Agricola

by William Emerton Heitland

FOOTNOTES

[1] A good specimen of such work at a late date may be found in Statius Silvae IV 3 on the via Domitiana lines 40-66.

[2] For instance Diodorus V 38 § 1, Strabo XII 3 § 40 (p 562), Apuleius met IX 12.

[3] Not artistic, of course.

[4] See especially Ed Meyer Kleine Schriften pp 80-212.

[5] To this question I return in [the concluding chapter].

[6] A good instance is Xen anab IV 1 §§ 12-14.

[7] Veget I 3.

[8] Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία cap 16, with Sandys’ notes.

[9] Catil 4 § 1 non fuit consilium ... neque vero agrum colundo aut venando servilibus officiis intentum aetatem agere.

[10] To this topic I return in [the concluding chapter]. See chapter on [Aristotle].

[11] See chapter on [Cato].

[12] For the existence of this system in Modern Italy see Bolton King and Okey Italy today pp 174-5.

[13] Cic in Catil II § 18. See the chapter on [Cicero].

[14] Cf Valerius Maximus VII 5 § 2.

[15] For modern Italy see [Appendix].

[16] Cf Caesar B C I 34, 56, discussed in the chapter on [Varro].

[17] Oratio XV (1 pp 266-7 Dind).

[18] VI 315, XXIII 712, VII 221.

[19] XII 433-5, XXI 445, 451, X 304.

[20] XXI 444.

[21] XVIII 550.

[22] II 751.

[23] XVIII 542, 554, XI 67, XX 495-7, V 500, XIII 590.

[24] XXI 257-9.

[25] XI 68.

[26] XVIII 550-60.

[27] XXI 281-3.

[28] XXI 40-2, 78-80, 101-3, 453-4, XXII 45, XXIV 751-2.

[29] XVI 835-6, VI 463.

[30] VI 455, XVI 831, XX 193.

[31] XII 421-4.

[32] IV 245, XIV 3-4, 62-5, XVI 302-3, XVII 533. (Iliad V 413, VI 366.)

[33] Selling XIV 297, XV 387, 428, 452-3, XX 382-3. Buying I 430, XIV 115, etc.

[34] XIX 488-90, XXII 173-7, 189-93, 440-5, 462-4, 465-77. (Cf XVIII 82-7.)

[35] IV 245 foll.

[36] IX 205-7, XI 430-2, XVI 14 foll, XIX 489, XXIII 227-8, etc.

[37] XIV 449-52.

[38] VII 224-5, XIX 526.

[39] IV 643-4, 652.

[40] In XIX 56-7 a τέκτων, Icmalius, is even mentioned by name.

[41] XVII 382-7, XIX 134-5.

[42] XIV 56-8.

[43] XVII 578.

[44] XVII 18-9, 226-8.

[45] XVIII 403.

[46] VII 112 foll, VIII 557-63.

[47] IX 109-11, 125 foll.

[48] XV 319 foll.

[49] XVIII 1-116.

[50] IX 191.

[51] II 22, IV 318, XIV 344, XVI 139-45.

[52] XIV 222-3.

[53] XIII 31-4.

[54] XVIII 357-64.

[55] XI 489-91.

[56] IV 644.

[57] IV 735-7.

[58] XXIV 208-10.

[59] XXIV 222-55.

[60] XXIV 257.

[61] XV 412-92.

[62] XIV 271-2.

[63] XXI 213-6.

[64] XV 363-5.

[65] XIV 62-5.

[66] XVIII 366-75.

[67] 299-302, 394-5, 399-400, 403-4, 646-7.

[68] 289-90, 303-5, 308-13, 381-2, 410-3 (cf 498).

[69] 20-4.

[70] 37-41.

[71] 298-9, 397-8.

[72] 289-90.

[73] 303-5.

[74] 308-13.

[75] 410-3, 500-1, 554 foll, 576 foll.

[76] 391.

[77] 25-6.

[78] 493, 538, 544, 809.

[79] 686.

[80] 717-8.

[81] 394-400.

[82] 327-34.

[83] 341.

[84] 605.

[85] 602-3.

[86] 370.

[87] 459, 469-71, 502-3, 559-60, 573, 597-8, 607-8, 765-7.

[88] 406 is reasonably suspected.

[89] 405, 779, 800.

[90] 695-705.

[91] 32, 597, 606-7.

[92] Solon the Athenian, by Ivan M. Linforth of the University of California (1919) discusses in full the conditions of Solon’s time and his actual policy, with an edition of his poetic remains.

[93] The view of M Clerc Les métèques Athéniens pp 340-5.

[94] ἄλλος γῆν τέμνων πολυδένδρεον εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν λατρεύει τοῖσιν καμπύλ’ ἄροτρα μέλει. Mr Linforth takes the last four words as defining ἄλλος, the plowman. I think they refer to the employers, spoken of as a class.

[95] Aristotle Ἀθ πολ 11, 12, 16.

[96] See the remarks of Dareste Haussoullier and Th Reinach in the Recueil des inscriptions juridiques Grecques (Paris 1904) on the Gortyn Laws.

[97] See Livy X 4 § 9.

[98] See his references to the Spartan use of ξείνοι = βάρβαροι IX 11, 53, 55.

[99] VIII 68 γ.

[100] VIII 26, 105-6.

[101] II 164-7.

[102] Isocrates Busiris §§ 15-20 pp 224-5 also allows for no special class of γεωργοὶ in Egypt.

[103] Plato Timaeus p 24. Diodorus I 28, 73-4 (? from Hecataeus of Abdera, latter half of 3rd cent BC).

[104] II 141, 168. See Index under [Egypt].

[105] The passage of Isocrates just cited seems to favour this view.

[106] VIII 137.

[107] VIII 26.

[108] VIII 51.

[109] VII 102.

[110] VI 137.

[111] IV 72.

[112] VIII 142.

[113] οἰκετέων here = members of the family, as often. Stein refers to VIII 4, 41, 44, 106. Compare the use of οἰκεὺς in the Iliad, and see Aesch Agam 733, Eur Suppl 870.

[114] Pers 186-7, 255, 337, 391, 423, 434, 475, 798, 844.

[115] Eum 186-90.

[116] Prom 454-8, 708.

[117] Fragm 194, 198, Dind.

[118] Suppl 612-4, Eum 890-1.

[119] Trach 52-3, 61-3, O T 763-4, Fragm 518, 677, Dind.

[120] Antig 338-40. The use of horses for ploughing is strange. Jebb thinks that mules are meant.

[121] O T 1029.

[122] Trach 31-3.

[123] Electra 37-8, 375-6, Phoenissae 405, fragm 143 and many more.

[124] The loyalty of slaves to kind masters is referred to very often.

[125] References in Euripides are too many to cite here.

[126] Cf the oft-quoted line from Eur Auge ἡ φύσις ἐβούλεθ’, ᾗ νόμων oὐδὲν μέλει.

[127] Cf Eur fragm 515, 828, Dind, etc.

[128] Cf Eur fragm 263, 1035, Dind, and the use of τὸ δοῦλον ‘the slave-quality’ in Hecuba 332-3, Ion 983, etc.

[129] See Cope’s note on Aristotle rhet 1 13 § 2.

[130] Herc Fur 1341-6.

[131] Alcestis 2, 6. Electra 203-4. Cyclops 76 foll, cf 23-4.

[132] Electra 252.

[133] Electra 35-9.

[134] ibid 73-4.

[135] ibid 75-6.

[136] ibid 78-81.

[137] The slaves in 360 and 394 are attendants of Orestes.

[138] Suppl 420-2.

[139] Orest 918-20. Cf fragm 188 Dind where the virtue of rustic life is sketched καὶ δόξεις φρονεῖν σκάπτων ἀρῶν γῆν ποιμνίοις ἐπιστατῶν.

[140] Rhesus 74-5.

[141] Rhesus 176.

[142] Heracl 639, 788-9, 890, cf fragm 827 Dind.

[143] Die pseudoxenophontische Ἀθηναίων πολιτεία ... von Ernst Kalinka (Teubner 1913). A great work.

[144] 1 § 3.

[145] 1 § 5 etc.

[146] This view reappears later in Isocrates.

[147] In his book The Greek Commonwealth.

[148] 1 §§ 10-12.

[149] Kalinka well points out that in 1 § 11 ἐλευθέρους ἀφιέναι is not technical = manumit.

[150] In 1 § 17 it is notable that among those who gain by concentration of business at Athens is εἴ τῳ ζεῦγός ἐστιν ἢ ἀνδράποδον μισθοφοροῦν. Country carts would now be plentiful in Athens.

[151] 1 § 19.

[152] 2 § 14.

[153] Equites 792-4, Pax 632-6, Eccl 243.

[154] Eccl 197-8.

[155] Eccl 591-2.

[156] Plut 510-626.

[157] Old Strepsiades still has his thoughts fixed on these, Nubes 202-3.

[158] Plut 903.

[159] Plut 223-4.

[160] Ach 180, 211, Pax 570, 1185-6, Eq 316-7, Nub 43 foll.

[161] The gradual conversion is seen in Ach 557 foll, 626 foll.

[162] Ach 32-4.

[163] Pax 551-70, 1127 foll; cf fragm 100, 107, 109, 294, 387, Kock.

[164] Pax 509-11.

[165] Pax 190.

[166] Pax 551-70, 1318-24.

[167] Lysistr 1173-4.

[168] Ach 248-50, 259.

[169] Ach 266.

[170] Nub 43 foll, 138.

[171] Vesp 442-52.

[172] Pax 1140 foll.

[173] Pax 1248-9.

[174] Lys 1203-14.

[175] Eccl 651.

[176] Plut 26-7, 253.

[177] Plut 517-20, 525-6.

[178] Plut 510-626.

[179] Aves 1152.

[180] Aves 1431-2 (cf Vesp 959), fragm of Δαιταλεῖς 4 Dind, 221 Kock.

[181] Vesp 712.

[182] Ran 164-77.

[183] Eccl 197-8, 591-2.

[184] Nub 71-2. Cf φελλέα in Isaeus VIII § 42 p 73.

[185] Pax 552, 1318.

[186] Ach 1018-36.

[187] Eccl 605, Av 712.

[188] Thucydides and the history of his age chapters III-VII.

[189] See Francotte L’industrie dans la Grèce ancienne livre II cc 5-7.

[190] Thucydides mythistoricus chapter II.

[191] II 14, 16. An earlier period is referred to in I 126 §§ 7, 8.

[192] II 65 § 2.

[193] I 141.

[194] Die Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Röm. Welt p 150.

[195] I 143.

[196] Theopompus in Athenaeus 149 d.

[197] I 139 § 2.

[198] VI 91 § 7.

[199] VII 27 § 5.

[200] Trygaeus in Aristoph Pax is a farmer from this district.

[201] III 73, VIII 40 § 2.

[202] III 88 § 3.

[203] II 62 § 3.

[204] opus cit chapters IV, VII.

[205] For instance, in Euboea and Aegina.

[206] III 50. Herodes, whose murder was later the occasion of a speech of Antiphon, is thought to have been one of the cleruchs.

[207] Arnold’s note explains the situation well, and Beloch p 83 agrees.

[208] See the inscription relative to Brea, G F Hill Sources III 317.

[209] See the hint in the speech of Pericles I 143 § 4.

[210] That there was normally much insecurity in rustic life in some parts of Greece, may be inferred from the dance-scene of the farmer and the robber, acted by men from north central Greece in Anabasis VI 1 §§ 7, 8. Daubeny’s Lectures pp 17, 18.

[211] Hellenica II 1 § 1.

[212] Hellenica VI 2 § 37.

[213] Ar Pol VII 6 § 8.

[214] Anab III 2 § 26.

[215] Anab VI 4 § 8.

[216] Anab I 2 § 27, V 6 § 13, VII 3 § 48, 8 §§ 12-19.

[217] Anab IV 1 §§ 12, 13.

[218] Anab V 3 § 4.

[219] Anab IV 8 § 4. It does not appear that the man rejoined his native tribe.

[220] Anab VII 7 § 53.

[221] See the protest of Callicratidas, Hellen I 6 § 14, with Breitenbach’s note.

[222] Anab VII 1 § 36, 2 § 6, 3 § 3.

[223] Memorab II 7.

[224] Memor I 2 § 57, II 7 §§ 4-11, 8.

[225] Memor III 13 § 4.

[226] Memor I 1 § 16, IV 2 §§ 22-31.

[227] Memor I 5 § 2.

[228] Memor III 7 § 6, 9 §§ 11, 15.

[229] Econ 20 §§ 22 foll.

[230] Econ 12 § 3.

[231] Econ 3 §§ 1-5, 5 §§ 15, 16, 12 § 19.

[232] Econ 7-9, 12-14, 21.

[233] Econ 13 § 9, cf 9 § 5.

[234] Econ 12-15.

[235] Econ 14 § 8.

[236] Econ 14 § 9.

[237] Econ 5 § 4, 14 § 2, 20 passim.

[238] Econ 5 § 6.

[239] Econ 1 § 4, 4 § 6.

[240] cf Memor II 7 §§ 7-10.

[241] Econ 11 §§ 9, 10.

[242] Econ 20 passim.

[243] Econ 21 § 10.

[244] Econ 21 § 12.

[245] Econ 21 § 9.

[246] Memor II 8 especially § 3. For this suggestion that a free man should be steward of a rich man’s estate I can find no parallel. See the chapters on [the Roman agricultural writers]. The case of the shepherd in Juvenal I 107-8 is not parallel.

[247] Memor II 5 § 2. See Vect 4 § 22 for suggested employment of free citizens or aliens.

[248] Vectigalia ch 4 passim.

[249] Cyrop VII 5 § 67, VIII 3 §§ 36-41.

[250] Cyrop IV 4 §§ 5-12, VII 5 §§ 36, 73.

[251] Cyrop VIII 1 §§ 43-4.

[252] Cited from Kock’s edition 1880-8.

[253] Menandrea, ed Körte 1910, Teubner.

[254] Fragments 100-24. From other plays, 294, 387.

[255] Cratinus 81, Pherecrates 212.

[256] e.g. Antiphanes 265, Philemon 227, Menander 581, etc.

[257] Philemon 95.

[258] Philemon 213, Menander 68, 716, Hipparchus 2.

[259] Menander 14, Posidippus 23 with Kock’s note.

[260] Pherecrates 10, Crates 14.

[261] Nicophon 13, 14.

[262] Athenaeus VI pp 263, 267 e-270 a.

[263] Menandrea pp 159-61 (fragments of Γεωργός).

[264] Menandrea pp 157, 159.

[265] opus cit and Menander 97 Kock. For ἄγροικος connoting simplicity cf 794 ἄγροικος εἶναι προσποιεῖ πονηρὸς ὤν.

[266] Menandrea p 155, 96 Kock.

[267] Menandrea p 15 (lines 26, 40).

[268] Menandrea p 13 (line 12, cf 111).

[269] Menandrea p 5.

[270] Menandrea p 25.

[271] Kock III p 473 (adespota 347).

[272] Lucian, Timon 7, 8. Kock adesp 1434, note.

[273] Menander 795.

[274] Menander 642.

[275] Menander 408.

[276] Menander 63, τὰ κακῶς τρέφοντα χωρί’ ἀνδρείους ποιεῖ.

[277] Stobaeus flor LVI 16 preserves an utterance of Socrates on labour, especially agricultural labour, as the basis of wellbeing, in which he remarks that ἐν τῇ γεωργίᾳ πάντα ἔνεστιν ὦν χρείαν ἔχομεν.

[278] ἰδιωτῶν Aristotle Pol II 7 § 1.

[279] Arist Pol II 6 § 13, 12 § 10.

[280] Arist Pol II 7 § 6 and Newman’s note.

[281] Arist Pol II 7, 8.

[282] In Thucydides and the history of his age chapters III-VII.

[283] Politics III 13 § 2.

[284] See Newman on Ar Pol II 7 § 7.

[285] Ar Pol II 6 § 13.

[286] Ar Pol II 12 § 10.

[287] Ar Pol II 7 §§ 3-7.

[288] Pol II 7 passim.

[289] Pol II 7 §§ 14, 15.

[290] μυρίανδρον Pol II 8 §§ 2, 3, with notes in Newman.

[291] ‘Artisan’ is not quite = τεχνίτης. All professional work is included.

[292] Pol II 7 §§ 8, 9. The probable influence of Spartan precedents is pointed out in Mr Newman’s note.

[293] See the valuable discussion in Grundy op cit chapter VIII.

[294] Cf Isocr de pace § 69 p 173, §§ 129-131 p 185.

[295] Plato was evidently uneasy at the growing influence of metics, to judge from the jealous rule of Laws p 850. This is in striking contrast with the view of Xenophon.

[296] Laws 630 b, cf 697 e.

[297] See Republic 565 a on the indifference of the handworking δῆμος. Cf Isocr de pace § 52 p 170.

[298] Cf Xenophon hell VII 5 § 27 on the ἀκρισία καὶ ταραχὴ intensified after Mantinea, 362 BC.

[299] Even Isocrates, who hated Sparta, says of it τὴν μάλιστα τὰ παλαιὰ διασώζουσαν, Helen § 63 ρ 218, and attributes the merits of the Spartan government to imitation of Egypt, Busiris § 17 p 225. He notes the moral change in Sparta, de pace §§ 95 foll pp 178-180.

[300] Republic p 421 e, Laws 936 c, 744 e.

[301] Laws 736 c, cf Rep 565 a, b.

[302] Republic 421 d.

[303] Republ 416 d, e, 417, 464 c, 543 b.

[304] Republ 540 e-541 a.

[305] Republ 469-471.

[306] Republ 495 d, 590 c, 522 b. Laws 741.

[307] Republ 374 c, d.

[308] Republ 433-4.

[309] Republ 468 a.

[310] That the speculations of Greek political writers were influenced by the traditions of a primitive communism is the view of Emil de Laveleye Primitive property ch 10.

[311] Republ 463 b.

[312] Republ 369 b-373 c.

[313] Cf Isocrates Panath § 180 p 271.

[314] Republ 547 b foll.

[315] Republ 550-2.

[316] Laws 756. See Rep 565 a with Adam’s note.

[317] Laws 754.

[318] See Politicus 293-7, Grote’s Plato III pp 309-10.

[319] Laws 737 foll, 922 a-924 a, called γεωμόροι 919 d.

[320] Laws 744 d, e.

[321] Laws 745 c-e.

[322] Laws 842 c-e.

[323] Laws 742.

[324] Laws 705.

[325] Rustic slaves, Laws 760 e, 763 a.

[326] Laws 832 d. The artisans are not citizens, 846 d-847 b.

[327] Laws 806 d.

[328] Laws 777 c.

[329] Laws 777 d-778 a, cf 793 e.

[330] Laws 838 d.

[331] Laws 865 c, d, cf 936 c-e.

[332] Laws 720. See Rep 406 on medical treatment of δημιουργοί.

[333] Case of domestics, Republ 578-9.

[334] Laws 776-7.

[335] Laws 690 b.

[336] Politicus 262 d.

[337] Politicus 289-90, Republ 371, Laws 742 a.

[338] Republ 467 a, Laws 720 a, b.

[339] Laws 762 e.

[340] Laws 823.

[341] Republ 344 b.

[342] Republ 435 e-436 a, Laws 747 c.

[343] Rep 423 b, 452 c, 544 d, Laws 840 e.

[344] Laws 886 a, 887 e.

[345] It is not easy to reach a firm opinion on this matter. The inscribed records are nearly all of a much later age. But even a more informal method of manumission would surely, if common, have left more clearly marked traces in literature. See Index, [Manumission].

[346] The problem of the worn-out plantation slave was much discussed in the United States in slavery days. An interesting account of the difficulties arising from emancipation in British Guiana is given in J Rodway’s Guiana (1912) pp 114 foll.

[347] Laws 914-5, and an allusion in Republ 495 e.

[348] Laws 914 a, 932 d.

[349] See Lysias XXII, speech against the corn-dealers.

[350] See for instance Andocides de reditu §§ 20-1 p 22 (Cyprus), Isocrates Trapeziticus § 57 p 370 (Bosporus).

[351] Isocr de bigis § 13 p 349.

[352] Isocr Panegyricus § 28 p 46, cf Plato Menex 237 e.

[353] Andoc de myster §§ 92-3 p 12, Böckh-Fränkel Staatsh I 372-7. For private letting of farm-lands see Lysias VII § 4-10 pp 108-9 (one tenant was a freedman), Isaeus XI § 42.

[354] Isaeus VI §§ 19-22, VIII § 35, XI §§ 41-4.

[355] Isocr Areopagiticus § 52 p 150.

[356] Lysias I §§ 11, 13, p 92.

[357] Antiphon fragm 50 Blass.

[358] Isocr Panath § 179 p 270.

[359] Isocr Philippus §§ 48-9 pp 91-2.

[360] Isocr de pace §§ 117-8 p 183.

[361] Isocr Paneg §§ 34-7 pp 47-8, de pace § 24 p 164, Panathen §§ 13, 14, p 235, §§ 43-4 p 241, etc.

[362] Isocr Paneg § 132 pp 67-8.

[363] Isocr Areopag § 44 p 148.

[364] Isocr de pace § 90 p 177, Areopag §§ 54-5 pp 150-1, § 83 p 156.

[365] Isaeus VIII § 42 p 73, cf Aristophanes Nub 71-2.

[366] Andocides de pace § 15 p 25, § 36 p 28.

[367] Isocr de pace § 92 p 177.

[368] Lysias VII especially §§ 4-11 pp 108-9.

[369] Lysias VII § 16 p 109.

[370] See especially the Archidamus §§ 8, 28, 87, 88, 96, 97.

[371] Isaeus fragm 3 Scheibe.

[372] Isaeus VI § 33 σὺν τῷ αἰπόλῳ.

[373] See Isocrates Plataicus § 48 p 306 (of Plataeans), and Isaeus V § 39 with Wyse’s note.

[374] I should mention that for simplicity sake I refer to the Politics by the books in the old order. Also that I do not raise the question of the authorship of the first book of the so-called Economics, as the point does not affect the argument. In common with all students of the Politics I am greatly indebted to the edition of Mr W L Newman.

[375] This χορηγία includes a population limited in number and of appropriate qualities. Politics VII 4, and 8 §§ 7-9.

[376] Pol VII 4 § 6.

[377] See the story of Peisistratus and the peasant in Ἀθην πολ c 16.

[378] Economics I 5 § 1, 6 § 5, Pol I 7 § 5, and see the chapter on [Xenophon].

[379] Pol VI 4 §§ 8-10.

[380] We have a modern analogue in the recent legislative measures in New Zealand and Australia, not to speak of movements nearer home.

[381] See [note on Plato], [p 75].

[382] Ἀθην πολ cc 11, 12.

[383] A most interesting treatment of this topic is to be found in Bryce’s South America (1912) pp 330-1, 533, where we get it from the modern point of view, under representative systems.

[384] See the general remarks Pol IV 6 § 2, VI 4 §§ 1, 2, 13, 14. For historical points Ἀθην πολ cc 16, 24.

[385] Pol III 15 § 13.

[386] Pol IV 4 §§ 15, 18, cf VII 9.

[387] Pol VI 4 §§ 1, 2, 13.

[388] Pol VI 4 § 11.

[389] Whether the πεπονημένη ἕξις (favourable to eugenic paternity) of Pol VII 16 §§ 12, 13, may include this class, is not clear. In Roman opinion it certainly would.

[390] Pol VII 6 § 8. Xenophon (see p 53) records cases of seamen ashore and in straits working for hire on farms.

[391] See Sandys on Ἀθην πολ c 4.

[392] Pol II 7 § 12.

[393] Pol II 7 § 7.

[394] Severely criticized in Pol II 6 § 15, though adopted by himself. See below.

[395] See Pol VI 5 §§ 8-10, on the measures that may be taken to secure lasting εὐπορία.

[396] Cf IV 15 § 6, etc.

[397] E Barker The political thought of Plato and Aristotle.

[398] Ethics II 1 § 4.

[399] Pol VII 16.

[400] Pol VII 8, 9, etc.

[401] Pol VII 10.

[402] This adoption of the split land-lots (see above [p 91]) is perhaps explained by the fact that the landowners are not αὐτουργοί, so the difficulty of dual residence does not arise.

[403] Pol IV 8 § 5, 9 § 4, etc.

[404] Pol II 6 § 17, 9 §§ 21-2, IV 9 §§ 7-9. The same view is found in Isocrates.

[405] Pol VII 9 § 5.

[406] Pol V 6 §§ 12, 13.

[407] Pol VII 14, 15, VIII 4, cf II 9 § 34.

[408] Economics I 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή. Cf the saying about the ass, Ethics X 5 § 8.

[409] Deinarchus refers (in Dem § 69 p 99) to Demosthenes’ ownership of a house in Peiraeus, and goes on to denounce him as heaping up money and not holding real property, thus escaping taxation. Yet the laws enjoin that a man who is a political leader ought γῆν ἐντὸς ορων κεκτῆσθαι. This wild abuse at least is a sign of existent feelings.

[410] We may at least add slaves.

[411] Pol VII 4 § 6.

[412] Aristotle, like most of the philosophers at Athens, was a metic. See Bernays’ Phokion note 8, in which the notable passage Pol VII 2 §§ 3-7 is discussed.

[413] The author of Revenues (πόροι).

[414] Pol II 3 § 4, 5 § 8.

[415] Pol I 7.

[416] Pol VII 10 § 14, Econ I 5 § 5.

[417] But perhaps to some extent by the author of Econ I 6 § 9.

[418] See Econ I 5 §§ 1, 2, 6 § 5.

[419] Pol II 3 § 4, 5 § 4.

[420] He only once (III 5 § 2) in the Politics mentions ἀπελεύθεροι and once in the Rhetoric (III 8 § 1).

[421] Too often asserted to need references. But Pol III 5 §§ 4-6 is notable as pointing out that τεχνῖται were generally well-to-do, but θῆτες poor.

[422] Pol VII 6 §§ 3-8.

[423] Pol I 8 §§ 3 foll.

[424] Pol I 9.

[425] Pol I 10, 11.

[426] Pol I 11 § 1, and Mr Newman’s note.

[427] Pol I 11 §§ 3-5.

[428] Rhetoric I 9 § 27 πρὸς ἄλλον ζῆν, and Cope’s note.

[429] Pol VI 8 § 3, VII 6 §§ 1-5.

[430] Pol I 2 § 5, 5 §§ 8, 9, cf Ethics VIII 11 § 6.

[431] Pol I 13 § 13, cf II 5 § 28.

[432] Pol I 5, 6.

[433] Pol VII 6 §§ 7, 8.

[434] Pol VII 15 §§ 1-6, VIII 4 §§ 1-5, and a number of passages in the Ethics.

[435] Indeed in Pol VII 15 §§ 2-3 he practically says so.

[436] Pol VIII 3 § 7.

[437] Pol VIII 4.

[438] Pol II 5 § 19.

[439] Pol II 10 § 16.

[440] Pol VI 2 § 3, cf 4 § 20, and Ethics X 10 § 13.

[441] Pol VII 12 §§ 3-6.

[442] Pol VII 8 § 7.

[443] II 6 § 6 ἀργοί (in his criticism of Plato’s Laws).

[444] Rhet I 12 § 25, cf Plato Rep 565 α αὐτουργοί τε καὶ ἀπράγμονες.

[445] Rhet II 4 § 9, cf Euripides Orestes 918-20.

[446] de mundo 6 §§ 4, 7, 13.

[447] Even after the ruin of Phocis and the peace of 346 BC the old man wrote in the same strain. But it was to Philip, in whom he recognised the real master of Greece, that he now appealed.

[448] References are too numerous to be given here. A locus classicus is Dem Lept §§ 30-3 pp 466-7, on the case of Leucon the ruler of Bosporus. We hear also of corn imported from Sicily and Egypt, and even (Lycurg § 26 p 151) from Epirus to Corinth.

[449] Demosthenes Olynth I § 27 p 17.

[450] (Dem) c Polycl §§ 5, 6 pp 1207-8.

[451] A good case of such investment by guardians is Dem Nausim § 7 p 986.

[452] Dem F Leg § 314 p 442, εἶτα γεωργεῖς ἐκ τούτων καὶ σεμνὸς γέγονας.

[453] See cases in Aeschines Timarch § 97 p 13, Dem pro Phorm §§ 4, 5 p 945. The inheritance of Demosthenes himself included no landed property, c Aphob I §§ 9-11 p 816.

[454] Dem F Leg § 146 p 386, cf § 114 p 376, § 265 p 426, de cor § 41 p 239.

[455] [Dem] c Phaenipp §§ 5-7 pp 1040-1.

[456] Aeschines mentions two ἐσχατιαὶ in the estate of Timarchus.

[457] The lack of ξύλα in Attica made timber, like wheat, a leading article of commerce, and dealing in it was a sign of a wealthy capitalist. Cf Dem F Leg § 114 p 376, Mid § 167 p 568.

[458] I suspect this is an exaggeration.

[459] [Dem] Lacrit §§ 31-3 p 933.

[460] Dem Androt § 65 p 613, repeated in Timocr § 172 p 753.

[461] Dem Aristocr § 146 p 668.

[462] Dem c Callicl passim.

[463] ἀστικοῦ, Dem Callicl § 11 p 1274.

[464] [Dem] Nicostr passim.

[465] [Dem] Nicostr § 21 p 1253.

[466] Dem Pantaen § 45 p 979.

[467] Dem Eubulid § 65 p 1319.

[468] Aeschin Timarch § 99 p 14.

[469] [Dem] Euerg Mnes §§ 52-3 p 1155.

[470] Twice, §§ 53, 76.

[471] Hyperid in Demosth fragm col 26.

[472] [Dem] c Timoth § 11 p 1187.

[473] Dem de Cor §§ 51-2 p 242.

[474] [Dem] c Timoth § 51 p 1199.

[475] Ibid § 52.

[476] Of course οἰκέτης is often loosely used as merely ‘slave.’ But here the antithesis seems to gain point from strict use.

[477] I have not found this question distinctly stated anywhere. Beauchet Droit privé IV 222 treats the μισθωτοὶ of this passage as freemen. But in II 443 he says that slaves hired from their owners were generally designated μισθωτοί. Nor do I find the point touched in Meier-Schömann-Lipsius (edition 1883-7, pp 889 foll), or any evidence that the πρόκλησις could be addressed to others than parties in a case. Wallon I 322 foll also gives no help.

[478] Dem Eubulid § 63 p 1318.

[479] Hyperides pro Euxen, fragm §§ 16, 17, col 12, 13.

[480] Dem Olynth I § 27 p 17.

[481] [Dem] c Phaenipp §§ 5-7 pp 1040-1, §§ 19-21 pp 1044-5.

[482] ὀπωρώνης, Dem de Cor § 262 p 314.

[483] Dem Eubulid § 45 p 1313, speaking of an old woman.

[484] Aeschin Timarch § 27 p 4.

[485] We have already seen the case of olive-pickers in Aristoph Vesp 712.

[486] See Dem Mid § 48 p 530, etc.

[487] Aeschin F Leg § 156 p 59. The passage of Dem F L to which he refers is not in our text, for §§ 194-5 pp 401-2 is different.

[488] See Plut Aratus 14, 25, 27, 36, 39, 40, Philopoemen 7, 15.

[489] Isocr paneg § 50 p 50.

[490] V 64-5, cf XVII 9, 10.

[491] XVI.

[492] XVII.

[493] XXII, XXV.

[494] XXV.

[495] XXV 1, 51.

[496] XXV 27, cf XXIV 137.

[497] XXV 86-152.

[498] XXV 47-8.

[499] VII 15-6.

[500] III 35, cf XV 80.

[501] X 9, cf 1, XXI 3.

[502] XXIV 136-7.

[503] XX 3, 4.

[504] XVI 34-5.

[505] XXV 56-9.

[506] XIV 58-9, cf 13, 56, where στρατιώτας is a professional soldier.

[507] Char IV (XIV Jebb).

[508] See Plutarch de garrulitate 18.

[509] Plut Aratus 24, Philopoemen 8.

[510] Polyb IV 63.

[511] IV 66.

[512] IV 75, V 1, 3, 19.

[513] X 42, etc.

[514] XVIII 20.

[515] XVI 24, XXI 6, etc.

[516] XXI 34, 36, 43, 45.

[517] V 89.

[518] XXVIII 2.

[519] V 89, cf XXV 4, XXI 6.

[520] This topic is well treated by Mahaffy Greek Life and Thought chapter I.

[521] The best treatment of this matter known to me is in Bernays’ Phokion pp 78-85. See Diodorus XVIII 18, Plutarch Phoc 28.

[522] According to Plut Cleomenes 18, Sparta was very helpless before that king’s reforms. The Aetolians in a raid carried off 50000 slaves, and an old Spartan declared that this was a relief.

[523] Freeman’s Federal Government chapter V.

[524] II 62.

[525] See Strabo VIII 8 § 1 p 388, and cf Plut Philopoemen 13.

[526] Polyb IV 73. Theocritus had spoken of ἱππήλατος Ἆλις (XXII 156). Keeping horses was a mark of wealth.

[527] Theocritus XXII 157 Ἀρκαδία τ’ εὔμαλος Ἀχαιῶν τε πτολίεθρα. Polyb IX 17, and IV 3 (Messenia).

[528] Eubulus fragm 12, 34, 39, 53, 66, Kock. Also other references in Athenaeus X pp 417 foll.

[529] Polyb XX 6. Otherwise Mahaffy in Gk Life and Thought chapter XIII.

[530] FHG II pp 254-64, formerly attributed to Dicaearchus. Cited by E Meyer Kleine Schriften p 137.

[531] II 62.

[532] IV 38.

[533] IV 73, 75.

[534] XXIII 1 § 11.

[535] In the famous case of the siege of Rhodes in 305-4 BC (Diodorus XX 84, 100) freedom seems to have been a reward, as has been pointed out by A Croiset.

[536] IV 20, 21. Compare Vergil Buc X 32-3 soli cantare periti Arcades, VII 4-5.

[537] In a fragment cited by Athenaeus p 272 a, cf 264 c. In Hultsch’s text Polyb XII 6.

[538] Cited by Diodorus II 39, and by Arrian Indica 10 §§ 8, 9.

[539] Calderini la manomissione etc chapter V.

[540] See table in Collitz Dialectinschriften II pp 635-42.

[541] παραμονά, παραμένειν.

[542] In 432 acts of manumission given in Wescher and Foucart Inscriptions de Delphes 1863, I could not find one case of a rustic slave.

[543] Ar Pol II 3 § 4, cf saying of Diogenes in Stob flor LXII 47. Menander fragm 760 K εἷς ἐστι δοῦλος οἰκίας ὁ δεσπότης.

[544] See above, chapter XIII [p 64].

[545] So Jove Poenulus 944-5.

[546] Casina 97 foll, Poenulus 170-1, Mostellaria 1-83.

[547] Mercator 65 foll.

[548] Mercator passim.

[549] Trinummus 508-61.

[550] Vidularia 31-2.

[551] Vidularia 21-55, text is fragmentary.

[552] But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.

[553] Hautontimorumenos 62-74.

[554] Hautont 93-117.

[555] Hautont 142-4.

[556] Phormio 362-5, cf Adelphoe 949.

[557] Hecyra 224-6.

[558] Adelphoe 45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.

[559] Adelphoe 541-2.

[560] Collitz I No. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in Hermes XVII.

[561] καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.

[562] That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plut apophth Alex 22.

[563] Livy XXXIV 51 §§ 4-6.

[564] Plutarch Aratus 5-8.

[565] Plut Dion 27, 37, 48.

[566] Plut Timoleon 23, 36.

[567] Plut Aratus 9, 12, 14.

[568] Plut Philopoemen 3, 4.

[569] In fact became an αὐτουργός.

[570] Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Welt pp 156-8.

[571] Diodorus XVIII 70 § 1.

[572] Livy XXXIV 50, Plut Flamininus 13.

[573] Polyb XXXIX 8 §§ 1-5.

[574] Only in Appian civ I 8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by Suet Jul 42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?

[575] Case of Persia.

[576] Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.

[577] Case of Carthage.

[578] Livy II 23 etc.

[579] Referred to in Iwan Müller’s Handbuch IV ii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.

[580] That the household as a vigorous unit outlived the gens is I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.

[581] Cic Cato mai § 56, Liv III 26, Dionys X 8, 17, Plin NH XVIII 20, Valer Max IV 7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.

[582] Liv III 13 §§ 8-10, Dionys X 8.

[583] Liv III 27 § 1.

[584] Liv X 36 § 17, Dionys VI 3, etc.

[585] Liv II 22 §§ 5-7.

[586] Varro sat Men fr 59 and title of his satire Marcipor. Quintilian I 4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 M Marcipor Oppii in title of Plaut Stichus. Sallust hist fr III 99 Maurenbrecher. Inscriptions CIL I 1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.

[587] Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.

[588] Cic Cato mai §§ 55-6, etc.

[589] Dionys XIX 15.

[590] Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.

[591] Columella I 4 § 2, Pliny NH XVIII §§ 27-8, cf Valer Max IV 4 § 4.

[592] Livy epit XVIII.

[593] Valer Max IV 4 § 6. The version given in Seneca ad Helv 12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristically fuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset? Here colonus = tenant farmer.

[594] colendum locari.

[595] Plin NH XVIII § 39.

[596] Polyb I 31 § 4.

[597] Cato 5 § 4 (of duties of vilicus) operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die.

[598] How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as Livy XXIII 32 § 15 (215 BC), XXV 1 § 4 (213 BC), XXVI 35 § 5 (210 BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.

[599] Liv XXVIII 11 § 9.

[600] Weissenborn’s note on the passage.

[601] Liv XXII 57 § 11, and index to Livy under volones.

[602] Liv XXIII 49 §§ 1-4, XXIV 18 § 11, XXV 1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.

[603] Liv XXI 63 §§ 3, 4, Cic II in Verr V § 45.

[604] Liv XXVI 36.

[605] Liv XXIX 16 §§ 1-3.

[606] Liv XXXI 13.

[607] See Rudorff gromatische Institutionen pp 287-8.

[608] Liv XXXIII 42 § 3.

[609] lex agraria, line 31, in Bruns’ fontes or Wordsworth’s Specimens.

[610] Appian civ I 7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread of latifundia and slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See Sallust Iug 41 § 8 interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.

[611] The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on Liv VIII 20 § 4 opificum vulgus et sellularii.

[612] Dionys III 31, IV 9, 13, etc.

[613] Dionys VI 79, a passage much coloured by later notions.

[614] Liv VII 4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cic de off III § 112.

[615] Cic pro Sex Roscio § 46 recognizes this familiarity.

[616] Sallust Catil 4 § 1.

[617] Cic pro Sex Roscio §§ 39-51.

[618] Cic pro Sex Roscio §§ 50-1.

[619] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[620] Dionys XVII [XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291 BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in Liv IX 44, X 26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.

[621] Liv epit XI.

[622] See the precept of Mago cited by Pliny NH XVIII § 35.

[623] That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (adsidui). See Mommsen Staatsrecht index. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125 BC is explained by Greenidge History p 150 as due to the increase of adsidui through effect of Gracchan legislation.

[624] See Greenidge History pp 60-1, 424-5.

[625] See Cato’s opinion cited by Cic de off II § 89, Columella VI praef §§ 3-5, Plin NH XVIII §§ 29, 30.

[626] Cic in Catil II § 18.

[627] Cic in Catil II § 20, cf de lege agr II § 78 fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint.

[628] familiis magnis.

[629] Livy VI 12 § 5, cf VII 25 § 8.

[630] Cairnes The Slave Power ch III. [1862, second edn. 1863.]

[631] Cic de republ III § 16.

[632] But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, Cic II in Verrem III § 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.

[633] Varro I 2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.

[634] Cato 2 § 7, cf Martial XI 70.

[635] As Cato 5 § 2 says, dominus inpune ne Sinat esse.

[636] Foreshadowed in Xenophon memor II 8.

[637] Compare the case of the mercennarius and Regulus referred to above.

[638] Columella I praef §§ 3, 12, 13, 20, XII praef §§ 8-10.

[639] Pliny NH XVIII §§ 41-3 (of earlier times), XIV §§ 48-50 (speculations), XVIII §§ 273-4.

[640] M Weber Römische Agrargeschichte pp 242 foll.

[641] Sueton Aug 32, Tib 8, cf Seneca the elder contr X 4 § 18. Later, Spart Hadr 18. In law, Digest XXXIX 4 § 12².

[642] Even a valetudinarium is provided. See Columella XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[643] Columella I 7.

[644] Weber op cit pp 244-5. See the chapter on [Columella] for this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.

[645] Varro I 17 § 2, cf Colum I 3 § 12.

[646] Varro I 17 §§ 3-6.

[647] Plato Laws 777 d, Arist Pol VII 10 § 13, [Ar] Oec I 5 § 6.

[648] Livy XXXIII 36 § 1.

[649] Livy XXXIX 29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.

[650] Diodorus book XXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in my Roman Republic § 683.

[651] Strabo XIV 1 § 38 [p 646], Diodorus XXXIV 2 § 26.

[652] Diodorus XXXVI.

[653] According to Appian civ I 116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.

[654] Sallust Catil 44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.

[655] Tacitus ann IV 27.

[656] Tacitus ann III 53-5.

[657] Text edited by Keil 1895.

[658] Plutarch Cato maior 27.

[659] Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, Plut Cat mai 23.

[660] Pliny NH XVIII §§ 29, 30, and Cicero de off II § 89, Columella VI praef §§ 3-5.

[661] Jordan op cit p 43. Plutarch Cat mai 4.

[662] Plut Cat mai 3-5, 20-1.

[663] Cato agr 3 § 1, Pliny NH XVIII § 32.

[664] Cato agr 4.

[665] Cato agr 56-7.

[666] Cato agr 16, 136-7, 146.

[667] In 147 the emptor of a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide a pastor, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.

[668] Cato agr praef.

[669] Cato agr 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[670] 2 § 7 patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet.

[671] Cato agr 1.

[672] Mommsen in Hermes XV p 408.

[673] praef § 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in Seneca controv VII 6 § 17 Cato’s later wife was coloni sui filiam ... ingenuam. Plut Cat mai 24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. The cliens might be his patron’s tenant.

[674] 2 § 7 boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat. Cf Plut Cat mai 5, Martial XI 70, Juvenal X 268-70. In Terence Hautont 142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep opere rustico faciundo. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. So ibid 65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.

[675] Plut Cat mai 21.

[676] Pliny NH XVIII § 35.

[677] Polyb XXXII 13 §§ 10, 11.

[678] Plut Cat mai 21, 25, 4.

[679] Jordan op cit p 43.

[680] Cf Plin epist III 19 § 5.

[681] Plut Cat mai 21, 4.

[682] Plut Cat mai 20.

[683] Pliny even refers to his precepts as oracula.

[684] Cato agr 1 § 3 operariorum copia siet.

[685] Cato agr 4 operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces.

[686] Cato agr 5, 83, 143.

[687] Cato agr 2 § 1.

[688] Cato agr 13 § 1 duo custodes liberi ... tertius servus ... etc.

[689] Ibid 66 ubi factores vectibus prement.

[690] Ibid 64 § 1.

[691] Ibid 144.

[692] Ibid 144-5.

[693] Ibid 146.

[694] Ibid 149 § 2.

[695] Ibid 150.

[696] Ibid 66-7.

[697] Ibid 56.

[698] Ibid 10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[699] It is to be noted that bubulci are to be indulgently treated, in order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care. 5 § 6.

[700] Ibid 56 compeditis ... ubi vineam fodere coeperint. Cf Columella I 9 § 4.

[701] Ibid 14.

[702] Ibid 16, 38.

[703] Ibid 136. In 5 § 4 the politor appears as a hired wage-earner, apparently paid by the job. In Varro III 2 § 5 we find fundo ... polito cultura. See Nonius p 66 M for politiones = agrorum cultus diligentes. Greenidge hist p 79 regards the politores as métayer tenants, why, I do not know.

[704] Ibid 7 § 2, 21 § 5.

[705] Ibid 5, especially § 4 operarium, mercennarium, politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die. This is taken by Wallon II pp 100, 345, to mean that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated term. Keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day’s notice. eundem seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men often.

[706] Ibid 2 § 2, and § 4 viam publicam muniri.

[707] The account given in Greenidge’s History of Rome deserves special reference here. On pp 266-7 he well points out that it was not the Gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor.

[708] This is known from the lex agraria of which a large part is preserved. See text in Bruns’ Fontes or Wordsworth’s Specimens. Translated and explained in Dr E G Hardy’s Six Roman Laws.

[709] Perhaps some inference may be drawn from Sallust Iug 73 § 6 plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium ... etc, though this refers directly to political support, not to the recruiting of troops.

[710] See the important paper by Dr E G Hardy Journ Phil 1913.

[711] Monum Ancyr III 22 [cap XVI].

[712] Varro RR I 2 §§ 3, 6. I find since writing this that Heisterbergk Entstehung des Colonats p 57 treats this utterance, rightly, as rhetorical.

[713] See Mr Storr-Best’s translation, Introduction pp xxvii-xxx.

[714] RR I 4 § 5. Surely in 49 Varro was in Spain.

[715] As in RR II praef § 6.

[716] The wild hill-pastures are referred to by Varro RR II 1 § 16 as still leased to publicani to whom the scriptura or registration fees had to be paid. I have given further references in my Roman Republic § 1351. See M Weber Römische Agrargeschichte pp 135 foll.

[717] RR I 18.

[718] RR I 17.

[719] RR I 6-16.

[720] [genus] vocale, semivocale, mutum.

[721] These are specimens only. Others would be hired freemen, asses, and (near a river) barges.

[722] ipsi suggests peasant owners.

[723] pauperculi cum sua progenie.

[724] mercennariis ... conducticiis liberorum operis.

[725] obaerarios or obaeratos, who work off a debt by labour for a creditor.

[726] de quibus universis. This seems to refer to all human workers.

[727] gravia loca. Cf I 12 § 2.

[728] operarios parandos esse, not conducendos, for these are clearly slaves. Cf I 16 § 4.

[729] The text here is damaged. I give the apparent meaning.

[730] qui praesint, a very general expression.

[731] That is, obedience.

[732] offensiones domesticas. Varro may have in mind the Syrians in the Sicilian slave-wars and the Thracians and Gauls under Spartacus.

[733] peculium.

[734] Here also the text is doubtful.

[735] RR II 3 § 7 in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus capra natum in fundo pascat.

[736] RR I 2 § 17 leges colonicas ... etc.

[737] Caesar BC I 34, 56.

[738] servis libertis colonis suis.

[739] colonis pastoribusque.

[740] As a creditor on a debtor.

[741] RR I 16 § 4 itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos fullones fabros, quam in villa suos habeant.

[742] RR II praef § 5, cf I 2 § 13 foll, and Columella VI praef §§ 1, 2.

[743] They evidently own slaves, though not special craftsmen, and are distinct from the pauperculi of I 17 § 2.

[744] RR II praef §§ 3, 4.

[745] RR III 16 §§ 10, 11.

[746] RR II 10 §§ 4, 5.

[747] RR I 22 § 1. Basket work is often referred to in scenes of country life. Cf Verg buc II 71-2, georg I 266.

[748] RR III 3 § 4, 17 § 6.

[749] Cf Cato 56, Columella I 9 § 4.

[750] RR I 18 §§ 2, 6.

[751] valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae.

[752] In RR III 2 § 5 cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito cultura the reference is quite general.

[753] This is well illustrated by the words of Cicero de republ V § 5.

[754] As in his opinion the younger Cato did.

[755] See pro Murena § 62, where disputandi causa is opposed to ita vivendi.

[756] See Brutus § 257, de orat I §§ 83, 263, II § 40, de finibus V § 52, Tusc disp I § 34, III § 77, V § 104. The messores whose rustic brogue is referred to in de orat III § 46 surely are free Italians.

[757] From lack of the ingenuae artes and liberales doctrinae etc.

[758] de offic I § 150 inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur: est enim in illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis.

[759] The operae often referred to.

[760] The familiae publicanorum. The publicani complained loudly when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others. Cf de imperio Pompei § 16.

[761] Cf the famous case of Clodius and Milo.

[762] Cf pro Rosc com §§ 32, 49, 54, pro Tullio § 21.

[763] For a discussion of these see Greenidge in the Appendix to The legal procedure of Cicero’s time.

[764] pro Tullio §§ 7-12.

[765] pro Tullio §§ 14-22.

[766] § 17 mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum.

[767] To conduct of this kind Cicero makes a general reference in Paradoxa VI § 46 expulsiones vicinorum ... latrocinia in agris.

[768] pro Caecina §§ 10-19.

[769] pro Caecina § 1 in agro locisque desertis.

[770] pro Vareno fragm 5, pro Cluentio § 161, cf pro Tullio § 8.

[771] in toga candida fragm 11 alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus prope addictis pastores retinet, ex quibus ait se cum velit subito fugitivorum bellum excitaturum. For the fugitivi in Sicily cf II in Verrem II § 27, III § 66, IV § 112, V passim, and the famous inscription of Popilius, Wilmanns 797 and Wordsworth specimens pp 221, 475, CIL I 551, referring to first Sicilian slave-war.

[772] Brutus § 85.

[773] pro Roscio Amer §§ 39-51.

[774] pro Caecina §§ 58, 63.

[775] Thus in pro Cluentio § 163 a disreputable tool is mercennarius Oppianici.

[776] de officiis I § 151 quorum ordini conveniunt.

[777] de officiis I § 41.

[778] II in Verrem I § 147, IV § 77.

[779] Thus of orators, Brutus § 297, de orat I §§ 83, 263, cf II § 40. Also opifex in Tusc disp V § 34.

[780] de orat I § 249 si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura aut imperandum vilico est.

[781] pro Tullio § 17 mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum.

[782] Cicero’s own estate at Arpinum seems to have been let in praediola to tenants. See ad Att XIII 9 § 2.

[783] pro Caecina §§ 17, 57, 94.

[784] pro Caecina § 57, cf 63. So in § 58 the word familia is shewn not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to.

[785] II in Verrem III §§ 53-5, and passim. These arationes paid decumae.

[786] pro Cluentio §§ 175, 182.

[787] de orat II § 287.

[788] de republ V § 5, where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of dispensator and vilicus.

[789] pro Plancio § 62.

[790] II in Verrem III § 119.

[791] pro Rabirio §§ 10-17.

[792] hanc condicionem ... quam servi, si libertatis spem propositam non haberent, ferre nullo modo possent.

[793] Philippic VIII § 32.

[794] Cic ad fam XVI 16 § 1 eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum quam servum esse maluisti.

[795] pro Roscio Amer § 120 homines paene operarios.

[796] II in Verrem III § 27.

[797] quid, qui singulis iugis arant, qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt ... etc.

[798] The infamous henchman of Verres.

[799] Diodorus fragm XXXIV 2 § 48, XXXVI 5 § 6.

[800] de lege agr II §§ 80-3.

[801] See Beloch Campanien pp 304-6.

[802] de lege agr II § 84 agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura hominum liberorum esse non oportere.

[803] genus ... optimorum et aratorum et militum ... illi miseri, nati in illis agris et educati, glaebis subigendis exercitati ... etc.

[804] de lege agr II §§ 88-9 locus comportandis condendisque fructibus, ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur ... receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum, cellam atque horreum Campani agri ... etc.

[805] de lege agr II § 82 deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis totum agrum Campanum perferri videbitis.

[806] See above, chap XXV [p 183].

[807] Sallust Cat 4 § 1.

[808] Sallust Cat 37 § 7 iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede inopiam toleraverat ... etc.

[809] Sallust Iug 73 § 6 opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant ... etc.

[810] Two notorious instances are Pompey and M Brutus.

[811] Horace Odes II 15, III 6, etc.

[812] Horace Odes IV 5, 15, etc.

[813] A picture forestalled by Lucretius III 1053-75.

[814] Already illustrated in the case of Cato noted above.

[815] See Cic de legibus III § 30. Cf Horace epodes IV.

[816] See Rostowzew, Röm Colonat, for detailed inquiry into Eastern phenomena, Egyptian in particular. For the case of China see reference to Macgowan [[Appendix D] 6]. A very interesting account of the system in Hindustan in the 17th century, with criticism of its grave abuses, may be found in the Travels in the Mogul empire by François Bernier, ed 2 by V A Smith, Oxford 1914, pages 226-38. I believe the legal phrase is ‘Eminent Domain.’

[817] In Greenidge, History pp 292-3, there are some good remarks on the process.

[818] Frontinus grom I p 35, Columella III 3 § 11, and Heisterbergk’s remarks cited below. See Index, [Italian land and taxation].

[819] Tacitus ann II 59 seposuit Aegyptum hist I 11 domi retinere. This need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his private estate, as Mommsen thought. See on the controversy a note of E Meyer Kl Schr p 479.

[820] See M Weber Agrargeschichte pp 243 foll.

[821] The estates of Atticus in Epirus are a leading case of this. Horace epist I 12 refers to those of Agrippa in Sicily. Such cases have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers, in which I do not believe. Surely Greenidge History p 270 is right in saying that the Gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural. Also the municipalities, beside their estates in Italy, held lands in the Provinces. See Tyrrell and Purser on Cic ad fam XIII 7 and 11. In general, Seneca epist 87 § 7, 89 § 20, Florus II 7 § 3.

[822] We may perhaps carry this back into the time of the Republic. See the references to the royal domains of Macedon, Livy XLV 18 § 3, and with others Cic de lege agr II § 50.

[823] See the chapter on [the African inscriptions].

[824] For the cases of India and China see references to Sir A Fraser and Macgowan [[Appendix D] 6].

[825] Tacitus ann XIV 27 records the failure of Nero’s colonization of veterans singly in Italy, who mostly returned to the scenes of their service. He strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling them in whole legions. It is to be remembered that in the later Empire the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians.

[826] The γῆ κληρουχική, assigned in κλῆροι to soldiers.

[827] See Herodotus II 165-7, cf 141, Strabo XV 1 § 40 (p 704), § 34 (p 701), § 54 (p 710), cf Diodorus II 40-1, Arrian Indica 10 §§ 8, 9. The references to slave-traffic in the Periplus maris Erythraei do not really imply existence of a slave-system in India. See Rapson Ancient India p 97. Much of interest in Sir J D Rees, The real India, on the Land-system etc. In The early history of India by V A Smith the existence of slavery in India is maintained.

[828] See Dionysius II 28, cf 8, 9.

[829] The operae referred to in the African inscriptions.

[830] It is possible to see a beginning of this system in the tenancy-on-shares (the colonia partiaria) which we find not only in Italy but in Africa as a recognized plan.

[831] This is the view of Rostowzew Röm Colonat p 397.

[832] Hor Sat II 7 23, Epist II 1 139-40.

[833] Hor Odes I 12.

[834] Odes II 15, 18, Sat II 6 6-15.

[835] Odes III 6.

[836] Odes III 5. See above [pp 139-40].

[837] Odes III 1 redemptor cum famulis.

[838] Odes II 3, Epist II 2 177-8.

[839] Odes I 1, II 16, III 16.

[840] Odes I 1 patrios ... agros, Epode II 3 paterna rura bobus exercet suis.

[841] Epode IV 13 arat Falerni mille fundi iugera, etc.

[842] Odes III 16 quicquid arat impiger Apulus.

[843] Epode II 39 foll.

[844] A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 of Odes III 4, and Sat I 5 lines 77 foll.

[845] Odes I 35 pauper ... ruris colonus, II 14 inopes coloni. Sat II 2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.

[846] These coloni of course owned their farms; that is, were domini. Odes III 4 lines 37-8, Sat II 6 55-6.

[847] Odes I 1 mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati, cf III 2.

[848] So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken of ad Att XIII 9 § 2 as praediola and was perhaps let in the same way.

[849] Cf Seneca epist 47 § 14, 86 § 14.

[850] The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms the dominus often supplied the slaves. See Index, [instrumentum].

[851] I find that Mr Warde Fowler, The death of Turnus p 105, also takes this view. But he understands pater to imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.

[852] Italische Landeskunde II p 615.

[853] The description of such an agellus in Plin epist I 24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.

[854] Tibullus II 1 51 agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro.

[855] Tibullus II 6 25-6.

[856] Ovid fasti I 207, III 779-82, IV 693-4.

[857] Ovid metam I 135-6, Manilius I 73-4.

[858] Vitruvius II 1.

[859] I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of the Georgics as ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’

[860] Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of eclogues I and IX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.

[861] Pliny epist III 10 § 7.

[862] Aen VII 641-817, IX 603-13.

[863] e.g. Aen VI 613.

[864] Ellis on Catullus XXIII 1.

[865] See page 217.

[866] Sueton Vespas I.

[867] Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.

[868] The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (diserte) is commented on by Palladius [4th cent AD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in his Lectures pp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4, georg I 84 foll.

[869] E Meyer Kl Schr p 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.

[870] Most clearly stated in Columella I 7.

[871] For coloni of Cicero’s time see II in Verr III § 55, pro Caecina § 94, pro Cluent §§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100 BC or earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in Columella I 7 § 4.

[872] Velleius II 88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.

[873] Dion Cass LII 27-8.

[874] Compare Suet Aug 41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.

[875] This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’s Virgil, and need not be reproduced here.

[876] Mr T R Glover, Virgil p 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.

[877] When Cicero de orat III § 46 credits messores with a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.

[878] As in Lucan VII 402 vincto fossore.

[879] Varro RR II 10.

[880] See Varro RR II 2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment of homines 10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.

[881] Georg III 515-30.

[882] tristis suggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.

[883] In Sellar’s Virgil chapter VI § 5 there is an excellent treatment of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a most apposite quotation from G Sand.

[884] Varro II 5 § 4, Columella VI praef § 7, Plin NH VIII § 180.

[885] The molle atque facetum attributed to V by Horace is I think rightly explained by Quintilian VI 3 § 20, and amounts to easy and fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.

[886] So Tibullus II 1 41-2.

[887] Cf Cic de off I §§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen.

[888] See the interesting story of the bee-farm in Varro RR III 16 §§ 10, 11.

[889] Pliny NH XIX §§ 50-1.

[890] II 412-3 laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito. Not found in surviving text of Cato.

[891] II 532.

[892] I 125-8, II 336-42.

[893] II 136-76.

[894] Dionys Hal I 36-7, Strabo VI 4 § 1, p 286, Varro RR I 2 §§ 1-7.

[895] Horace Odes IV 5, 15, published about 14 BC. So Martial V 4 declares that Domitian has made Rome pudica.

[896] Sueton Aug 32 (cf Tib 8), and the elder Seneca contr X 4 § 18. Even in the second century AD, Spart Hadr 18 § 9 ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit. Perhaps the ergastula in Columella I 3 § 12 refer to the same practice.

[897] H Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch IV 2 2 p 543 says that Varro does not refer to the Kolonat als Pacht. But that sense seems clearly implied in I 2 § 17, II 3 § 4 in lege locationis fundi. In I 16 § 4 it surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. In II praef § 5 colonus is simply = arator, opposed to pastor.

[898] Columella I 7.

[899] Pliny epist III 19, IX 37.

[900] This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I 17 § 2) of free workers ... cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie.

[901] Cf Tibullus II 1 23 turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni.

[902] See above, [p 216].

[903] Hor epist I 14 39, cf II 2 184-6.

[904] Hor Sat I 3 99 foll, where animalia seems to mean little more than homines.

[905] Hor Sat II 6 55-6, Odes III 4 37-40.

[906] The one reference to the assignations [G II 198] only speaks of the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.

[907] Hor Epist I 16 69-72.

[908] Hor Sat I 1 28, 32.

[909] For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman freedom, see Gardthausen Augustus VII 7 and notes.

[910] Monum Ancyr ed Mommsen, I 16-9, III 22-8.

[911] Tacitus ann XIV 53.

[912] Gardthausen Augustus VII 7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad Juvenal V 3 (Maecenas) ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat.

[913] Varro RR I 17, a notable chapter.

[914] Livy VI 12, VII 25.

[915] Plin NH XXXVII §§ 201-3.

[916] Augustus VI 3, p 547.

[917] Macrob Sat I 11 § 22.

[918] Dion Cass XLVIII 6 § 3.

[919] The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil. Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.

[920] Keightley (1846) says the same.

[921] With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.

[922] The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But this was general in the Augustan age.

[923] Seneca epist 86 § 15.

[924] Seneca controversiae II 1 § 26.

[925] Seneca excerpt contr V 5

[926] Compare the reference to unruly servorum agmina in Calabria, Tac ann XII 65, in the time of Claudius.

[927] Seneca excerpt contr VI 2.

[928] Seneca contr II 1 § 5.

[929] Seneca contr VII 6 § 18.

[930] Seneca contr X 4 § 18 solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt. See above [p 233] and below on Columella [p 263].

[931] Seneca contr VII 6 § 17, cf Plut Cat mai 24.

[932] Val Max IV 4 § 6.

[933] Val Max IV 3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.

[934] Val Max VII 5 § 2.

[935] Phaedr IV 5, II 8.

[936] Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom Seneca addressed a consolatio.

[937] Epist 77 § 7 is a notable passage.

[938] Cf de benef III 26.

[939] As by the younger Pliny paneg 42 on Trajan.

[940] de benef V 18 § 2, 19 § 1, VII 4 § 4.

[941] de clement I 18, nat quaest I 16 § 1.

[942] de benef III 22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.

[943] de benef V 19 § 9, epist 12 § 3.

[944] de constant (ad Serenum) 5 § 1.

[945] epist 47 § 14.

[946] epist 90 § 27, artificem vides vitae etc.

[947] epist 65 § 6.

[948] epist 88 § 21. The contrast of liberalis and sordidus often occurs.

[949] epist 90 § 15.

[950] epist 44 § 3 aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus.

[951] epist 114 § 26 quot millia colonorum arent fodiant ... etc.

[952] epist 123 § 2 non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus, sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus. atriensis = head of domestics, porter or butler.

[953] de benef VI 4 § 4 colonum suum non tenet, quamvis tabellis manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit.

[954] The pactum implied in pepigerat.

[955] de benef VII 5 §§ 2, 3, conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione nascantur ... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces ... etc. See the chapter on [the Jurists of the Digest].

[956] epist 90 § 39 licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit, licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem ... etc. For iniuria cf Columella I 3 §§ 6, 7. The violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf Sallust Iug 41 § 8, Appian civ I 7 § 5 and see [index].

[957] epist 87 § 7 quia in omnibus provinciis arat ... quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret.

[958] de ira III 29 § 1.

[959] Lucan VII 387-439.

[960] vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes.

[961] I 158-82.

[962] longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis. Cf Seneca de vita beata 17 § 2 cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti? and Petron 37.

[963] VI 152 o famuli turpes, servum pecus.

[964] Calpurn ecl IV 118.

[965] Petron § 37 fundos habet qua milvi volant. A proverbial phrase, cf Persius IV 26 dives arat ... quantum non milvus oberret, Juvenal IX 55.

[966] Petron § 53.

[967] edicta aedilium.

[968] saltuariorum testamenta. They were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner. See Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁴.

[969] Many times referred to in the book.

[970] I 3 §§ 8-13.

[971] Cf Plin epist III 19 § 2 pulchritudo iungendi, and Mayor’s note. Petron § 77.

[972] I 3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate.

[973] I 1 § 20 longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura ... etc.

[974] I praef §§ 13-15, XII praef §§ 8-10.

[975] I praef § 12.

[976] I 7 passim.

[977] If we are to hold that opus here refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements, as in Digest XIX 2 § 24³.

[978] remissionem petere non audet.

[979] felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret.

[980] urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere.

[981] rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos.

[982] in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur. Cf I 5 § 5, gravibus, and Varro I 17 § 2.

[983] By H. Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch. So also Gummerus in Klio 1906 pp 85-6.

[984] domini praesentia cariturum.

[985] Dig XXXIII 7 § 25¹, XIX 2 § 24, § 25³.

[986] M Weber Röm Agrargeschichte p 244. Of course opus is a general term, not technical as operae (= labour units) often is. See Vinogradoff Growth of the Manor note 94 on p 110. From Horace epist I 1 21 opus debentibus I can get no help.

[987] See below, in the chapter on [the African inscriptions].

[988] Caesar civ I 34, 56.

[989] Wallon, Esclavage II 99, 100, refers to the long leasing of municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid. He cites Gaius III 145. So too estates of temples, and later of the fiscus.

[990] Wallon II 120, cf Digest XXXIII 7 § 19, an opinion of Paulus. It seems to be a sort of métayer system. See [index].

[991] But such as the imbecilli cultores of Plin epist III 19 § 6.

[992] See case referred to by Paulus in Digest XXXI § 86¹.

[993] I praef § 12 ex mercennariis aliquem. In II 2 § 12 operarum vilitas, and IV 6 § 3 operarum paenuria, III 21 § 10 plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere, the hands hired may be slaves.

[994] Of course not necessarily agricultural, in fact generally not. See my article in Journal of Roman Studies 1918, and Index under Emigration.

[995] Very different from the small farmers of old time, who were owners.

[996] See for instance Digest XXXIII 7 § 18⁴, and § 20¹, opinions of Scaevola.

[997] I 8 and XI 1.

[998] I 8 §§ 1-3, XI 1 §§ 3, 4, 7.

[999] I 8 §§ 3, 4, where he says that a man who learns how to do things ab subiecto is not fitted opus exigere. XI 1 §§ 9-13 is not inconsistent with this, but lays more stress on the necessity of training the vilicus.

[1000] I 8 § 5 contubernalis mulier. She is to be vilica, cf XII 1 §§ 1, 2. Apuleius met VIII 22.

[1001] eidemque actori = him in his capacity of actor. Cf XI 1 §§ 13, 19. See Index, [actor].

[1002] I 8 §§ 6, 7, XI 1 §§ 22-3.

[1003] nisi ut addiscat aliquam culturam. He is in a sense colonus, and hence his sphere of duty is called colonia in XI 1 § 23. In I 4 §§ 4, 5 the value of experiments is recognized.

[1004] I 8 § 8, XI 1 §§ 20-1.

[1005] I 8 § 9, XI 1 § 21.

[1006] I 8 § 10 animi, quantum servile patitur ingenium, virtutibus instructus.

[1007] I 8 § 10, XI 1 § 25.

[1008] I 8 § 11 operis exactio, ut iusta reddantur, ut vilicus semper se repraesentet, XI 1 §§ 25-6.

[1009] magistri singulorum officiorum, XI 1 § 27.

[1010] I 8 § 12, XI 1 § 23.

[1011] I 8 § 13, XI 1 § 24.

[1012] I 8 §§ 13-4, XI 1 §§ 27-30.

[1013] In XI 1 §§ 4 foll this notion is, with citation of Xenophon, repudiated, and the need of training a steward emphasized.

[1014] In XI 1 § 4 he cites a saying of Cato, male agitur cum domino quem vilicus docet.

[1015] I 8 § 15.

[1016] I 8 § 16 ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscant ... etc. In XI 1 § 22 this appears as part of the steward’s daily duty.

[1017] I 8 §§ 17-8 quanto et pluribus subiecti, ut vilicis ut operum magistris ut ergastulariis, magis obnoxii perpetiendis iniuriis, et rursus saevitia atque avaritia laesi magis timendi sunt.

[1018] an ex sua constitutione iusta percipiant. sua = the scale allowed by himself as dominus.

[1019] I 8 § 19.

[1020] multum confert augendo patrimonio.

[1021] I 9 §§ 1-6. Cf XI 1 §§ 8, 9.

[1022] mediastinus.

[1023] Cf Dig XXXIII 7 § 8 pr.

[1024] vineta plurimum per alligatos excoluntur.

[1025] ne confundantur opera familiae, sic ut omnes omnia exequantur.

[1026] I 9 §§ 7, 8.

[1027] VI 2 § 15 pecoris operarii (the very word also used = labourer), 3 § 3 iumentis iusta operum reddentibus.

[1028] XI 1 § 18 more optimi pastoris ... idem quod ille diligens opilio.

[1029] valetudinarium XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[1030] IV 3 § 1 quosdam emacitas in armentis, quosdam exercet in comparandis mancipiis; de tuendis nulla cura tangit. Cf I 4 § 7.

[1031] XII 3 especially §§ 1, 8, cf praef § 9. He refers to Xenophon.

[1032] VIII 11 § 2 tamquam servitio liberatae, also 12 and 15 § 7 parere cunctantur in servitute.

[1033] I 6 § 3 vinctis quam saluberrimum subterraneum ergastulum, plurimis idque angustis illustratum fenestris atque a terra sic editis ne manu contingi possint. Cf XI 1 §§ 22.

[1034] I 6 § 19 rusticis balneis.

[1035] I 3 § 12 [our land-grabbers scorn moderation and buy up fines gentium so vast that they cannot even ride round them] sed proculcandos pecudibus et vastandos feris derelinquunt, aut occupatos nexu civium et ergastulis tenent. Schneider explains nexu etc as = civibus ob aes alienum nexis. Surely at this date it cannot be used in the strictly technical sense. See p 269.

[1036] Like the obaerarii or obaerati of Varro I 17 § 2. See on that passage [p 180].

[1037] suppressio. See [Index].

[1038] VIII 2 § 7 anus sedula may serve as custos vagantium.

[1039] VI praef § 4.

[1040] I 8 § 5, 7 § 7, but in XII 3 § 6 for instance actores are not = vilici. Schneider.

[1041] See Cic de oratore I § 249, pro Tullio § 17.

[1042] I 6 § 23.

[1043] I 6 § 7 procuratori supra ianuam ob easdem causas: et is tamen vilicum observet ex vicino. Cf Plin epist III 19 § 2.

[1044] In Columella’s time. At a later date this could hardly be said, as the position of coloni became worse.

[1045] III 13 §§ 12, 13. Cf Dig XLIII 24 § 15¹.

[1046] A good instance in Pliny NH XIV 49, 50.

[1047] III 21 § 10 (of hurry resulting from want of forethought) cogitque plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere.

[1048] III 3 § 8.

[1049] I praef §§ 1, 2, II 1. Cf III 3 § 4 with Varro I 44 § 1.

[1050] I 3 § 9 nec dubium quin mimis reddat laxus ager non recte cultus quam angustus eximie, IV 3 § 6.

[1051] For milk-delivery see Calpurnius ecl IV 25-6 et lac venale per urbem non tacitus porta. For cheese Verg G III 402.

[1052] VI praef §§ 3-5.

[1053] Also bee-keeping.

[1054] VIII 10 §§ 3, 4.

[1055] quia nec parvo conducuntur qui mandant ... etc.

[1056] II 9 §§ 14, 16.

[1057] siligo, II 6 § 2, 9 § 13.

[1058] I 6 §§ 9-17.

[1059] II 20 § 6 frumenta, si in annos reconduntur, ... sin protinus usui destinantur ... etc.

[1060] I 2 § 3.

[1061] As Plutarch C Gracc 7 says εὐθεῖαι γὰρ ἤγοντο διὰ τῶν χωρίων ἀτρεμεῖs.

[1062] I 5 §§ 6, 7.

[1063] I 3 §§ 3, 4.

[1064] II 13 § 7 consummatio operarum.

[1065] II 21 § 10.

[1066] I praef § 12, XI 1 § 12.

[1067] I praef § 17 (of the non-urban population in old times) qui rura colerent administrarentve opera colonorum. The last three words are not in some MSS.

[1068] I 4 § 4, Verg G I 51-3.

[1069] So the Greeks often refer to Homer as The Poet.

[1070] verissimo vati velut oraculo.

[1071] Verg G IV 116 foll.

[1072] Quintil X 1 §§ 46-131, especially §§ 85-6.

[1073] See Tacitus Germ 41 on the exceptionally favourable treatment of the Hermunduri, with Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes.

[1074] Seneca ad Helviam 7 § 7 refers to the colonies sent out to the provinces in earlier times, and is rhetorically exaggerated.

[1075] Cf Nissen Italische Landeskunde vol II pp 128-30.

[1076] A notable utterance on this topic is Seneca ad Helviam 6 §§ 2, 3. See Mayor’s notes on Juvenal III 58 foll.

[1077] See Tacitus Germ 29 for interesting matter bearing on these points.

[1078] The numerous references need not be given here. They can be found in H. Schiller’s Geschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit.

[1079] Schiller I 515, 534. See Hyginus gromat I p 133, Frontinus ibid pp 53-4, and the rescript of Domitian in Girard, textes part I ch 4 § 5. Suetonius Dom 9.

[1080] Domitian also made ordinances forbidding new vineyards in Italy and enjoining the destruction of those in the Provinces. But these were not carried out. Schiller I 533. Suet Dom 7, 14, Stat silv IV 3 11-12.

[1081] Schiller I 540.

[1082] Plin paneg 26-8.

[1083] Schiller I 566, 623, 630, 656.

[1084] Schiller I 566.

[1085] Capitolinus M Aurel II § 7. The text is in some doubt.

[1086] Schiller I 651.

[1087] Schiller I 566. Plin epist VI 19 depicts the situation fully. The aim was to make them feel Italy their patria. See the jealousy of rich Provincials shewn by senators, Tac Ann XI 23.

[1088] Schiller I 656.

[1089] The remarkable community of Lamasba is referred to below in .

[1090] The locus classicus on emigrant Romans is Cic pro Fonteio §§ 11-13, which belongs to 69 BC. Cf Sallust Iug 21, 26, 47.

[1091] That is, allottees of land distributed viritim.

[1092] Inscription, Dessau 1334, CIL VIII 15454.

[1093] Dessau 6790.

[1094] [Victor] de viris illustribus 73 § 1, cf § 5.

[1095] Cf Appian civ I 29 § 2.

[1096] Bellum Afr 32, 35, 56, Dion Cass XLIII 4 § 2.

[1097] For details of his life see Mayor on Pliny epp III 11. Cf Ritter and Preller hist Philos, Champagny Les Césars IV 1 § 1.

[1098] Preserved by Stobaeus flor LVI 18. It is in Greek, the classic language of Philosophy, as the Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, etc.

[1099] πόρος, a means of livelihood.

[1100] ἢ δημοσίαν ἢ ἰδιωτικήν.

[1101] αὐτουργικοὶ καὶ φιλόπονοι ὄντες.

[1102] εἴ γε μὴν ἅμα φιλοσοφεῖ τις καὶ γεωργεῖ.

[1103] τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἐν πόλει τὸ ζῆν ἐν χωρίῳ.

[1104] σύν γε τῷ καλοκαγαθίας μὴ ὀλιγωρεῖν.

[1105] These are stock instances of happiness in rustic life. For references see notes in Frazer’s Pausanias VIII 24 § 13, X 24 § 1.

[1106] σοφιστάς.

[1107] χαλεπώτατον.

[1108] He was in command of the fleet at Misenum in 79 AD when the great eruption of Vesuvius took place. He persisted in approaching it, and met his death. The family belonged to the colony of Novum Comum in Transpadane Gaul, now part of Italy.

[1109] NH XVIII 1-5.

[1110] NH XVIII 7, 18, 20.

[1111] NH XVIII 19, 21, 36.

[1112] NH XVIII 35.

[1113] NH XVIII 27-8.

[1114] NH XVIII 32.

[1115] NH XVIII 35.

[1116] NH VIII 180. In Aelian var hist this is recorded (V 14) as an old rule in Attica.

[1117] NH XVIII 36.

[1118] NH XIX 60 octo iugerum operis palari iustum est is a good instance. This verb palare = to dig should be added to dictionaries.

[1119] NH XVIII 37-8.

[1120] agros ... coemendo colendoque in gloriam.

[1121] So Tiberius in Tac ann III 54.

[1122] Tac hist III 8 Aegyptus, claustra annonae.

[1123] NH XVIII 15 foll.

[1124] ibid 17 nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium vicinos.

[1125] NH XVIII 24.

[1126] NH XIX 50-1.

[1127] NH XVIII 12.

[1128] NH XVIII 11, 26.

[1129] NH XIV 49, 50.

[1130] NH XIV 48.

[1131] Such as the agricola strenuus depicted in the letter of Marcus to Fronto (p 29 Naber), who has omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem.

[1132] NH XVIII 273-4. Aristotle Politics I 11.

[1133] NH XVIII 174.

[1134] NH XVIII 178 ... transverso monte.

[1135] certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant.

[1136] NH XXXIII 26-7.

[1137] aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant.

[1138] NH XVIII 36 coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est, et quicquid agitur a desperantibus.

[1139] NH XXXVII 201-3.

[1140] principatum naturae optinet ... viris feminis ducibus militibus servitiis ... etc.

[1141] servorum exercitio.

[1142] NH XVIII 11.

[1143] NH VIII 180 tamquam colono suo interempto.

[1144] NH XVIII 167 coloni vice fungens.

[1145] NH XVIII 38 praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit, si computetur impendium operae.

[1146] In NH XVIII 120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.

[1147] In NH XVIII 170 he cites Verg G I 53, calling it oraculum illud, but with a textual slip.

[1148] NH XVIII 70.

[1149] The passing mention in Annals XVI 13 of the great mortality among the servitia and ingenua plebes in the plague of 65 AD is a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf Sueton Claud 22, Nero 22.

[1150] Annals III 54.

[1151] This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See Spart Severus 8 § 5, 23 § 2.

[1152] Annals IV 27.

[1153] Annals IV 6 infecunditati terrarum.

[1154] Annals VI 16, 17. Caesar’s law is described as de modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law of BC 49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.

[1155] Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of Suet Tib 48 seems to me quite certain.

[1156] si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset. The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in Sueton Aug 41.

[1157] See Cicero in Catil II § 18.

[1158] See the case of Sittius in Cic pro Sulla §§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.

[1159] trepidique patres (neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) ... etc.

[1160] Germ 26.

[1161] See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of Caesar BG IV 1, VI 22.

[1162] See Pliny NH XVIII 259 and Conington’s notes on Verg G I 71-83. Varro I 44 § 3.

[1163] Germ 24.

[1164] servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.

[1165] Germ 25 frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret. The colonus here is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.

[1166] Agricola 28.

[1167] per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos.

[1168] CIL VIII 18587, Ephem epigr VII 788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.

[1169] Mentioned in two routes of the Itinerarium Antoninum.

[1170] Cf Gaius II 7, 21, and below, [note on p 351].

[1171] Cf Digest VIII 6 § 7, XLIII 20 §§ 2, 5.

[1172] See Marquardt Stvw 1, index under Lamasba.

[1173] Were they perhaps veterani? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod Th XI 1 § 28 (400), cf XII 1 § 45 (358).

[1174] Written 97 AD, under Nerva.

[1175] de aquis 75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered, ibid 97.

[1176] de aquis 6.

[1177] de aquis 9.

[1178] de aquis 107-10. But according to Digest XLIII 20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes not personis but praediis, and so perpetual.

[1179] de aquis 105, 116-8.

[1180] de aquis 120, 124-8.

[1181] impotentia possessorum.

[1182] holitores as in Horace epist I 18 36. Later called hortulani as in Apuleius metam IX 31-2, 39-42. Girard, textes part III ch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of a colonus hortorum olitoriorum between Rome and Ostia, belonging to a collegium. The man is probably a freedman.

[1183] de aquis 112-5.

[1184] de aquis 11, cf also 92.

[1185] Wilmanns exempla 2844-8.

[1186] Hermes XIX pp 393-416.

[1187] Plin epist VII 18.

[1188] Mommsen op cit p 410. See index under [instrumentum].

[1189] Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter on [that author]. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter on [the African inscriptions].

[1190] See the case cited in the chapter on [Pliny the younger].

[1191] By H Blümner in Müller’s Handbuch ed 3, IV ii 2 p 544.

[1192] Mommsen op cit p 416. See the chapter on [evidence from the Digest].

[1193] Mommsen op cit p 412.

[1194] Digest XXXIII 7 § 20¹ non fide dominica sed mercede. ibid § 12³ qui quasi colonus in agro erat.

[1195] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20³ praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore. Cf also XL 7 § 40⁵.

[1196] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20⁴.

[1197] But that uxor was sometimes loosely used of a slave’s contubernalis is true. Wallon II 207, cf Paulus Sent III 6 §§ 38, 40, Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁷^,³³.

[1198] Mommsen op cit p 409.

[1199] Columella I 9 § 4.

[1200] Plut de defectu oraculorum 8.

[1201] oratio VII, Euboicus seu venator.

[1202] A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100 AD.

[1203] I think Nero is meant here.

[1204] Mahaffy, Silver Age p 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.

[1205] ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by Orations X, XIV, XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.

[1206] See the chapter on [Musonius].

[1207] As in Archbishop Trench’s charming Lectures on Plutarch pp 10, 77 foll.

[1208] Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.

[1209] Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.

[1210] I Cor 9 §§ 7-10, I Tim 5 § 18, II Tim 2 § 6.

[1211] Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.

[1212] οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12, I Cor 4 § 2.

[1213] [Aristotle] Econ 1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.

[1214] James 5 § 4.

[1215] Rom 4 § 4.

[1216] Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench, Notes on the Parables, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.

[1217] Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.

[1218] Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.

[1219] Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.

[1220] Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index under Nomentanus, and cf VIII 61, IX 18, 97.

[1221] I 55, X 48.

[1222] III 47 etc. Cf VII 31, XII 72.

[1223] II 11 nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit. This may imply that the vilicus was a servus quasi colonus liable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp [299], [311]. But I do not venture to draw this inference.

[1224] VII 31.

[1225] X 87. Cf Juv IV 25-6, Digest XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 § 12¹²^,¹³, etc.

[1226] XII 59.

[1227] IV 66.

[1228] VI 73, X 92.

[1229] IX 2 haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat.

[1230] XII 57.

[1231] V 35, X 14, etc.

[1232] Plin NH XVIII § 35.

[1233] IX 35.

[1234] See Juv XIV 267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.

[1235] III 58.

[1236] III 47.

[1237] dona matrum ‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. Cf VII 31 and Juv XI 70-1. The conjecture ova matrum (Paley) is good.

[1238] The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83 AD. Tac Agr 28. See the chapter on [Tacitus].

[1239] VII 80.

[1240] X 30, of a charming seaside villa at Formiae. o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis. In Dig XXXIII 7 § 15² we hear of mulier villae custos perpetua.

[1241] The note of Mommsen, Hermes XIX 412, deals with the case of servi quasi coloni farming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [fide dominica]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the free coloni. In the latter they were only vilici and therefore part of the instrumentum. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the dominus, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.

[1242] I 55 hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat. And often.

[1243] VII 36, XI 34.

[1244] I 85, X 85. Cf Pliny epist VIII 17.

[1245] X 61, XI 48. The title de sepulchro violato, Dig XLVII 12, will illustrate this.

[1246] The form HNS (heredem non sequitur) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.

[1247] X 92.

[1248] Juv XIV 161-71.

[1249] XI 86-9.

[1250] XIV 179-81.

[1251] XIV 159-63.

[1252] II 73-4.

[1253] XIV 70-2.

[1254] VIII 245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig, kleine philologische Schriften No 10.

[1255] III 223-9.

[1256] VI 287-95, cf XI 77-131.

[1257] XVI 32-4. See Hardy on Plin epist X 86 B, Shuckburgh on Sueton Aug 27, Tac hist III 24 vos, nisi vincitis, pagani. This use is common in the Digest.

[1258] VI 1-18, XV 147-58.

[1259] X 356-66.

[1260] VII 188-9, IX 54-5, etc.

[1261] IX 59-62.

[1262] VII 188-9, case of Quintilian.

[1263] XIV 86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. Cf X 225-6 etc.

[1264] XIV 140-55, XVI 36-9. Cf Seneca epist 90 § 39.

[1265] XI 151 foll.

[1266] VI 149-52, IX 59-62.

[1267] I 107-8.

[1268] X 356.

[1269] III 223-9, bidentis amans.

[1270] Mart XIV 49 exercet melius vinea fossa viros.

[1271] See his use of ingenuus = not fit for hard work, III 46, X 47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slave IX 92.

[1272] Juv XI 77-81.

[1273] See epist IV 10, VII 16, 32, VIII 16.

[1274] Cf Martial I 101, VI 29.

[1275] An important limitation, on which see Wallon III 55.

[1276] VII 11, 14.

[1277] VI 3.

[1278] VI 19.

[1279] si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum.

[1280] III 19.

[1281] sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere. The actores seem to be = vilici, under the newer name. procurator a much more important person. See paneg 36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columella [p 264].

[1282] atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti.

[1283] sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur. No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.

[1284] See Digest XX 2 §§ 4, 7, for pignora on farms.

[1285] reliqua colonorum.

[1286] sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam. I take instruendi as referring to agri just above. The slaves are a normal part of instrumentum fundi.

[1287] hac paenuria colonorum. Not the tenants’ poverty. Cf VII 30 § 3.

[1288] sum quidem prope totus in praediis.

[1289] Daubeny, Lectures p 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.

[1290] VIII 15, IX 28, IV 6, X 8 § 5.

[1291] II 4 § 3.

[1292] querellae rusticorum, V 14 § 8, VII 30 § 3, IX 36 § 6.

[1293] remissiones, IX 37 § 2, X 8 § 5.

[1294] As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expression aeris alieni IX 37 § 2. He would have to find instrumentum for them.

[1295] IX 20 § 2.

[1296] IX 16.

[1297] IX 20 § 2 obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt.

[1298] IX 37.

[1299] necessitas locandorum praediorum plures annos ordinatura.

[1300] priore lustro. The lustrum or quinquennium was the common term of leases, and recognized in law books. Cf Digest XII 1 § 4¹, XIX 2 § 24, etc.

[1301] ut qui iam putent se non sibi parcere.

[1302] si non nummo sed partibus locem, ac deinde ex meis aliquos operis exactores custodes fructibus ponam. His new tenants would be coloni partiarii.

[1303] VIII 2.

[1304] V 6 § 12.

[1305] VIII 17.

[1306] VI 25.

[1307] interceptusne sit a suis an cum suis dubium.

[1308] Cf Juvenal X 19-22.

[1309] Fronto, when appointed to govern Asia, one of the most peaceful Provinces, at once looked out for a military officer to deal with latrones. Fronto p 169 Naber.

[1310] Paul Ephes 6 §§ 5 foll, Coloss 3 §§ 22 foll, I Pet 2 §§ 18 foll.

[1311] X 29, 30, with Hardy’s notes.

[1312] The first reference to a practice that was common later.

[1313] cum haberent condicionis suae conscientiam.

[1314] On the other hand we hear of free citizens trying to shirk army service earlier than this. Cf Sueton Aug 24, Tib 8.

[1315] Capitolinus Marcus 21 §§ 6, 7.

[1316] VII 18.

[1317] actori publico mancipavi. See chapter on [the alimenta of Trajan’s time]. References to municipal benefactions are very numerous in the Digest.

[1318] As we have seen above, the tenant coloni employed slave labour. Whether they worked with their own hands, or confined themselves to direction, probably varied in various cases.

[1319] Sueton Julius 26, 28.

[1320] Aug 21 sub lege ... ne in vicina regione servirent neve intra tricesimum annum liberarentur. See Shuckburgh’s note.

[1321] Aug 32, Tiber 8.

[1322] Aug 16.

[1323] Aug 24.

[1324] Aug 42 quod earum [frumentationum] fiducia cultura agrorum cessaret.

[1325] Aug 41 usum eius (pecuniae) gratuitum iis qui cavere in duplum possent.

[1326] Claud 25.

[1327] Nero 31.

[1328] Vesp 1.

[1329] mancipem operarum quae ex Umbria in Sabinos ad culturam agrorum quotannis commeare soleant.

[1330] Vesp 4 ad mangonicos quaestus. Hence his nickname mulio, for which as a sign of indigence cf Gellius XV 4.

[1331] Domit 7, 9. See p 272.

[1332] Fronto p 144 Naber, cf Seneca epist 44 § 3.

[1333] Sueton fragm p 24 Reifferscheid, Gellius III 3.

[1334] Gellius V 3.

[1335] Gellius II 18.

[1336] Madaura was in the Numidian part of the Province, near the Gaetulian border. See the Apologia 24. Oea, referred to below, was in the eastern strip, on the coast.

[1337] Juvenal VII 148-9 nutricula causidicorum Africa.

[1338] F Norden Apuleius von Madaura und das Römische Privatrecht (Teubner 1912).

[1339] Metamorphoses VIII 24. See Norden’s remarks pp 83-4.

[1340] See for instance Metam IV 9, VI 31, VII 4, 9.

[1341] Metam IX 39-42.

[1342] It seems certain that the convenience of humble rustics was little regarded by the upper classes. Even Marcus Aurelius (in Fronto p 35 Naber) confesses to the reckless scattering of a flock of sheep and to having been taken for a mounted brigand.

[1343] Metam IX 35-8. This is a case of periculum mortis ab hominis potentis crudelitate aut odio, referred to Digest XXXIX 6 § 3 [Paulus] as a risk like that of war or brigandage.

[1344] cuncta facile faciens in civitate.

[1345] Norden pp 161-3.

[1346] cum alioquin pauperes etiam liberali legum praesidio de insolentia locupletium consueverint vindicari.

[1347] Fierce dogs seem to have been a marked feature of country life. See VIII 17, IX 2.

[1348] hortulanus, see IV 3, IX 31-2, 39-42.

[1349] See V 17, VII 15, VIII 17, 29, 31. Cf Norden pp 88-9.

[1350] IX 32. Cf the case of small farmers in Africa, Apol 17, 23.

[1351] See IV 30, VIII 26. Cf Norden p 89, and pp 84-5 on metaphorical use of the legal term postliminium, which occurs also in Rutilius de reditu I 214.

[1352] Norden pp 26-7.

[1353] Apologia 17.

[1354] an ipse mutuarias operas cum vicinis tuis cambies.

[1355] Because of the strict rules of the laws passed to check manumission. Gaius I §§ 42-7. Norden p 86.

[1356] Apol 23.

[1357] triduo exarabas, to mark the smallness of the agellus.

[1358] Apol 93.

[1359] Apol 47 XV liberi homines populus est, totidem servi familia, totidem vincti ergastulum. See Norden p 87. ergastulum = the inmates of a lock-up, regarded as a body. See quotations from Columella p 263 and Pliny p 285, Mayor on Juvenal XIV 24, and cf Lucan II 95. So operae is used = ‘hands.’

[1360] viliconum, Apol 87. Cf Metam VIII 22.

[1361] Norden p 81.

[1362] Metam IX 12.

[1363] Herodian II 4 § 6.

[1364] δεσπότης.

[1365] Vopisc Aurel 48 § 2.

[1366] Vopisc Probus 16 § 6.

[1367] Trebell Claud 9 §§ 4, 5. Scythicis is an emendation. senibus MSS.

[1368] familias captivas.

[1369] Vopisc Aurel 39 § 7.

[1370] Lamprid Alex 55 §§ 2, 3, cf Trebell Gallien 9 § 5.

[1371] Vopisc Probus 18 §§ 1, 2. See Zosimus I 71 and No V of the Panegyrici cap 18 for other versions, in which the raiders are called Franks.

[1372] Even the extreme license of the soldiery, in deposing and murdering their own nominee, occurs repeatedly, and was no doubt one of the chief evils that prompted the reforms of Diocletian.

[1373] O Seeck, Untergang der antiken Welt book II ch 6.

[1374] See [index] under the word.

[1375] See chapter on [evidence of the Digest].

[1376] See chapter on [the African inscriptions].

[1377] This matter is ably treated at length by Seeck op cit vol I pp 578-83. That they were distinct from coloni and servi is clear from the later constitutions in Cod Theod V 17, 18 (9, 10), XII 19, and Cod Just XI 48 § 13.

[1378] We shall find some reference to them later in the Codes.

[1379] Herodian VII 4 §§ 3-6.

[1380] τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν οἰκέτας.

[1381] πεισθέντες κελεύουσι τοῖς δεσπόταις.

[1382] φύσει γὰρ πολυάνθρωπος οὖσα ἡ Λιβύη πολλοὺς εἶχε τοὺς τὴν γῆν γεωργοῦντας.

[1383] ὑπερμαχόμενοι τῶν δεσποτῶν.

[1384] Capitolinus Maximin 13 § 4, 14 § 1.

[1385] per rusticanam plebem deinde et quosdam milites interemptus est.

[1386] Frontin gromat p 53.

[1387] non exiguum populum plebeium.

[1388] legere tironem ex vico.

[1389] This evidence has come to hand since Heisterbergk wrote (1876) Die Entstehung des Colonats.

[1390] op cit pp 116-8.

[1391] Dion Cass epit LXXVI 10. For this story Dion is a contemporary witness.

[1392] The special treatises on these documents are fully mentioned in Girard’s Textes de droit Romain, ed 4, 1913. An essay on the Colons du saltus Burunitanus in Esmein’s Mélanges (1886) is still of great value.

[1393] Text in Girard’s Textes de droit Romain part III chapter 6.

[1394] We seem to have the names of two former owners, Varianus and Mancia. For the retention of names of former owners see Dittenberger in Orientis Graeci inscriptiones selectae No 669 note 18. Rostowzew Gesch des Röm colonates ch 4 rejects this view and makes the lex Manciana an imperial law.

[1395] Pliny epist III 19 § 7. Digest XIX 2 § 19², XXXII § 91¹, XXXIII 7 passim.

[1396] Dig XIX 2 § 3, and Monro’s note.

[1397] So Cuq, Seeck, Schulten, rightly I think. But in practice I believe the chance seldom occurred.

[1398] Text in Girard, part I chapter 4 § 10.

[1399] This significant hint seems to have been almost normal in such petitions. A good instance is the petition of Scaptoparene (see index, [Inscriptions]).

[1400] It is perhaps worth noting that under Commodus the transport of corn from Africa was specially provided for by the creation of a classis Africana for that purpose. See Lamprid Commodus 17 §§ 7, 8.

[1401] De Coulanges pp 10 foll deals with this point at length, but I think he pushes his conclusions too far.

[1402] Cf the Aragueni (see index, [Inscriptions]) παροίκων καὶ γεωργῶν τῶν ὑμετέρων.

[1403] Dig I 19 § 3¹ is of a later date, but refers to a protective rescript of Antoninus Pius. Cf XLIX 14 § 47¹, L 6 § 6¹¹. See Schulten in Hermes XLI pp 11-16.

[1404] CIL VIII 14428.

[1405] [domum rev]ertamur ubi libere morari possimus.

[1406] Seneca ad Helviam 7 § 7 ubicumque vicit Romanus habitat.

[1407] Text in Girard, part III chapter 6.

[1408] From comparing the remains of the next inscription (5) it appears that the emperor is Hadrian.

[1409] Cf agrum rudem provincialem in Hyginus, Gromat I 203. In the later empire we find legislation to promote such cultivation. See cod Th V 11 § 8 (365 AD), § 12 (388-392), 14 § 30 (386).

[1410] Dig XLI 3 § 33¹. Of course the dominus could possess per colonum. See Buckland, Elementary Principles § 38 p 77.

[1411] quae venibunt a possessoribus.

[1412] For aridi fructus cf Digest XLIX 14 § 50.

[1413] in cuius conductione agrum occupaverit.

[1414] rationi (bus fisci) gives the sense. But rationi simply may be correct, cf Digest II 14 § 42, etc.

[1415] Girard cites Rostowzew’s opinion that the right to occupy abandoned land as well as old wastes was an extension of the lex Manciana by the lex Hadriana.

[1416] See Dig XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

[1417] Later legislation to prevent this neglect of poorer land. Cod Th V 14 § 34 (394 AD), X 3 § 4 (383), XI 1 § 4 (337), etc.

[1418] Prof Buckland writes to me that he believes these squatters were to be owners, not coloni, owners in the only sense possible in non-Italic soil, paying tributum. The words frui possidere used to describe their right are the technical words for provincial ownership. Cf Gaius II 7.

[1419] In Hermes XXIX pp 215, 224.

[1420] Girard, part III chapter 6.

[1421] lege Manciana condicione saltus Neroniani vicini nobis.

[1422] It is tempting to identify these with the six mentioned in Nos (2) and (4) above.

[1423] For the vast extent of imperial estates, particularly in Africa, see Hirschfeld, der Grundbesitz der Römischen Kaiser, in his Kleine Schriften.

[1424] De Coulanges seems hardly to recognize how small was the amount of operae, a few days in the year. But in his tenth chapter he shews how vastly the system was extended (so many days a week) in the early Middle Age.

[1425] Mommsen in Hermes XV pp 391-6.

[1426] Such as the lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae of 44 BC, and the leges of Salpensa and Malaca of 81-4 AD. Girard, and Bruns’ Fontes.

[1427] Esmein p 309 well refers to the passages in Lachmann’s Feldmesser, Frontinus p 53 and Siculus Flaccus p 164. Cf Hirschfeld l.c. p 558.

[1428] Colum I 6 §§ 7, 8.

[1429] Colum I 7.

[1430] conductor and coloni are both bound by the statute for the fundus or saltus. In theory both are tenants of the emperor, in practice the conductor has the upper hand, as Cuq points out.

[1431] Compare Dig XIX 2 § 15⁴ with § 25⁶.

[1432] quasi societatis iure. Of course not a real socius. See Index, [colonia partiaria], and Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor note 91 on p 109.

[1433] See Dig I 19 § 3¹, an opinion of Callistratus, a jurist of the time of Severus. That in some sense or other the coloni were tenants of the emperor seems certain. See CIL VIII 8425 (Pertinax), 8426 (Caracalla), also 8702, 8777. And Esmein pp 313-5.

[1434] This becomes an important subject of legislation in the Theodosian code. See Cod Th V 11 § 8, 14 § 30.

[1435] See de Coulanges pp 140-4, where this view is more strongly expressed.

[1436] Die Entstehung des Colonats pp 70 foll, citing especially Frontinus Gromat I p 35 and Columella III 3 § 11.

[1437] This is very nearly the view of Wallon III 264 ‘le Colonat à l’origine ne fut pas un droit mais un fait.’ Ib 266.

[1438] I have made some reference to it below in the chapter on [the Digest].

[1439] This is fully treated by Seeck, bk III c 5.

[1440] In the Ain el Djemala inscription we have them used indifferently. It is not clear that the usage in various provinces was identical. See Vinogradoff Growth of the Manor pp 69, 70.

[1441] Given in a long note, vol I pp 578-83.

[1442] Marcian in Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ. Cf L 15 § 4⁸ (Title de censibus) si quis inquilinum vel colonum non fuerit professus etc, where the mention of colonum is suspected of interpolation by Seeck.

[1443] Dig XXX § 112ᵖʳ si quis inquilinos sine praediis quibus adhaerent legaverit, inutile est legatum (Marcian). Esmein p 313 takes them to be really slaves, but I cannot follow him.

[1444] This conclusion, I am pleased to find, had been forestalled by Esmein p 307.

[1445] Le Colonat Romain pp 125, 132.

[1446] In fact, as we say, edited.

[1447] Of this Title there is a useful little edition by the late C H Monro.

[1448] XIX 2 § 15², 25⁶, also § 15¹^,⁸.

[1449] XIX 2 § 15²^,⁵.

[1450] XIX 2 §§ 15³, 24², 25³, 51ᵖʳ, 54¹.

[1451] XVII 2 § 46, XLIV 7 § 34², XLVII 2 § 68⁵.

[1452] XIX 2 § 54ᵖʳ, XX 6 § 14, etc.

[1453] XX 1 § 21ᵖʳ, XLIII 32, 33, XLVII 2 § 62³.

[1454] XIX 2 §§ 9²^,³, 23, 51ᵖʳ, XLV 1 § 89.

[1455] XIX 2 § 52, cf XLIX 14 § 50.

[1456] XIX 2 § 25⁶ (Gaius?).

[1457] IX 2 § 27¹⁴, XLVII 2 § 83¹, § 10 § 5⁴. Compare also XIX 2 § 60⁵, XLVII 2 § 52⁸. I cannot deal with the difficult legal questions involved here. See Buckland’s Elementary principles § 135.

[1458] XIX 2 §§ 15⁸, 24⁴, 25¹, XXXIII 4 § 1¹⁵.

[1459] VII 8 §§ 10⁴, 11. Having nothing to do with the fructus, the usuary cannot interfere with the colonus.

[1460] XIX 2 § 54¹.

[1461] XIX 2 §§ 13¹¹, 14. The normal term of a lease was 5 years (lustrum, quinquennium).

[1462] XIX 2 § 24¹, XLI 2 § 30⁶, XLIII 16 § 20. So in law of 224 AD, cod Iust IV 65 § 6.

[1463] XII 2 § 28⁶.

[1464] XIX 2 § 25³, XL 7 § 40⁵. Compare the language of XXXIV 3 § 16 with § 18.

[1465] XIX 2 §§ 3, 54².

[1466] XIX 2 § 19², XXXII §§ 91¹, 93², 101¹, XXXIII 7 passim, esp § 4. For the vilicus, XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. A woman caretaker, ibid § 15².

[1467] XXXIII 7 § 24.

[1468] XIX 2 §§ 19³, 25⁶.

[1469] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XLVII 2 § 26¹. I note that de Coulanges p 14 holds that the contract rested solely on the basis of a fixed money rent, citing (p 12) Gaius III 142, Dig XIX 2 § 2ᵖʳ (Gaius). But I am not satisfied that cases of rent in kind were not subject to legal remedy. See Monro on Dig XIX 2 § 19³, and Pliny epist IX 37 § 3. And Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor note 91 on p 109.

[1470] See XIX 2 § 15.

[1471] XIII 7 § 25, XXXI § 86¹.

[1472] VII 1 § 41, XXVII 9 § 13ᵖʳ.

[1473] VII 1 § 13⁴.

[1474] VII 4 §§ 8, 10.

[1475] XXXII § 91¹, L 16 § 198. Cf Juvenal I 75, Suet Aug 72, Gaius 37, Palladius I 8, 11, 24, 33.

[1476] VII 1 § 13, XII 2 § 28⁶, XIX 2 §§ 25⁵, 29, XLVII 2 §§ 26¹, 62⁸, 7 § 9.

[1477] XIX 2 §§ 55¹, 61ᵖʳ.

[1478] XLIII 24 § 13⁶.

[1479] XXXIX 3 §§ 4²^,³, 5.

[1480] Alternative, XX 1 § 32.

[1481] A curious case is the putting in an imaginarius colonus [of course at a high nominal rent] in order to raise the selling price of a farm. XIX 1 § 49 (jurist of 4th cent), earlier in Fr Vat § 13.

[1482] See XXXII § 41⁵, XXXIV 4 § 31ᵖʳ.

[1483] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹, XL 7 § 40⁵.

[1484] XX 3 § 16, XXXIII 7 § 12³, 8 § 23³.

[1485] servus actor, his rationes, XL 7 § 40ᵖʳ,⁴^,⁵.

[1486] His reliqua, XXXII §§ 91ᵖʳ, 97.

[1487] XXXIV 1 § 18³, 3 § 12, XL 7 § 40 passim.

[1488] XXXII §§ 41², 91ᵖʳ, XXXIII 7 §§ 12³⁸, 20³^,⁴, 22¹. These refer to legata, in which particular intention could be expressed, cf XXXII § 91¹.

[1489] IX 2 § 27⁹^,¹¹, XIX 2 § 30⁴.

[1490] XXI 1 § 32, XXVIII 5 § 35³, XXXII §§ 60³, 68³, XXXIII 7 § 20.

[1491] See above on Martial pp [307-10].

[1492] XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 passim, esp § 25¹. Buckland, Slavery p 6.

[1493] Alfenus Varus in Dig XV 3 § 16.

[1494] Hence the frequent references to peculia. See XXXIII 8 de peculio legato, where from §§ 6ᵖʳ, 8ᵖʳ, it appears that his peculium might include land and houses. Cf de Coulanges pp 55-6, 66-7, 135-6.

[1495] XXXII § 97 etc.

[1496] XXXIII 7 § 12³ etc.

[1497] VII 7 § 3 in hominis usu fructu operae sunt et ob operas mercedes (Gaius), XII 6 § 55.

[1498] VII 1 §§ 25, 26, XIX 2 § 60⁷ (Labeo, time of Augustus, cited by Javolenus).

[1499] XL 7 § 14ᵖʳ mercedem referre pro operis suis (Alfenus), cf XLV 3 § 18³.

[1500] XXXIII 7 §§ 18⁴, 20¹. mercede or pensionis certa quantitate as opposed to fide dominica.

[1501] VIII 6 § 20, XLIII 16 § 1²⁰, 24 § 3ᵖʳ.

[1502] XLIII 24 § 5¹¹.

[1503] XLI 1 § 44.

[1504] XLVII 14, cf XLVIII 19 § 16⁷, XLIX 16 § 5².

[1505] In XIX 2 § 25⁴ (Gaius?) the tenant is held to blame for wilful damage done by a neighbour with whom he has a quarrel.

[1506] XVIII 1 § 35⁸.

[1507] XLVII 21 § 2.

[1508] XLIII 16, de vi et de vi armata.

[1509] XLI 3 § 33¹ etc.

[1510] XLI 2 §§ 3⁸^,¹², 25¹, etc.

[1511] VIII 3 de servitutibus praediorum rusticorum. Specimens of inscribed notices of servitudes, Girard textes part III ch 3 § 1.

[1512] VII 1 § 27³, XIX 2 § 15² (Ulpian). The abuse of the quartering of troops was no new evil in the Provinces. We hear of it from Cicero. In the third century AD we have the notable petitions from Scaptoparene in Thrace (238) text in Mommsen ges Schr II 174-6, and from the Aragueni in Asia Minor (244-7), text in Dittenberger Or Graec inscr No 519. For Italy in 5th century see on [Symmachus].

[1513] XIX 2 §§ 9³, 15.

[1514] XLI 1 § 7¹⁻⁶, etc.

[1515] XI 4 § 1¹, cf Paulus sent I 6 a § 5.

[1516] Dealt with later in the Codes as a frequent evil. For early medieval laws on the point see de Coulanges p 152.

[1517] XLVII 9 §§ 3³, 16, Paulus sent V 3 § 4.

[1518] XIII 4 § 3.

[1519] Callistratus in L 11 § 2, quoting Plato rep 371 a-c.

[1520] XLVII 11 § 9.

[1521] XLVII 11 § 10, cf cod Th IX 32 § 1, cod Just IX 38.

[1522] agri vectigales or (as the title calls them by a later name) emphyteuticarii. VI 3 §§ 1, 2, XIX 1 § 13⁶, XLIII 9 § 1, L 16 § 219. Large blocks were also hired by middlemen (mancipes) and sublet in parcels to coloni, XIX 2 § 53.

[1523] VI 3 §§ 1, 3.

[1524] L 8 § 2¹.

[1525] subiectis aliorum nominibus.

[1526] XXXIX 4 § 11¹, auctoritate principali.

[1527] Gaius III 145 concludes that the contract in these leases is one of letting and hiring, not of purchase and sale. That is, it includes everything save the bare dominium, notably possessio, and, as Prof Buckland points out to me, covenants usual in such cases could be enforced by the actio ex locato.

[1528] XXXIX 4 § 11⁵.

[1529] XLIX 14 § 3⁶.

[1530] principalibus rescriptis. From the text I infer that these are later than Hadrian.

[1531] XXX § 39¹⁰, XIX 2 § 49.

[1532] XLIX 14 § 47¹ (Paulus).

[1533] XLIII 8 § 2⁴ (Ulpian), a very important passage.

[1534] Papirius Justus in L 1 § 38¹, muneribus fungi sine damno fisci oportere.

[1535] Callistratus in L 6 § 6¹¹, ut idoniores praediis fiscalibus habeantur.

[1536] References are endless. Most significant is L 4 § 4 (Ulpian) honores qui indicuntur.

[1537] Title XLIX 14 de iure fisci.

[1538] II 14 § 42 (Papinian).

[1539] XLIX 14 § 3¹⁰.

[1540] XLVIII 22 § 1, cf XLIX 14 §§ 47, 50, (Paulus).

[1541] That they did sometimes suffer may be inferred from the case of the Aragueni (p 374) who describe themselves as πάροικοι and γεωργοὶ (= inquilini and coloni) of the emperor.

[1542] L 5 §§ 10, 11, etc.

[1543] See Spartian Hadrian 7 § 5, Capitolinus Anton 12 § 3, Spartian Severus 14 § 2.

[1544] De Coulanges makes it his main thesis that the later colonate was a creation of custom, at length recognized by law. My conclusions here were reached before reading his fine treatise.

[1545] attributi or contributi. See Mommsen, Staatsrecht III, die attribuirten Orte.

[1546] Cf Dig XXXIII 2 § 28 indictiones temporariae [Paulus], XIX 1 § 13⁶ [Ulpian].

[1547] Pliny paneg 29 (of imperial subjects) nec novis indictionibus pressi ad vetera tributa deficiunt.

[1548] Hence cod Theod has a title de superindictionibus.

[1549] The rising of the Bagaudae in Gaul, at least partly due to agricultural distress, had been put down by Maximian in 285-6. See Schiller III pp 124-6.

[1550] It is true that the colonus was guaranteed against disturbance, but I think de Coulanges pp 114-7, 123 makes too much of this.

[1551] There were in the latter half of the third century some signs of the coming reconstruction. But they came to no effect.

[1552] Cod Th V 17 (9) § 1 apud quemcumque colonus iuris alieni fuerit inventus, is non solum, eundem origini suae restituat verum super eodem capitationem temporis agnoscat ... etc. Runaway coloni are to be chained like slaves, iuris alieni = the control of someone other than the person harbouring him. The colonus is legally dependent, though nominally free.

[1553] See Weber, Agrargeschichte pp 256 foll.

[1554] See Seeck II 320 foll, 330 foll.

[1555] Cod Just XI 59 § 1, in which Constantine, finding the civitatum ordines unequal to this burden, extends the liability to other landlords also.

[1556] See Seeck II 214 foll, 223, 249, IV 88.

[1557] Seeck II 249, 284. See Cod Th XI 2 §§ 1-5 (dates 365-389), not in Cod Just.

[1558] Heisterbergk p 59 with references. Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 302-5.

[1559] The details of this system are fully discussed in Seeck’s great article, die Schatzungsordnung Diocletians, in the Ztschr für social und Wirthschaftsgeschichte 1896.

[1560] Digest I 5 § 17, Dion Cass LXXVII 9 § 5. Schiller Geschichte I pp 750-1 thinks that military motives had much to do with it, as adding to the citizen troops. What is supposed to be a copy of the edict itself has been found in a papyrus, see Girard, textes part I ch 4 § 12. The text is in the Giessen papyri No 40. It seems certain that the lowest class of peregrini (the dediticii) were not included in the grant.

[1561] See Seeck II 323. Cf Lactant mort pers 23 § 5, Victor Caes 39 § 31.

[1562] Through the ius commercii.

[1563] Seeck, Schatzungsordnung, cited above.

[1564] A long title in cod Th is devoted to remissions, XI 28, consisting of temporary laws. And these deal chiefly with Italian and African Provinces, notably §§ 7, 12, with Campania. They date from 395 to 436.

[1565] In the panegyric (No VIII cap 11) on Constantine we have mention of a reduction of 7000 capita for relief of a district in Gaul.

[1566] Cod Th XI 1 § 14. Cf. Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 315-6.

[1567] Compare the conduct of the magistrates of Antioch in the evidence of Libanius cited below.

[1568] See for instance cod Th XIII 10 § 1.

[1569] See below, in section on [Salvian].

[1570] See Ammianus XIX 11 § 3, Victor Caesares 13 §§ 5, 6. A long title cod Th VIII 5 is devoted to the cursus, containing 66 laws from 315 to 407, and other references abound.

[1571] Cf cod Th XI 16 § 3 (324), § 4 (328).

[1572] Cf Cic II in Verr III § 190, Tac Agr 19. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 22 (386), with Godefroi’s notes, also §§ 11 (365) and 21 (385), XIV 4 § 4 (367).

[1573] See the title de naviculariis, cod Th XIII 5, including 38 laws.

[1574] Cod Th XIV 18 de mendicantibus non invalidis.

[1575] If I rightly interpret Dig L 5 § 1² (Ulpian) cases had occurred earlier of men liable to office even pretending to be mere coloni in order to evade liability (ad colonos praediorum se transtulerunt. See Dirksen under transferre).

[1576] Very significant is the law cod Th XVI 5 § 48 (410) by which even heretics are held to curial duty.

[1577] See Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 315-6, De Coulanges p 119.

[1578] See Weber, Agrargeschichte pp 266-7.

[1579] Cf cod Th XI 16 passim.

[1580] A rule of 366, or later according to Mommsen, cod Th XI 1 § 14, cod Just XI 48 § 4.

[1581] Cf cod Th XIII 10 § 3, retained in cod Just XI 48 § 2, plainly recognizing this.

[1582] See the advantages of the colonate summed up in de Coulanges p 144, and cf ibid p 139.

[1583] Lactantius de mort pers 7 § 3.

[1584] enormitate indictionum.

[1585] Cf Augustin de civ Dei X 1 coloni, qui condicionem debent genitali solo, propter agri culturam sub dominio possessorum.

[1586] Cf cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2 (332), etc.

[1587] Cod Th XI 3 § 2.

[1588] The capitatio.

[1589] Cod Just XI 48 § 7.

[1590] Schatzungsordnung pp 313-4.

[1591] Rostowzew Geschichte des Röm Colonates pp 381-97 traces the abandonment of the policy of favouring coloni, and adoption of reliance on great possessors, as a result of the pressing difficulties of the collection of revenue.

[1592] Cod Just XI 50 § 1 (Constantine).

[1593] Cod Just XI 50 § 2.

[1594] Cod Th XI 1 § 12 (365).

[1595] Wallon, Esclavage III 266, 282.

[1596] For instance cod Th XI 11 (date somewhere 368-373), IV 13 §§ 2, 3 (321). Also XI 7-10, 16 § 10, etc.

[1597] Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 285-308, with an account of local variations. For instance, in Africa and Egypt there was no capitatio.

[1598] See cod Th VII 13 § 7, 8 (375, 380). Even the imperial estates made liable, ibid § 12 (397). Dill p 196. In 379 Theodosius had to raise recruits from γεωργοί, Libanius XXIV 16.

[1599] Cod Th VII 18 § 10, cf VIII 2 § 3 (380). See Seeck II 490-1.

[1600] Cod Th VIII 2 § 3. By long use the word had become quite official. Cf inopes ac vagi in Tac ann IV 4, etc.

[1601] Cod Just XII 33 § 6.

[1602] De Coulanges pp 168-9 points out that in the early Middle Age we find ingenui = coloni.

[1603] temonaria functio. See Dirksen under temo. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15, 18, cf VII 13 § 7, VI 26 § 14.

[1604] Wallon III 149, 476.

[1605] Cod Th VII 13 § 7, where occur the words cum corpora postulantur opposed to aurum. For the money-commutation (adaeratio) often accepted from the landlords see Mommsen Ges Schr VI p 254 Das Röm Militärwesen seit Diocletian. Also Rostowzew in the Journal of Roman Studies vol VIII on Synteleia tironon, and Wagner on Ammianus XIX 11 § 7.

[1606] Cf Vegetius rei milit I 7, of the disasters caused by slovenly recruiting, dum indicti possessoribus tirones per gratiam aut dissimulationem probantium tales sociantur armis quales domini habere fastidiunt.

[1607] Cod Th IV 13 §§ 2, 3, kept with variants in cod Just IV 61 § 5.

[1608] Cod Th XI 8.

[1609] Cod Th XI 16 § 10, 17 §§ 2-4.

[1610] For the special position of imperial senators see Dill pp 126, 166, 196, 218 foll.

[1611] Cod Th XI 11, kept with some omissions in cod Just XI 55 § 2.

[1612] Cod Th XI 16 § 4, cod Just XI 48 § 1.

[1613] Seeck I, chapter on die Ausrottung der Besten.

[1614] Pliny NH XVIII 296. Palladius VII 2.

[1615] hoc compendio. Pall.

[1616] Orat 50. I take the date given by Förster.

[1617] For such properties see cod Th X 3.

[1618] φιλανθρωπότατε βασιλεῦ.

[1619] § 36 γράμμασι, which I take to be = indictiones.

[1620] In cod Th the title XI 24 is de patrociniis vicorum, and the laws range from 360 to 415. Cod Just XI 54 shews that the evil was still in existence in 468.

[1621] Orat 47 §§ 8-10. Zulueta (see below) points out that the protection given by the patrons was exerted quite as much by improper influence on judges as by use of force.

[1622] § 6 τοῦτο καὶ λῃστὰς γεωργοὺς ἑποίησε.

[1623] § 11 ἀλλὰ καὶ οἷς εἷς ὁ δεσπότης.

[1624] §§ 19-21.

[1625] § 24 ὦν εἰσιν (οἱ γεωργοί).

[1626] §§ 17, 18.

[1627] § 34.

[1628] §§ 36-8 δὸς δὴ νεῦρα τῷ νόμῳ καὶ ποίησον αὐτὸν ὡς ἀληθῶς νόμον ἀντὶ ψιλῆς προσηγορίας ... etc.

[1629] Cod Th XI 24 § 2 (Valens).

[1630] Note that the law Cod Th XII 1 § 128, sternly forbidding militares viri to interfere with curiales or to use any violence to leading men in the municipalities, is dated 392 July 31. Also that it is retained in Cod Just X 32 § 42. Zulueta de patrociniis vicorum pp 38-40 concludes that it is uncertain to what emperor Libanius is appealing, and places the date in 386-9 AD. He finds the reference in Cod Th V 17 § 2 (Theodosius), not in XI 24 § 2.

[1631] The leading authority on Symmachus is O Seeck. In particular the dating of many of the letters in his great edition (MGH, Berlin 1883) is often helpful.

[1632] See epist II 6, 7, 52, IV 5 (4), 18, 21, IX 14, 114 (124), X 2, 21, relat 3 §§ 15-18, 9 § 7, 18, 35, 37.

[1633] epist III 55, 82, IV 54, 74, VII 38, 68, relat 18.

[1634] epist II 6, III 55, 82, IX 42, VII 68, relat 9, 18, 37.

[1635] epist VII 66, IX 10, relat 18.

[1636] epist II 55, IV 68.

[1637] epist VI 15 (14).

[1638] epist VI 15 (14), VII 18, 68. Seeck, V 284, 555.

[1639] epist I 5 ut rus quod solebat alere nunc alatur. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 4.

[1640] epist VI 82 (81).

[1641] nihilque iam colonis superest facultatum quod aut rationi opituletur aut cultui.

[1642] epist VII 56 cum sit colonus agrorum meorum atque illi debita magis quam precaria cura praestetur.

[1643] epist IX 6. Cf IX 11.

[1644] epist IX 47 (50).

[1645] epist IX 140 (X 18).

[1646] epist VIII 2. Plin epist I 6, V 6 § 46.

[1647] Amm Marc XXVIII 4 § 18 alienis laboribus venaturi.

[1648] epist II 22.

[1649] epist V 18.

[1650] epist II 52. Cf the cases contemplated in Dig XIX 2 §§ 13⁷, 15².

[1651] epist VII 38.

[1652] epist IX 45 (48).

[1653] epist VI 11.

[1654] epist IX 27 (30).

[1655] epist VII 66, IX 49 (52). In the law of 414 Cod Th XVI 5 § 54 we have these conductores privatorum opposed to conductores domus nostrae in Africa. See above, chapter on [the African inscriptions].

[1656] epist VI 12.

[1657] In quality the Apulian wheat was thought excellent. Varro RR I 2 § 6.

[1658] epist IX 29.

[1659] epist VII 126 res ... non tam reditu ampla quam censu.

[1660] epist IX 11 sed maior opitulatio ex tui arbitrii favore proveniet, cum causae eius etiam iustitia non desit.

[1661] epist IX 37 (40).

[1662] ut perspiciatur in discretione iudicium.

[1663] epist IX 47 (50).

[1664] epist IX 10.

[1665] epist VI 59 (58), 65 (64).

[1666] epist IV 74.

[1667] epist II 7.

[1668] quanto nobis odio provinciarum constat illa securitas.

[1669] relatio 40.

[1670] quod nihil subsidii decreta dudum oppida conferebant. This seems to imply a previous grant to Tarracina, levied on other towns. Cf relat 37 decretae provinciae, referring to supply of Rome.

[1671] Capuana legatio. Meaning Campanian, I take it.

[1672] Neratius Cerealis, praef annonae 328, praef urbi 352-3, consul 358. Godefroi’s Prosopographia, Wilmanns inscr 1085, and cod Th XIV 24. The order is given thus, eum frumenti numerum, quem Cerealis ex multis urbibus Romano populo vindicarat, restitui omnibus.

[1673] secretum.

[1674] XVI 5 §§ 14, 15.

[1675] Seeck, Schatzungsordnung p 306, keeps the MS reading capitulis here. See his remarks, and for the word capitulum cf cod Th XI 16 § 15 (382) capituli atque temonis necessitas, ibid § 14 capitulariae sive ... temonariae functionis.

[1676] The title cod Th XI 28 is de indulgentiis debitorum.

[1677] norat enim hoc facto se aliquid locupletibus additurum, cum constet ubique pauperes inter ipsa indictorum exordia solvere universa sine laxamento conpelli. We shall return to this point in connexion with Salvian.

[1678] XVII 3.

[1679] quicquid in capitatione deesset ex conquisitis se supplere. conquisita are the sums produced by a superindictio raising the amount to be levied. Cf cod Th XI 1 § 36, and title XI 6 de superindicto.

[1680] Cf XXX 5 § 6 provisorum, cod Th XII 1 § 169 tuae provisionis ... incrementis.

[1681] indictionale augmentum.

[1682] sollemnia ... nedum incrementa.

[1683] XVIII 1.

[1684] quorum patrimonia publicae clades augebant.

[1685] XVIII 2 § 2 and references in Wagner’s edition. Schiller, Kaiserzeit II p 313.

[1686] XXIX 5 §§ 10-13.

[1687] messes et condita hostium virtutis nostrorum horrea esse.

[1688] As when in Pannonia (373) they crossed the Danube and occupatam circa messem agrestem adortae sunt plebem, XXIX 6 § 6.

[1689] XXIX 5 § 13 in modum urbis exstruxit.

[1690] XXIX 5 § 25 muro circumdatum valido. In XXX 10 § 4 we find Murocincta as the name of a villa and Triturrita in Rutilius de reditu I 527, 615. Cf cases in Caesar’s time, Bell Afr 9, 40, 65.

[1691] XXVIII 6 § 8.

[1692] XXX 2 § 10 negotiis se ruralibus dedit.

[1693] There was much jealousy on this score, and a powerful reaction, as after the death of Valentinian in 375, but even then the foreign element prevailed. Schiller II 389.

[1694] XXXI 4 §§ 4, 5.

[1695] ex ultimis terris tot tirocinia. Cf XIX 11 § 7.

[1696] et pro militari supplemento, quod provinciatim annuum pendebatur, thesauris accederet auri cumulus magnus. I hope I am right in referring this to the temonaria functio or obligation of paying the temo = the price of a recruit. Cod Th XI 16 §§ 14, 15.

[1697] XXXI 6 § 5.

[1698] dudum a mercatoribus venundati, adiectis plurimis quos primo transgressu necati inedia vino exili vel panis frustris mutavere vilissimis.

[1699] XXXI 10 § 17, inventute valida nostris tirociniis permiscenda.

[1700] XXVIII 5 § 15 of Theodosius defeating Alamanni, pluribus caesis, quoscumque cepit ad Italiam iussu principis misit, ubi fertilibus pagis acceptis iam tributarii circumcolunt Padum. 370 AD. Cf XXXI 9 § 4, 377 AD, and XX 4 § 1, 360 AD.

[1701] For instance, in Rufinum I 200-5, de bello Gildon 105-12, de IV cos Honor 412-8.

[1702] in Rufin I 380-2.

[1703] in Rufin I 189-92.

[1704] metuenda colonis fertilitas.

[1705] in Eutrop I 401-9.

[1706] de bello Gildon 49-74.

[1707] See Bury, Later Roman empire I 108-9, Seeck, Untergang V 379-80, Dill, Roman Society p 233, Wallon, Esclavage III 276-7. The affair is referred to in cod Th X 10 § 25 (Dec 408).

[1708] de cos Stilichonis II 204-7.

[1709] in Eutrop II 194-210.

[1710] bene rura Gruthungus excolet et certo disponet sidere vites.

[1711] quem detinet aequi gloria concessoque cupit vixisse colonus quam dominus rapto.

[1712] in Eutrop I 406 Teutonicus vomer.

[1713] de bell Goth 450-68.

[1714] non iam dilectus miseri nec falce per agros deposita iaculum vibrans ignobile messor ... sed vera inventus, verus ductor adest et vivida Martis imago.

[1715] Cf Vegetius rei milit I 7, of disasters in recent times, dum longa pax militem incuriosius legit.

[1716] in Eutrop II 370-5.

[1717] de bell Goth 366-72.

[1718] epitoma rei militaris I 3.

[1719] rei milit I 5, senos pedes vel certe quinos et denas uncias [has not ad fallen out before senos?]. In a law of 367, cod Th VII 13 § 3 in quinque pedibus et septem unciis.

[1720] tunc. When? From I 28 it might be inferred that he looks back to the first Punic war. But I do not think so.

[1721] necdum enim civilis pars florentiorem abduxerat iuventutem. So I 7 civilia sectantur officia.

[1722] The assertion that Martius calor has not subsided (I 28), accepted by Seeck I 413, seems to me rhetorical bravado. Much more likely is the view (ib 414) that the improved standard of recruits in the fifth century was due to prevalence of barbarians.

[1723] Seeck II 88 foll. Hence army service was called militia armata.

[1724] mulomed I 56 §§ 11-13.

[1725] si saepius et cum moderatione animalia sedeantur. For sederi cf § 35 sub honesto sessore, Spart Hadr 22 § 6, cod Th IX 30 § 3.

[1726] servorum impatientia.

[1727] neque enim de damno domini cogitant, quod eidem contingere gratulantur.

[1728] Julian orat VII p 232 a-b.

[1729] Above, [p 393].

[1730] de mortibus persecutorum 22-3.

[1731] For the census under the new system, first in 297 and then every fifth year, see Seeck II pp 263 foll. It was only concerned with the land and taxation units liable to the levy of annona. De Coulanges pp 75-85 urges that the system already described by Ulpian in Dig L 15 §§ 3, 4, is much the same, and points out that monastic records shew it still surviving in the early Middle Age. But practice, rather than principle, is here in question.

[1732] hominum capita. In most provinces the taxable unit was fixed by taking account of the number of able-bodied on each estate as well as of the acreage. Seeck II 266 foll, also Schatzung pp 285-7.

[1733] The urban taxation was conducted in each town by the local decemprimi, aldermen, and was quite distinct.

[1734] adscribebantur quae non habebantur may mean ‘were put on the record as owning what they did not own.’

[1735] pecuniae pro capitibus pendebantur. The capita here seem to have a double sense.

[1736] De Coulanges pp 75-6 treats it severely on the score of Christian prejudice.

[1737] Sulp Sev dial II 3.

[1738] For instance cod Th VII 1 § 12, VIII 5, XI 10, 11.

[1739] Cod Th VII 20 § 7.

[1740] Sulp Sev vita S Martini 2 § 5, and cf cod Th VII 22, also 1 § 8. See the note of Seeck II 490.

[1741] This view has been challenged by Dill, pp 118-9. But cf Sidonius epist V 19, IX 6.

[1742] The earlier part of book V of the de gubernatione Dei, especially §§ 34-50. The rising of the Bagaudae (286) in Gaul is dealt with §§ 24 foll. See Schiller II pp 124-6.

[1743] dediticios se divitum faciunt et quasi in ius eorum dicionemque trascendunt.

[1744] addicunt, a technical law term.

[1745] possesio ... capitatio.

[1746] pervasio = attack, encroachment. Cf cod Th II 4 §§ 5, 6.

[1747] fundos maiorum expetunt et coloni divitum fiunt.

[1748] iugo se inquilinae abiectionis addicunt. See cod Th V 18 (10) de inquilinis et colonis, cod Just XI 48 § 13.

[1749] fiunt praeiudicio habitationis indigenae. That is, by prescription they acquire a new origo. See cod Th V 17 (9) §§ 1, 2, 18 (10), cod Just XI 64 § 2, 48 § 16.

[1750] extraneos et alienos; that is, belonging to someone else.

[1751] et miramur si nos barbari capiunt, cum fratres nostros faciamus esse captivos?

[1752] I think de Coulanges is too severe on the rhetoric of Salvian (pp 141-3). After all, the Codes do not give one a favourable picture of the later colonate, and the Empire did fall in the West.

[1753] This arrangement was especially frequent in the East. See on Libanius [pp 400-1], and cod Th XI 24 de patrociniis vicorum, cf cod Just XI 54. But so far as individuals were concerned it was widespread.

[1754] Seeck cites cod Th III 1 § 2 [337], XI 1 § 26 [399], 3 §§ 1-5 [319-391], and for the legal tricks used to defeat the rule XI 3 § 3.

[1755] de gub Dei V § 18 quae enim sunt non modo urbes sed etiam municipia atque vici ubi non quot curiales fuerint tot tyranni sunt?

[1756] From adscribere, to record the liability of the lord, his coloni came to be called adscripticii. Weber Agrargeschichte p 258.

[1757] Cod Th XI 1 § 26 [399] refers especially to Gaul. He is servus terrae in fact, as Weber Agrargeschichte p 258 remarks.

[1758] In Esmein’s Mélanges [1886] there is an excellent essay on some of the letters of Sidonius discussed here, forestalling a number of my conclusions.

[1759] See Seeck II 175 foll.

[1760] Sidon epist I 10.

[1761] See Dill, Roman Society in the last century of the Western Empire, p 179.

[1762] See epist II 2, 9, 14, IV 24, VIII 4.

[1763] epist VII 12 § 3.

[1764] quia sic habenas Galliarum moderarere ut possessor exhaustus tributario iugo relevaretur.

[1765] Instances in epist III 1, VI 10.

[1766] epist III 5.

[1767] suffragio vestro.

[1768] epist VI 10.

[1769] domesticis fidei, already, it seems, a stereotyped phrase. See Ducange.

[1770] debitum glaebae canonem.

[1771] epist VI 12.

[1772] See Dill, book IV ch 3.

[1773] aggeres publici, cf epist II 9 § 2, IV 24 § 2. It is an official expression, used by jurists.

[1774] No doubt some were castles, more or less defensible. The burgus of Leontius by the Garonne was such, cf carm XXII 121-5.

[1775] epist I 6, VII 15, VIII 8.

[1776] epist II 14.

[1777] epist IV 9 § 1, VII 14 § 11. liberti mentioned VII 16. See Dill p 178.

[1778] epist VIII 4 § 1.

[1779] epist II 2. Cf Dill pp 168-72.

[1780] In epist III 9 is a curious case of a farmer who owned slaves and in his slack simplicity let them be enticed away to Britain.

[1781] Dill p 220, citing epist IV 24. See Esmein pp 377-83 for the legal points of the case.

[1782] centesima, that is 1% per mensem, I suppose.

[1783] epist IX 6. See Dill pp 174-5.

[1784] epist V 19.

[1785] sub condicione concedo, si stupratorem pro domino iam patronus originali solvas inquilinatu.

[1786] mox cliens factus e tributario plebeiam potius incipiat habere personam quam colonariam.

[1787] He calls his solution compositio seu satisfactio. Esmein pp 364 foll shews that compositio was now a regular expression for the practice of avoiding the strict Roman Law, under barbarian and ecclesiastical influences.

[1788] See Index, [inquilini], and de Coulanges pp 65, 74, 85.

[1789] See de Coulanges pp 100-1.

[1790] See this question fully discussed by Esmein pp 370-5. Also the doubts of de Coulanges pp 101, 104.

[1791] For this point see Seeck, Schatzungsordnung pp 314-5.

[1792] Cod Th V 18 [10] si quis colonus originalis vel inquilinus ... etc. And below, originarius [419]. Cod Just XI 48 § 13 inquilinos colonosve, quorum quantum ad originem pertinet vindicandam indiscreta eademque paene videtur esse condicio, licet sit discrimen in nomine, ... etc, and § 14 causam originis et proprietatis. The limiting word paene may refer to difference in mode of payment of taxes. These laws, retained in cod Just, date from 400.

[1793] Seeck just cited. Weber, Agrargeschichte p 257.

[1794] E Meyer Kl Schr p 185 takes the words of Aristotle Pol I 2 § 5 ὁ γὰρ βοῦς ἀντ’ οἰκέτου τοῖς πένησίν ἐστιν as proving that even in Ar’s time the small farmer had to do without a slave. I think they prove that if he could not afford a slave he must do with an ox only. For the additional protection of the ox see [Index]. Cf Maine, Early Law and Custom pp 249-51.

[1795] E Meyer Kl Schriften p 179 will only use the word slaves of a part of these, but the distinction does not matter here.

[1796] See Dig XXXII § 99 (Paulus), and XXXIII 7 passim, especially § 25¹.

[1797] That religious scruple was opposed to keeping members of the same race-unit in slavery is most probable. This trans Tiberim rule is known from Gellius XX 1 § 47, referring to debt-slaves. Greeks however, even when abhorring the enslavement of Greek by Greek in principle, did not discontinue the practice. E Meyer Kl Schr p 202 compares the medieval scruple in reference to brother Christians. See also his remarks p 177. For Hebrew law and custom see Encyclopaedia Biblica (1903) vol IV and Hastings’ Dictionary of the Bible (1902) vol IV, articles Slavery.

[1798] Different also from the position of a food-producer class in a great territorial state, being based on local conditions.

[1799] Illustrated with great clearness in the provisions of the Gortyn laws.

[1800] Varro RR I 17 § 2 on obaerarii or obaerati.

[1801] The relative importance of land and the means of cultivation [especially oxen] in early times, the power thus gained by chiefs granting cattle to tenants, and the connexion of these phenomena with legends of debt-slavery, are instructively discussed in Maine’s Early history of Institutions, lecture VI.

[1802] Mr G G Coulton kindly reminds me of an analogy observable in the history of Art. It is progressive on simple lines up to a certain point. Then it begins to ramify, and differences of taste become more acute. Hence an anarchy of taste, driving men to yearn (like Ruskin, Morris, etc.) for the old simplicity. So the peasant up to a point is useful and noble. But fresh currents of civilization alter his position. Then men yearn for the old simplicity, only defective through being essentially simple.

[1803] Mr Zimmern, The Greek Commonwealth pp 265 foll, has some interesting remarks on craftsmen as wage-earners, and points out their preference for serving the state rather than private employers. The latter plan would have put them almost in the position of slaves.

[1804] When food was provided, we must reckon it as part of his wage.

[1805] A vast number of Greek records of manumission refer to such cases.

[1806] See Francotte, L’Industrie dans la Grèce ancienne book II chap 5, La concurrence servile. I cannot follow E Meyer Kl Schr pp 198-201. And the oft-cited passage of Timaeus (Athen VI 264 d), where free Phocians object to slaves taking their employment, refers solely to domestic and personal attendance.

[1807] Of this there is abundant American evidence from writers on Slavery. The hired slave sometimes got a higher wage than the hired freeman.

[1808] See Whitaker’s Almanack, and the exposure of an impudent agency for the purpose in the Times 15 Sept 1914.

[1809] Compare Wendell Phillips ‘Before this there had been among us scattered and single abolitionists, earnest and able men; sometimes, like Wythe of Virginia, in high places. The Quakers and Covenanters had never intermitted their testimony against slavery. But Garrison was the first man to begin a movement designed to annihilate slavery.’ Speech at G’s funeral 1879.

[1810] Prof Bury, Idea of Progress p 275, points out that Guizot noted that Christianity did not in its early stages aim at any improvement of social conditions.

[1811] The conclusions reached in this paragraph are in agreement with E Meyer Kl Schr pp 151-2, 155, 205, 209. But he seems to put the decline of the slave-gang system rather earlier than I venture to do.

[1812] We must bear in mind that a tenant was naturally unwilling to work for a margin of profit not to be retained by himself. Hence the tendency to find means of constraining him to do so.

[1813] coloni or quasi coloni, cf Dig XV 3 § 16, XXXIII 8 § 23³, or XXXIII 7 §§ 12³, 18⁴, 20¹, and numerous other references.

[1814] The compulsory tenure of municipal offices is commonly cited as illustrating the pressure even on men of means. It began in the second century. See Dig L 1 § 38⁶, 2 § 1 [Ulpian], 4 § 14⁶ [Callistratus citing Hadrian], and many other passages. Notable is L 4 § 4¹ honores qui indicuntur [Ulpian].

[1815] This topic is the subject of Churchill Babington’s Hulsean dissertation, Cambridge 1846. I learn that a pamphlet by Brecht, Sklaverei und Christentum, takes a less favourable view, but have not seen it. The survival of the colonate and its heavy burdens in the early Middle Age are treated by de Coulanges, particularly in connexion with the estates of the Church.

[1816] The slow progress of emancipation is referred to by E Meyer Kl Schr p 178, of course from a very different point of view. He mentions that slavery was not completely forbidden in Prussia till 1857, and is against its abolition in German colonies. Seeley in his Life of Stein points out that the armies of Frederic the Great were mainly recruited from serfs.

[1817] The Turk and his Rayahs furnishes a very striking illustration.

[1818] E Meyer, Kl Schr p 188.

[1819] Since writing this section I have found in Prof Bury’s Idea of Progress pp 269-70 a passage which seems to justify the objection here raised, though it occurs in a different connexion.

[1820] It is perhaps hardly necessary to refer to the great economic disturbance caused by the Black Death in fourteenth century England.

[1821] John Spargo, Bolshevism, the enemy of political and industrial Democracy. London, J Murray 1919. I think I may accept the author’s evidence on the points here referred to, confirmed as it is by other observers. See his remarks pp 69, 156, 275, 278, in particular. That the same sharp distinction between peasant and wage-earner is drawn by the Socialists in other countries also, and is to them a stumbling-block, is clearly to be seen in King and Okey’s Italy today. See [appendix].

[1822] A remarkable article in the Times of 10 May 1920 describes the influences tending in the opposite direction in the United States, particularly the workman’s prospect of proprietorship.

[1823] For the survival of the colonate in the West see de Coulanges pp 145-86.

[1824] See Krumbacher’s history of Byzantine Literature in Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, and Oder’s article in Pauly-Wissowa.

[1825] Varro RR I 17 §§ 3, 4.

[1826] In the Journal of Hellenic Studies 1910 and 1912. There the views of Zachariä are discussed.

[1827] The truth seems to be that serfage had never become so widespread in the East as in the West, as Mr Bouchier, Syria as a Roman Province p 181, points out.

[1828] Vol II pp 418-421.

[1829] Sir W. Herringham, A Physician in France, pp 167-8 on Peasantry as a strength to the State.