown, Oct. 9th, 1635.

Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their people to treat with them, giving them full power to conclude an agreement according to the instructions they gave them, which were to this purpose: that if the Massachusetts Colony would afford such assistance as, together with their own, was likely to effect the desired end, and also bear a considerable part of the expense, they would go on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as God should give. But the conference resulted in nothing, for when it came to an issue the others would go to no expense. They sent the following letter, and referred them to their messengers.

Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the Governor of New Plymouth:

Sir,

Having seriously considered the great importance of your business with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed our willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and ammunition. But as for money, we have no authority at all to promise, and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We also think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. We salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord.

Your faithful and loving friend,
RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy,
In the name of the rest of the Committee.

Boston, Oct. 16th, 1635.

Not only was this the end of their suggested co-operation, but some of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly after started trading with the French, and furnished them both with provisions and ammunition, and have continued to do so to this day. So it is the English themselves who have been the chief supporters of the French; and the colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies them, but constantly gives them intelligence of what is passing among the English—especially among some of them. So it is no wonder that they still encroach more and more upon the English, and supply the Indians with guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English settlers, whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For the English are mainly occupied with farming, but the French are well fortified and live upon trade. If these things are not looked to and remedied in time, it may easily be conjectured what will result.

This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, there was such a fearful storm of wind and rain as none living hereabouts either English or Indians, ever saw. It was like those hurricanes and typhoons that writers mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, a little before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with amazing violence at the start. It blew down several houses and unroofed others; many vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme danger. To the southward the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the Indians had to climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof of a house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and floated it to another place, leaving the posts standing in the ground; and if it had continued much longer without the wind shifting it would probably have flooded some of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew down many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger by the roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the middle; and tall young oaks and walnut trees of a good size were bent like withes,—a strange and fearful sight. It began in the southeast, and veered different ways. It lasted, though not at its worst, for five or six hours. The marks of it will remain this 100 years in these parts, where it was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon the second night after.

Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame of the Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as mentioned before. Understanding that the Indians had been swept away by the recent mortality, fear of whom was the chief obstacle to them before, they now began to explore it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth people there had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about it; for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth colony had not only purchased from the Indians, but where they had actually built, and the Dorchester people seemed determined if they could not remove them altogether, at any rate to leave them only an insignificant plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single family. This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was thought to be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters that passed between them about it.

I will first insert a few lines written from their own agent from there.

Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth:

Sir,

The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for a great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart. What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were here first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land at great expense, and have since held possession at no small trouble, and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but for us they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.... I hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was your will that we should use them and their messengers kindly, and so we have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The first party of them would have almost starved had it not been for this house, and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. Those who came last I entertained as best we could, helping them with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I could arrange that some of them should have quiet settling near them; but they peremptorily refused them. I also gave their goods house-room according to their earnest request, and Mr. Pinchon’s letter on their behalf, which I thought well to send you, enclosed. What trouble and cost will be further incurred I know not, for they are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, where they have gone to view the country. All this should surely, in the judgment of all wise and understanding men, give us just claim to hold and keep our own.

Thus with my duty remembered, I rest,
Yours to be commanded,
JONATHAN BREWSTER.

Matianuck, July 6th, 1635.

After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch upon the land near the house belonging to the New Plymouth people, which occasioned much expostulation between them and much agitating correspondence.

But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details and come to the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance was far from their minds,—they had enough of that at Kennebec,—and to live in continual contention with their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace’ sake, though they considered they suffered injury, they thought it better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible; so they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such long disputes about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge that they had no right to it, or else they would not treat with them about it at all. This being granted the conclusion reached was as follows: that the people of New Plymouth should retain their house and have the 16th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and the others should have all the rest of the land, leaving such a portion for the settlers of Newtown as the New Plymouth colony reserved for them. This 16th part was to be taken in two places,—one in the neighbourhood of the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. Further, they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when purchased. In this way the controversy was ended; but the injustice was not so soon forgotten. The Newtown people dealt more fairly, only wishing to have what could be conveniently spared.

Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do in England, he had orders from the church to bring over some able and fit person as their minister. Accordingly he had procured a godly and worthy man, a Mr. Glover; but it pleased God that when he was ready for the voyage, he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not engage himself to settle permanently at New Plymouth, until he had an opportunity of judging of it; so he arranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, he would repay the money expended for him, which came to about £70, and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year with them, and was much liked by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, where there were many rich and able men, and several of his acquaintances, so he went to them and is their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them.