History of the war in the Peninsula and in the south of France from the year 1807 to the year 1814, vol. 4

by William Francis Patrick Napier

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

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JUSTIFICATORY PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE STATE
OF SPAIN AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.

No. I.
SECTION 1.—NORTHERN PROVINCES.

Captain Irby to Mr. Croft.

“H. M. S. Amelia,
“Coruña, May 6, 1810.

“I have been cruizing for these two months past between Bayonne and Santona.”

“In addition to the troops I have observed under arms, there has been a great proportion of armed peasantry at Baquio, a small place to the westward of Rachidaes; as our boats were returning from destroying some batteries, they were attacked by armed peasantry alone, who were dispersed by shot from the ship, and also since they have assisted the French troops, when we captured a vessel laden with military stores from St. Andero.”

Mr. Stuart to general Walker.

“Lisbon, February 20, 1811.

“I own that from the various appointments which have lately taken place in their armies, I forbode little advantage in the course of the ensuing campaign; it is perhaps needful to tell you that my fears are grounded on the nomination of the duke of Albuquerque to Gallicia, Castaños to Estremadura, Mahi to Murcia, Coupigny to Valencia, and the brother of O’Donnel to Catalonia.”

Sir Howard Douglas to lord Wellington.

“Villafranca, January 4, 1812.

“Each chief is allowed three servants, a captain two, a subaltern one; the number of soldiers employed in this way is certainly not under the regulation, and all officers resident in the interior likewise have this excessive indulgence. The officers’ servants never do duty, or attend any drill or review. The cooks are in general changed weekly, and are never present at drill or review; one cook is allowed besides to every three serjeants. These two items certainly take 5000 choice men from the ranks of this army.”

“Some very violent recriminations have been brought on by the imprudent reply of the military press, to some observations published in a Coruña paper extolling the Guerillas, and at the same time intended to convey a censure on the conduct of the army. I have had frequent conversations with general Abadia on the spirit of disunion which these two papers are sowing. He has at length prohibited the military press from publishing any thing but professional papers. I was present when he gave the order—he engaged me in the conversation, and I could not avoid observing, that what was lost could only be regained by the sword, not the pen. In this I alluded to the Asturias, where certainly reputation and public confidence were sacrificed.”

“The truth is, the army is oppressive and expensive, as well as inefficient, from its disorganised state, particularly in the departments of supply; and it is a very unpleasant circumstance to hear it generally admitted, that a Spanish corps is much more destructive to the country than an equal French army. There are also violent dissentions between the juntas of Leon and Gallicia: inclosure No. 6 will shew this state of feeling.”

Sir Howard Douglas to sir H. Wellesley.

“Coruña, March 1, 1812.

“On the 20th ultimo I had the honour to despatch to your excellency a copy of my letter of that date to lord Wellington, in which I acquainted his lordship that three battalions of the army of Gallicia are preparing for embarkation for America, and that I had positively declined making, and would not permit the delivery of any British arms or stores for that service. I have now discovered, that in addition to these troops it is intended to send a division of horse-artillery, to equip which, orders have been given to transfer appointments from the cavalry of the army, and a demand is made for funds to prepare the ordnance, and even to adapt to colonial service more of the field artillery which I lately delivered for the use of the sixth Gallician army. This measure has never been openly avowed by the government of Cadiz, it has never been communicated to the junta of this province by the regency. It has, I imagine, been concealed from your excellency, and it has only come to my knowledge, by the arrangements no longer to be hidden, which general Abadia is making to carry it into effect.”

SECTION 2.—CATALONIA.

Extract of a Letter from Don Antonio Rocca.
(Translated.)

“Reus, January 20, 1811.

“While we have venal men, ignorant men, and perfidious men in our government, no good can befal us. He must be mad who can expect our condition to ameliorate. The venal are those who, without being called, seemingly abandon their own affairs, and introduce themselves into the different branches of administration with no other view than to enrich themselves at the public expense. The ignorant are those who think themselves wise, and who either obtain by intrigue or accept without reluctance employments the duties of which they are not capable of discharging. The perfidious are all those who are indifferent spectators of this bloody struggle, and who care not for the issue, as they will equally submit to any master. Place no confidence, my friend, in these sort of persons, nothing can be expected from them, and yet by an inconceivable fatality which is attached to us, to the ruin of all parties, it would appear that the provinces employ none but these very people. Those who commend us are either venal or ignorant, or indifferent; at least the more we search for the remedy, the more our evil increases.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“April 24, 1811.

.... “With respect to the proposed plan of admitting supplies of grain in neutral vessels from the ports of the enemy, &c., I have no hesitation in saying I do not see sufficient reason to justify it in the present circumstances of this part of the Peninsula, as I have always found bread for sale at the different places on the coast, at the rate of about two pounds and three quarters for the quarter of a dollar, at which price I yesterday bought it at Escala. And as there has been of late more corn at Taragona than money to purchase, I presume the latter has been the greater desideratum of the two.”

.... “The difficulty of allowing a free passage of provisions from one part of the coast to the other would be lessened by being limited to vessels above the size of common fishing-boats, in which I have reason to believe considerable quantities have been carried to Barcelona; and captain Bullen, I understand, found even a mortar in a boat of this description.”

General C. Doyle to captain Bullen.

“Ripol, April, 1811.

“Can you believe that in this town, the only fabric of arms, six months have passed without a firelock being made!!! They begin to-morrow, and give me two hundred and fifty every week, &c.”

[Note. The italics and notes of admiration are in the original.]

Admiral Freemantle to captain Codrington.

“Mahon, May 19, 1811.

“The uncertainty of every thing connected with Spanish affairs is such, that I am tired of writing and explaining all that arises from their inconsistency and want of energy.

“Until eight o’clock I had understood that the intendant had procured one thousand quintals of biscuit for the army at Taragona, which number I find on inquiry has dwindled to fifty-seven bags. I have therefore been under the necessity of sending five hundred bags, which we can very ill spare, from our own stores, with a proportion of rice. I cannot tell you how much I have been worried and annoyed the last three days, particularly as I feel the very great importance Taragona is to the Spaniards, and how much this island is connected with the event of the fall of that fortress. The intendant here has wrote that he has sent two hundred and thirty-two bags of bread. You will have the goodness to explain that only fifty-seven were procured by him, which I have engaged to pay for, and that all the rest comes immediately from our own stores, and are consequently at the disposal of the British authorities at Taragona.”

Extract of a Letter from Sir Edward Pellew to captain
Codrington.

“H.M. Ship Caledonia, July 22, 1811.

“The indecision, inactivity, and apparent disunion amongst the Spanish leaders has been the great cause of failure throughout the whole of this arduous contest, and is especially observable in the late events in Catalonia; nor until the patriots are directed by pure military councils and more energy and decision, can I permit myself to think that any effectual stand can be made against the invaders.”

Sir Edward Pellew to captain Codrington.

“August 2, 1811.

“I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, &c. The information therein conveyed affords me a very melancholy view of the affairs of the patriots, and gives me little reason to hope better things from their future exertions.”....“A despatch which reached me by the same opportunity from the superior junta of Catalonia contains a proposal for occupying a position on the coast as a naval depôt, and the selection of Palamos is presented to my choice. It does not appear to me that the junta possesses at present resources for defending any such position, and from the measures being submitted to my determination, it seems to be expected that I should provide means of defending them while employed in securing themselves in their new station.” “Yet whilst the noble spirit of this ill-fated people remains unsubdued, it would not be just to expect a total failure, although the loss of all confidence between them and the privileged orders, and the want of leaders among themselves who possess either skill or competency to guide them, afford but a very precarious prospect of their doing anything effectual to stop the invaders.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“November 1, 1811.

“By a letter from captain Strong it seems the people of Cadagues in the early part of October openly refused assistance to the governor of the Medas islands, declaring that they only acknowledged the strongest party, and therefore paid their subscriptions to the French; and that upon the Bustard’s going with a party of Spanish troops to enforce obedience, they rang the alarm-bell as the signal for the approach of an enemy, and sent to Rosas for assistance.”

Extract of a Letter from captain Codrington to
E. H. Locker, esq.

“February 7, 1812.

“Whilst the French pay the poor, who serve their purpose, at the expense of the rich, the Spaniards deal out severity to the lower classes, and oblige them to serve without pay and without clothes; and the debauched and profligate of higher life are in many instances rewarded, for imbecility, ignorance, and indifference to the fate of their country never yet exceeded, without one single example being made of the many traitors which have been discovered in the persons of priests, officers of rank, or what are termed gentlemen.”

Captain Codrington to general Lacy.

“February 18, 1812.

“Being an eye-witness of the discontent of the people, which has arisen from their being partially disarmed, and knowing how fatal have been the consequences which have followed these practices on former occasions, I must own I cannot offer to the admiral my conviction of all that benefit arising from his good intentions in which I should otherwise have confided. The officers and men of the French army are walking about this part of the coast unarmed, because the juntas and justices have concealed the muskets they had at their disposal, and refused the people permission to attack the enemy. In the mean time the poor people, whose hearts are burning with patriotism, are starving for want of bread, and the richer citizens of this devoted country are supplying the enemy with corn and other species of provisions.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Villa Nueva, February 22, 1812.

“I fear things are going on very ill in this principality from the sudden change in the system of general Lacy, and the consequent destruction of that confidence on the part of the people which was certainly the cause of his former successes. Nor can there be any doubt of the sound reason which guides the conduct of the Catalans on this occasion; for the mode in which general Lacy effected the dishonourable breach of faith of which they complain, bespeaks a mind practised in deception. He ordered the patriotic companies to be sent to particular points in subdivisions, at which points general Sarsfield was to take forcible possession of them, and attach them to different corps of the regular army. And the discovery of this treachery was made by the letter to general Sarsfield falling by mistake, into the hands of the officer who commanded the whole division of patriotic companies. In the meantime the discontent of the people gains ground with their sufferings, and instead of the Spanish army being increased by the late arbitrary mandate according to its avowed object, and not less probably in consequence of the late extraordinary conduct of general Sarsfield, many of the Catalan soldiers have actually passed over to the enemy.”

“The letter of the baron de Eroles in the gazette No. 10, shews that he was again deceived in the promised support of general Sarsfield on the 24th, and I am told he says publicly it was part of a settled plan to sacrifice him and his whole division.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Villa Nueva de Sitjes, February 22, 1812.

“Nothing but a total change can produce permanent good; for the villanies of the intendant and commissary departments are so thoroughly organized, that not one link of the chain can be left with safety. I have good reason to think that even the money furnished by England is so employed in the traffic of corn, by the individuals through whose hands it passes, as to be the direct means of supplying the enemy.”

Captain Codrington to Mr. H. Wellesley.

“March 1, 1812.

“The change of the regency will I trust produce a radical change of that diabolical system by which plunder has been openly licensed, and despotism and injustice towards the people, and even treachery itself, in those of a higher class, have hitherto passed with impunity.”

SECTION 3.—VALENCIA AND MURCIA.

The councillor of state, Mariano Orquijo, to king Joseph.

“Madrid, Decembre 4, 1810.

“Je viens de voir le proviseur et vicaire général qui fut arrêté à Logrogne par les insurgés. Son opinion prononcée en faveur de V. M. lui a attiré toutes sortes de mauvais traitemens et de disgraces, mais enfin il est parvenu à se sauver de Valence. Il m’a rapporté que l’esprit public de cette capitale a beaucoup changé depuis que le général Caro (frère de Romana) s’est livré aux vexations et aux dilapidations de toute espèce, et que son opinion est qu’on n’y éprouvera aucune résistance. L’Archevêque de Valence, qui jouit à présent d’une grande influence, lui a souvent parlé en secret d’une manière favorable de V. M. et de ses ministres. C’est à l’Archevêque qu’il est redevable de son evasion. Ce prélat m’ayant connu ainsi que à M. de Montarco dans d’autres tems le chargea de nous voir. Le général Bassecourt n’était nullement considéré. Le proviseur ajoute, qu’à Alicant d’où il est parti le 14 Novembre, tout était rempli, de réfugiés de Cadiz. D’après tout ce qu’il m’a dit, je conte qu’aussitôt la prise de Tortoze, Valence se rendra sans coup férir. J’ai renvoyé ce proviseur à Monsieur de Santa Fé qui l’a protégé en sa qualité de ministre des affaires ecclesiastiques et qui fut très sensible au malheur qui lui arriva à Logrogne.”

General Doyle to Mr. Stuart.

“March 8, 1811.

“There is a strong French party in Valencia. It is a sad thing that we cannot sacar Partido of that kingdom, in which are more resources than in all the other provinces of Spain. With my head I answer for it that in one month two thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry, independent of the existing army, which is one thousand five hundred effective cavalry and eleven thousand infantry, could be raised, and there is money enough within the city to pay them for six months, and without looking elsewhere for assistance to clothe them. There is abundance of cloth, and provisions in abundance, yet Valencia is doing nothing! and this time so precious, while Massena draining all the rest of the Peninsula gives us time to organize. We want a Robespierre in the government, and another in every province!!”

Colonel Roche to Mr. Stuart.

“Carthagena, June 20, 1811.

“After three years leaving them to themselves, this army (the Murcian) is everywhere in a worse state absolutely than it was in the commencement of the revolution.”

“The fact is that the Spaniards have no confidence in their general, nor he in them, and thus Freire apprehends if he fights his people will disperse. Valencia, with an immense population and great resources, is doing little. Bassecour retired to Cuença. The same indolence, lassitude, and egotism prevails through the country, and I see little stimulus produced by the establishment of the cortes; that feeling of enthusiasm which existed is fast dying away. The thing in the world most agreeable to the Spaniards at this moment would be to be allowed to be neuter, and that England and France should fight the battle and pay all the expenses.”

Captain Codrington to the honourable H. Wellesley.

“September 8, 1811.

“After ascertaining that much art was employed to disgust the army with general Blake, and at the same time to prejudice the people against their officers, I relied upon the purity of my motives, and opened the subject to the general with the candour and freedom it required. I had great satisfaction in finding him well aware of all that was passing, and upon his guard as to the consequences. Upon my mentioning that certain hand-bills were posted up, he produced and gave me the enclosed copies. He told me that upon obtaining them he went to the marquis of Palacios, who, necessarily agreeing in their evil tendency, consented to accompany the general to the palace of the archbishop, where I trust measures were adopted to prevent a repetition of the misconduct of the Padre Igual and his numerous bigoted coadjutors. I submitted to the general’s attention the fatal effects of his quitting this part of the Peninsula, while the minds of the people were in such a state of fermentation, and allowing the supreme authority to revert to the marquis of Palacios. He assured me that he clearly saw the danger which would arise from it; he had determined on no account to do so until the marquis was removed by the government from his present situation.”

Mr. Tupper’s report to sir H. Wellesley.
(Extract.)

“January 27, 1812.

“The scandalous behaviour of the members of the junta will have more influence upon the public mind, will dishearten the people even more than the fall of Valencia and the dispersion of the army. For seeing their representatives return to their respective districts, it will give an example to follow that all is lost, and having no authority to protect them or to look to, the people have no other resource left than to submit to the yoke of the enemy.”

Extracts from Mr. Tupper’s report to sir Henry Wellesley
from 22 to 27 January, 1812.

“Blake with his immense resources remained altogether inactive, and contented himself with observing the movements of the enemy, and his progress in fortifying himself under the walls of the city.”

“With Blake’s approbation I had raised a corps of about one hundred and eighty men to act as guerillas, and by beginning a plan of offensive operations I expected to see the example followed. I also demanded the direction of the chief battery, that of Santa Catalina, from whence the French camp might be much annoyed, and for the space of thirty successive days caused the French considerable damage in killed and wounded. Excepting this battery, that of St. Joseph contiguous to it, and that of the Puente del Mar, every thing else remained in a state of complete inactivity. Blake, lulled into a state of confidence that the enemy would not attack without reinforcements, had taken no measures whatever.”

“The junta of Valencia was composed of members, as per list enclosed, of which only the first remained, the others having before retired and shamefully gone to their respective homes; but upon the fall of the capital where they had their property, those remaining sent in their resignation to Mahi, and without being competent to do so, gave up the only representative authority of the province which had been confided to them, and have thus thrown the whole country into a state of anarchy, abandoning it altogether to the will of the enemy; yet I am persuaded the spirit of the people is the same, great resources are left in the province, immense riches still remain in the churches, convents, diezmos, &c., &c.”————“I am however sorry to say that since the fall of the capital, nay, since the battle of the 26th ultimo, not a single step has been taken, and at this moment outside the walls of Alicant the province does not exist.—Mahi has objected to Padre Rico, the only man in my opinion, and in that of every body, capable of giving activity and soul to the resources of the country.”

.... “I am sorry to inform your excellency that after repeated interviews with Mahi and the intendant Rivas, on the subject of the commission I had proposed, I am now clearly of the opinion from the repeated delays and studied objections that no authority will be established.”————“ In short nothing has been done, and nothing will be done.”————

“I am firmly of opinion that the people now in authority are disposed, by leaving public affairs in their present abandoned state, to submit to the French yoke.”————“On the 16th ultimo, when Montbrun made his appearance, the Ayuntamiento desired the Syndico Personeso to give a petition in the name of the people to enter into a capitulation; he refused; but I am informed there was some arrangement between the governor and the Ayuntamiento, the members whereof remain in office notwithstanding their traitorous conduct on the 16th.”

SECTION 4.—ANDALUSIA.

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“9th May, 1810.

“Nothing new here; the regency and the junta are as usual more asleep than awake, and I can augur nothing good from the government remaining in such hands—let their intentions be ever so good. Nothing but the assembly of the cortes, and from thence springing up a revolutionary system, overturning abuses and interesting the people in their own cause by solid and permanent, instead of contingent and prospective reforms, calling forth talents if to be found for the chief situations, and inforcing vigour and rousing enthusiasm. Nothing but some great change (such as we might in the beginning have assisted in bringing about) can carry on this war to any good result. The people are obstinate in their hatred of the French, and from that alone spring the fits of patriotism and loyalty which keep alive the flame in some place or another. That it is so one cannot doubt from the effects, but it is never to be met with where one is, at least I have never yet seen enthusiasm though I have heard of it. Hence the bulk of the people seem to be completely indifferent to what is going on, and all seem most unwilling to submit to the deprivation of any comfort, and to the sacrifices which a state of siege requires. They would be very well pleased to have any thing done for them, and to see the enemy driven away, that they might go to eat strawberries at Chiclana, and they are much disposed to blame our inactivity, especially that of the navy, in permitting the enemy to have advanced so near on the point of Trocadero. The destruction of these two forts at first was certainly a great error in admiral Purvis; had they been kept up and well garrisoned, as they support one another, it would have been a very tedious operation to have reduced them. Meanwhile you will hear that the improvidence of the junta, and their denial of any such risk to Mr. Wellesley, placed the bread provision of the town in much too precarious a situation; in short, they completely deceived him by their assurances of the most ample means of subsistence, and both flour and wheat have been sent away since he came.”

Mr. Wellesley to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla de Leon, February 5, 1811.

“Blake is becoming very unpopular, and I think his reign will be short. He is supposed to be by no means partial to the English. I know not whether you will approve of the appointments to Estremadura and Gallicia, but I am sure you will be surprised to hear that general Mahi is appointed to command the army of the centre. I communicated confidentially to general Blake the copy of the letter which you forwarded to me from general Walker, taking care to conceal general Walker’s name, so that Blake was fully apprised of our opinion of general Mahi previously to his appointment of him to the command in Murcia.”

Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, February 27. 1811.

“It grieves me to see from day to day how little is done by the Spaniards, and how little is likely to be done. The cortes have not given a new impulse to the war as was expected. They look to their regency for plans of reform for their armies, and their regency is worse than any former government. Blake, of whom I know that you as well as the world in general have a good opinion, does nothing. He refuses to reform abuses that are pointed out to him, passes his days in deliberation upon questions of no moment, and is in my opinion decidedly adverse to the English. Whittingham’s plan, (disciplining a separate corps,) which was approved of before his arrival, he has endeavoured by every kind of trick to reject or render useless.”

“The cortes is full of priests, who, united with the Catalans, are for preserving the old routine of business, and adverse to every thing that can give energy and vigour to the operations of government. Fanaticism and personal interest direct their opinions; Arguelles and his party are anxious that something should be done to remedy the disgraceful state of their armies. I have no doubt but that they would remove the present government, though the friends of Blake, if there was any chance of the Catalan party permitting them to elect a better.”

“Be assured, my dear Stuart, that the cortes is, as at present constituted, any thing but revolutionary or jacobinical. They love their monarchy, and are anxious to maintain the inquisition in all its forms, the only branch of government to which they seem disposed to communicate any energy. If there is not soon some new spirit infused into the cortes, it will become an overgrown junta, meddling with every paltry detail of police, and neglecting the safety of their country—and the regency will be content to reign (very badly) over Cadiz and the Isla.”

Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, August 5, 1811.

“The temper of the public mind at Cadiz is very bad, the press has lately teemed with publications filled with reproaches of the English.”

“The regency and cortes have lost all influence every where, and the distress for money added to the general depression here after the campaign in Estremadura may possibly throw us into a state of anarchy.”

“I am somewhat alarmed by the state of the Serranos de Ronda; the Spanish generals have been quarrelling, and the peasants declare they are tired of the abuses committed there, and that it is reported they mean to capitulate with the French.”

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla de Leon, April 24, 1811.

“The Spanish government has published an official narrative of the expedition (Barosa) full of misrepresentations and blinking the question of the cause of failure entirely—this has obliged me to add something to what I wrote before to Mr. Wellesley. There are some instances of impudence supporting falsehood beyond example. The proud Spaniard is no less vain I think.”

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla, May 6, 1811.

“The government here supported by the cortes seemed to be determined to adhere with blind obstinacy and pride to a system that has nearly brought the cause to ruin, and notwithstanding Lord Wellington’s great efforts they are playing Buonaparte’s game so positively that I despair of any great good.”

Colonel Austin to Mr. Stuart.

“Faro, March 24, 1811.

“Whether Ballesteros is authorized by his government to pursue the steps he has taken, I know not, but I certainly cannot but consider them as just and necessary. The junta de Seville is a mere farce supported at an immense expense without the least utility or benefit, and preserving in its train a number of idle characters who ought to be employed in the defence of the nation, but who now only add to its burthens. I have had many negotiations with the junta, and though I have always kept up appearances through policy, yet I have found, in the room of the honour and candour which ought to characterize it, nothing but chicanery and dissimulation.”

General Carrol to Mr. Stuart.

“Olivenza, April 29, 1811.

“Would to Heaven that the Spanish armies, or, more properly speaking, the skeletons of the Spanish armies were under his lordship’s (Wellington’s) command; we might in that case do great things, but alas! our pride seems to increase with our misfortunes, and is only equalled by our ignorance!”

Mr. Stuart to Lord Wellesley.

“July 13, 1811.

“I have endeavoured to throw together the numbers, &c. of the different guerillas, &c., which clearly demonstrate the false exaggerations circulated respecting that description of force; though their appearance in different parts has most unreasonably encreased the alarm of the enemy and proportionable confidence of the Spaniards, they cannot be calculated to exceed in the aggregate twenty-five or thirty thousand men at the utmost.”

Note. Here follows a list of the Partidas with their numbers and stations too long to insert.

Mr. Wellesley to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, July 31, 1811.

“Nothing can be more wretched than the state of affairs here; the regents are held in universal contempt, and such is the want of talent, I can hardly hope that a change will make any improvement: the treasury is empty, and no probability of the arrival of any money from America, so that affairs are really in a worse state than they have been at any time since the commencement of the war.”

Extract from the manifesto of the Spanish regency.

“January 23, 1812.

“There have reached the government the cries of the armies which defend us, depicting their painful privations; the groans of the inhabitants of districts, ready to fall under the yoke of the barbarous invaders; the complaints of the provinces already occupied, always loyal though oppressed and laid waste.”

“Cease now, and henceforward, all personal pretensions; the ill-understood feelings of interest dictated by provincial spirit; exemptions unjustly demanded at this period of desolation, writings which, while they ought to create the most ardent patriotism, to unite and enlighten the nation, appear inspired by the enemy for the purpose of enslaving it.”

SECTION 5.
PRIVATEERS.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Arens de Mar, August 23, 1811.

“I have numberless complaints of the Spanish privateers that come upon the coast, and I am sure it would be a benefit to the country if they were all deprived of their commission. They do nothing but plunder the inhabitants of those places which are occasionally overrun by the French armies, and who embrace the opportunity of their absence to carry on a little trade with other parts of the Peninsula.”

Ditto to sir H. Wellesley.

“Valencia, September 8, 1811.

“I trust some decisive measures will be taken to abolish altogether a system of privateering nothing short of piracy; and in which the vessels from Gibraltar seem to take the lead. I have great reason to believe that they plunder the unfortunate vessels of all countries by hoisting whatever colours may answer their purposes of assumed national hostility; and as we never hear of their attacking each other, I have no doubt that the British and French flags are often united in furtherance of this predatory warfare. The numberless complaints which I receive from all parts of the coast, and the difficulty of trading betwixt Catalonia and Valencia, on account of the privateers which swarm in these seas, drive many into an intercourse with Barcelona and other places in the occupation of the enemy, in order to get a livelihood.”

Ditto to admiral Penrose, Valencia.

“The depredations of the Gibraltar privateers have been carried on to such an extent, in all parts of the Mediterranean, as to bring serious reflections upon the British flag.”

SECTION 6.
FRENCH PRISONERS AT CABRERA.

Captain Codrington to E. Locker, Esq.

“September 18, 1811.

“I cannot at all events think it a wise measure to receive into colonel Whittingham’s corps the prisoners at Cabrera, who have long ago withstood the offers of general Roche, when naked as they were born, and fighting for each other’s miserable rations to prolong an existence inconceivably wretched, in hopes of rejoining the French.”

Sir H. Wellesley to captain Codrington.

“October 10, 1811.

“With regard to the French prisoners at Cabrera, I procured from the Spanish government long since an order to the governor of the Balearic Islands to suspend all negotiations with the French on that subject, and not on any account to consent to exchange them.”

No. II.
SECTION 1.
SIEGE OF TARAGONA.

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton.

“Taragona, May 15, 1811.

“During the panic which seems to have prevailed upon the unexpected arrival of the French army, the greatest exertions and the most extensive sacrifices appear to have been readily submitted to. But from the present apathy and indifference in those who should set an example of activity, and from the general deficiency of ordnance stores, I by no means consider the place in that state of security which the strength of its works and position would otherwise lead me to expect.”

“A well planned sortie was made yesterday, but failed through the backwardness of some of the officers employed in it.”——“I had the satisfaction of being assured by an officer, who conspicuously did his duty on this occasion, and who was outflanked by the enemy, from the backwardness of the column directed to support him, that he attributes the salvation of his troops entirely to the fire from the shipping.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Blake, off Villa Nueva, June 15, 1811.

“Leaving Taragona on the 16th (May), we reached Peniscola in the forenoon of the 17th.”——“From thence general Doyle wrote to general O’Donnel an account of the situation of Taragona and of my detaining captain Adam at Peniscola, in readiness to receive any reinforcement which he might be pleased to send to that garrison. Upon our arrival off Murviedro, we found general O’Donnel had already ordered the embarkation of two thousand three hundred infantry and two hundred and eleven artillery-men.”——“Delivering to general O’Donnel two thousand stand of arms, accoutrements, and clothing to enable him to bring into the field as many recruits already trained as would supply the place of the regular soldiers; thus detached from his army, we proceeded to Valencia and landed the remainder of our cargo, by which means the troops of general Villa Campa, then dispersed as peasantry for want of arms, were enabled again to take the field, and the corps of Mina and the Empecinado completed in all the requisites of active warfare.”

“At Alicant we proceeded to take in as many necessary materials for Taragona as the ship would actually stow, besides eighty artillery men and a considerable quantity of powder, ball-cartridge, &c. sent in the Paloma Spanish corvette from Carthagena in company with a Spanish transport from Cadiz deeply laden with similar supplies.”

“After returning to Valencia, where we landed the additional arms, &c. for the Aragonese army, we moved on to Murviedro, where the conde of Bispal proceeded from Valencia to join us in a consultation with his brother, although, on account of his wound, he was very unfit for such a journey. The result of this conference was a determination on the part of general O’Donnel to commit to my protection, for the succour of Taragona, another division of his best troops under general Miranda, consisting of four thousand men, whilst he himself would move forward with the remainder of his army to the banks of the Ebro.”

“The frequent disappointments which the brave Catalonian army had heretofore met with from Valencian promises, made the sight of so extensive and disinterested a reinforcement the more truly welcome, because the less expected, and the admiration which was thus created in the besieged appeared to produce proportionate anxiety on the part of the enemy.”

“I shall direct the whole of my attention to the neighbourhood of Taragona, in readiness for harassing the retreat of the French, if general Suchet should unfortunately be obliged to raise the siege, and for re-embarking and restoring to general O’Donnel whatever may remain of the Valencian troops, according to the solemn pledge he exacted from me before he would consent thus to part with the flower and strength of his army. He even went so far as to declare, in the presence of general Miranda, the principal officer of his staff, general Doyle, captain Adam, captain White, and myself, that he considered me as entirely answerable for the safety of the kingdom of Valencia, and that if I failed in redeeming my pledge he would resign his command for that particular account.”

“It is but justice to myself, however, that I should tell you that I did most distinctly warn general O’Donnel, that I would in no case answer for his army if placed under the immediate command of Campo Verde, for any distant inland operation, more particularly as I knew that, in addition to his own deficiency in ability, he was surrounded by people whose advice and whose conduct was in no case to be relied on.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Blake, Taragona, June 22, 1811.

“I found upon my last return here an arrangement made, that in case of the enemy gaining the Puerto, general Sarsfield should retire to the Mole with part of his division, from whence I had only to assist, but was much astonished to find, by a message, through colonel Green, from general Contreras, that although he had heard of such a disposition being made by general Sarsfield, and assented to by the English squadron, it had not his official knowledge or approbation.”——“I understand that an order had arrived in the morning from the marquis of Campo Verde for general Velasco to take the command of the Puerto, and for general Sarsfield to join his army, that the latter had given up his command to some colonel at about three o’clock, who was, by his own confession, totally unfit for it, and that general Velasco only arrived in time to find the Spanish troops flying in confusion from the want of being properly commanded and the French assaulting the place.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Mattaro, November 1, 1811.

“Having stated in a letter to sir Charles Cotton, on the 22d June last, that I understand general Sarsfield had quitted the Puerto and embarked without the knowledge of general Contreras, (which indeed was the substance of a message sent me by general Contreras himself,) I owe it to an officer of general Sarsfield’s high military character to declare my conviction that the statement there made by general Contreras is absolutely false and unfounded, and I beg leave to enclose in justification of my present opinion; 1st, a passport sent by general Contreras to general Sarsfield in consequence as he alleged of an order from the marquis of Campo Verde. 2d. An extract from the manifesto of the marquis, in which he disavows having any knowledge of the passports. 3d. A letter from general Contreras to general Sarsfield in answer to one written by the latter requesting to see the order by which he was directed to quit the Puerto at such a critical moment, in which he says ‘that he cannot send him a copy of that letter, because it is confidential, but that his presence is necessary at the head-quarters to assist in the operations about to take place for the relief of the garrison, and that he has not a moment to lose.’ 4th. The copy of another letter written on the same day by general Contreras to the superior junta, in which he says that general Sarsfield quitted the Puerto without his knowledge!!!”

General Doyle to colonel Roche.

“June 23, 1811.

“Is it possible to conceive any thing so absurd, and I could almost say wicked, as the conduct of the junta or captain-general of Cartagena in taking away the firelocks from the regiments they sent with such a parade of their patriotism to relieve Taragona. Two thousand men are already in this city without firelocks, such is the daily destruction of arms by the enemy’s fire and the getting out of repair from constant use.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“Off Taragona, June 23, 1811.

“Another regiment arrived from Carthagena yesterday under convoy of the Cossack, but, as on a former occasion, their arms were taken from them by colonel Roche, upon their going to embark, and therefore, as being of no use to the garrison, I have by desire of the general sent them to Villa Nueva, and as there are already 2000 men in the place without arms, I have sent the Termagant to Carthagena, to endeavour to procure those which have been thus inconsiderately taken from the troops belonging to that place.”

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton.
(Extract.)

“June 29, 1811.

“The Regulus with five transports including a victualler arrived with colonel Skerrett and his detachments on the 26th. The surf was so great on that day that we had no other communication in the forenoon than by a man swimming on shore with a letter, and upon colonel Skerrett putting questions to general Doyle and myself upon the conduct he should pursue according to his orders, we agreed in our opinion that although the arrival of the troops before the Puerto (lower town) was taken would probably have saved the garrison, it was now too late, and that their being landed, if practicable, would only serve to prolong the fate of the place for a very short time at the certain sacrifice of the whole eventually. This opinion was grounded on a number of different circumstances, and was in perfect coincidence with that of captains Adam and White. In the evening the surf abated sufficiently for general Doyle, colonel Skerrett, and some of his officers, as well as the captains of the squadron and myself, to wait upon general Contreras, who repeated his determination to cut his way out and join the marquis of Campo Verde the instant the enemy’s breaching battery should open, and which he expected would take place the following morning, and who agreed the English ought not to land with any view of defending the town, although he wished them to join in his meditated sortie.”

Extracts from general Contreras’ report.
(Translated.)

“I saw myself reduced to my own garrison.” “I considered if my force was capable of this effort (defending the breach), one of the most heroic that war furnishes, and to which few men can bring themselves. I recollected however that I had still eight thousand of the best and most experienced troops in Spain.” “All conspired against this poor garrison. Campo Verde in quitting the place promised to come back quickly to its succour, but he did not, although he daily renewed his promises. The kingdom of Valencia sent Miranda with a division which disembarked, and the day following re-embarked and went to join Campo Verde.

“An English division came on the 26th, colonel Skerrett, who commanded them, came in the evening to confer with me and to demand what I wished him to do. I replied that if he would disembark and enter the place, he should be received with joy and treated as he merited; that he had only to choose the point that he wished to defend and I would give it to him, but that all was at his choice, since I would neither command nor counsel him. The 27th the English commandants of artillery and engineers came to examine the front attacked, and being convinced that the place was not in a state to resist, returned to their vessels, and then all went away from the place they came to succour.

“This abandonment on the part of those who came to save was the worst of all; it made such an impression on the soldiers, that they began to see that they were lost, became low-spirited and only resisted from my continual exhortations, and because they saw my coolness and the confidence I had, that if they executed my orders the French would fail. But this only lasted a few hours, the notion of being abandoned again seized them and overcame all other ideas.”

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton.

“12th July, 1811.

“The vacillating conduct of general Contreras regarding the defence of Taragona is a principal feature in the loss of that important fortress.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“12th July, 1811.

“The marquis blames generals Caro and Miranda, whilst the latter retort the accusation; and I am inclined to think that in giving full credit to what each says of the other, neither will suffer ignominy beyond that to which his conduct has entitled him.”

Ditto to Mr. Wellesley.
(Extract.)

“20th July, 1811.

“The disasters which have befallen the principality will produce material accusations against the generals who lately commanded in it, without, I fear, any of them meeting the punishment which is their due. Some of the enclosed papers may help you to form a just opinion of their conduct and that of the Spanish marine; and those respecting the arms for which I sent to Carthagena will show how far colonel Roche is entitled to the merit which he so largely assumes on that occasion.”

“To enable you to form a correct opinion of general Contreras I must refer you to general Doyle, as from his ignorance of our service, the various requests and proposals which arose from the vacillations in what he called his determinations, were signified to me through him. It does not appear to me that he ever visited the works himself, or it would not have fallen to the lot of captain Adams and myself to remove two boats, two large stages, sixteen gun-carriages, and a mortar from the mole, long after the French were advanced beyond the Francoli battery, and two nights previous to their gaining the Puerto; an accidental visit to the mole one night, just after placing the gun-boats and launches, discovered to me this mortar with no less than twelve guns in readiness for forming a battery; and upon general Doyle, by my request, representing this to the general of artillery, he talked of inquiring into it to-morrow.”

“It would be a waste of words to describe further the conduct of the general of artillery, or I might find sufficient subject in the events of every passing day from the first investment of the place.”——“I shall be very ready to come forward personally in aid of that justice which is due to the numberless brave men who fell a sacrifice to the criminality of the persons alluded to who have so grossly misconducted themselves.”

SECTION 2.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“29th July, 1811.

“Had colonel Green, the military agent appointed to succeed general Doyle, adopted the plan of his predecessor of continuing at the head-quarters of the army and in personal communication with the captain-general instead of retiring to Peniscola with the money and arms remaining, we should not be left as we are to the precarious source of mere accidental communications for receiving intelligence.”

Ditto to Don F. Savartes, vocal of the Junta.

“28th July, 1811.

“————Colonel Green, the British military agent, being at Peniscola, I have opened the letter from the junta to him.”——“Had I not in this instance opened the letters to the admiral and the military agent, the junta would have received no answer to them until it would have been too late to execute their object.”

Captain Thomas to captain Codrington.
(Extract.)

“H.M.S. Undaunted, off Arens, 7th Oct. 1811.

“Having observed, in the Catalonia Gazette of the 24th of September, the copy of a letter said to be written by colonel Green to his excellency general Lacy, relative to our operations on the Medas Islands, from the surrender of the castle to the period of our quitting them, I beg leave to state to you my surprise and astonishment at seeing facts so grossly misrepresented, and request you will be pleased to contradict in the most positive manner the assertions there made use of. To prove how inconsistent this letter is with real facts, it may be necessary for me only to say that colonel Green, in the presence and hearing of all the English officers, on my asking him a question relative to the practicability of keeping the island, did declare that he had nothing to do with the expedition; that my instructions pointed him out as a volunteer only. But immediately after, in the hearing of all, did declare it to be his opinion that the island was not tenable.

“As I understood it was intended to form an establishment on the larger island, I judged it proper to retire from it for a short time and destroy the remains of the castle, which might induce the enemy to withdraw from the works he had thrown up, and thereby afford our ally an opportunity whenever he chose to occupy them again, to fortify himself without molestation; and this supposition it has appeared was well grounded. But while the ruins of the castle stood, it was an object of jealousy to the French; nor would they in my opinion have quitted the ground they occupied, nor the Spaniards have been enabled to settle themselves, had this measure not been adopted. I therefore gave orders for embarking the guns and stores.

“If necessary, I could say much more on the subject of this most extraordinary letter; the few remarks I have made will, I think, be sufficient. As an act of courtesy to colonel Green, on landing the marines I directed the marine officers to receive their orders from him; but military aid was not necessary, for you may recollect before the expedition sailed, on your informing me that general Lacy had offered some Spanish troops, and asking how many I thought would be necessary, my answer was ‘about forty;’ and I have no hesitation in declaring that without the assistance of even a single soldier the castle would have fallen into our hands as speedily as it did on this occasion.

SECTION 3.

Captain Codrington’s orders to captain Adam of the
Invincible.

“July 1st, 1811.

“You are hereby directed, in consequence of a representation made to me by general Doyle, to proceed towards Majorca in search of the Spanish frigates Prueba, Diana, and Astrea, which the general reports to be going to that island (contrary to orders) with the treasure, archives of the province, and the vessels laden with stores and ammunition destined for the inland fortresses of Catalonia, together with the officers and soldiers which were saved from Taragona, and which are required to join the army immediately. Upon meeting them you are to deliver the accompanying order for them to return here, and you are, if necessary, to enforce obedience.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“Villa Nueva, 3d July, 1811.

“I should feel the more hurt by being driven to adopt such a measure had not the whole conduct both of the Prueba and Diana made their captains a disgrace to the situation they hold. These two frigates remained quiet spectators of the British squadron engaging the batteries of the enemy on the 22d of last month, and never attempted to give any assistance to the garrison, except by now and then sending a gun-boat to join those manned by the English. They did not assist in the embarkation of the numberless women, children, and wounded soldiers, until goaded into it by the orders of general Contreras, after I had already sent above two thousand to this place; and even when I had no longer any transports for their reception, the captain of the Prueba refused to receive some wounded officers.”

Ditto to ditto.

“18th July, 1811.

“I cannot describe to you the difficulties which I have been put to by the misconduct of all the Spanish ships and vessels of war which I have had to communicate with upon the coast, with exception of the Astrea frigate and the Paloma corvette. In the others I have seen neither courage to oppose the enemy nor humanity to alleviate the distresses of their countrymen.”——“I have heard also that the Algesiras, which lately arrived at Arens, has landed the stores and ammunition, with which she was charged, at the risk of their falling into the hands of the enemy, and has quitted the station!”

SECTION 4.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“12th July, 1811.

“General Milans is collecting a mixture of troops, consisting of those who have escaped the enemy.”

“He speaks loudly of his indifference to a command, while he boasts that if he were captain-general he would raise forty thousand men and clear the country of the enemy! But in the midst of this disgusting rhodomontade it is not difficult to see that self-interest is the main spring of all his actions, and that instead of raising an army he is more likely, by the system he has adopted, to shake the stability of that which is still left for the defence of the principality.”

Captain Codrington to sir H. Wellesley.

“September 1, 1811.

“The affair of general Milans” (namely, the sending of corn to Barcelona under his passport) “which I mentioned to you in my last private letter, is still involved in mystery, which I hope however to penetrate upon my return to Arens de Mar. The Mataro papers reported that two soldiers were shot and a serjeant flogged at Arena for suffering corn to pass their guard at Mongat on its way to Barcelona. The fact of the punishment is I believe truly stated, but the cause no less falsely, enterely as I suspect with the view of terminating my investigation into this nefarious traffic. General Lacy, instead of answering my letter, refers me by word of mouth to the junta, and the deputation from the junta, who went to Mataro (as they assured me) purposely to investigate the business, now tell me that it is an affair purely military, and refer me to general Milans himself.”

SECTION 5.

Extract from a minute made by captain Codrington.

“Mattaro, July 6, 1811.

“Colonel O’Ronan, aid-du-camp to the marquis of Campo Verde, arrived, and informed me that he came from the marquis, who was on his march to this town or Arens, for the purpose of embarking all the infantry not Catalans, and the whole of the remaining cavalry, leaving the horses on the beach. Colonel O’Ronan said this determination was the result of a junta, composed of the marquis, general St. Juan, general Caro, general Miranda, the general of artillery, brigadier Santa Cruz, Velasco, and Sarsfield; that after the thing had been proposed and discussed a long time, Sarsfield was the first to give his vote, that he rose from his seat and said, ‘any officer who could give such an opinion must be a traitor to his country, and that he and his division would stand or fall with the principality.’ Every other officer was of a contrary opinion, except the marquis (it afterwards appeared that Santa Cruz also supported Sarsfield), who thought with Sarsfield, and yet it seems he allowed himself to be led on by the other generals. In short, it appears he was resolved to abandon the principality.

“I told him, without hesitation, that to embark the Valencians I felt a duty to general O’Donnel, to the kingdom of Valencia, and to the whole nation, but that I felt it equally my duty upon no account to embark the army of Catalonia, and thus become a party concerned in the abandonment of a province I had been sent to protect.”——“The colonel, who could not venture on shore again lest he should be murdered by the inhabitants of Mattaro, for having been the bearer of a commission to arrest brigadier Milans about a month ago, sent to the marquis my answer.”

Extract from a minute of information given by the baron
d’Eroles.

“July 9, 1811.

“The baron d’Eroles was appointed captain-general of Catalonia by the junta of general officers, of which the marquis of Campo Verde was president, and by the voice of the people. His reply was, that so long as the army continued in the principality, and that there was a senior general officer, he would not admit it, but that the moment the army passed the frontier (it was then at Agramunt, in full march to Aragon), he would accept the command, unmindful of the dreadful situation in which he should place himself, but he would do so in order to continue the struggle, and to prevent anarchy and confusion. In this state things were when general Lacy arrived. The baron instantly sought him, could not find, but met one of his aid-du-camps, by whom he wrote to him to say what had occurred, but that he was resolved to support general Lacy in his command, not only with all his local influence, but by his personal exertions, and that he would immediately join him to put this resolution in practice.”

Extract from general Doyle’s Letter after seeing the above.

“The Valencian division, that is to say, two thousand four hundred of the four thousand three hundred soldiers who disembarked in this province, are now on board to return to Valencia. General Miranda says the desertion took place in consequence of the marquis’s determination to proceed to Aragon, which made them believe they would not be embarked. In short, most disgraceful has been the conduct of this division, and the marquis, as you will see by this letter to me, attaches to it no small portion of blame.”

Captain Codrington to the marquis of Campo Verde.

“Blake, July 5, 1811.

“I have to remind you that by ordering the Valencian division out of Taragona, in breach of the terms by which I bound myself when I brought them, you yourself broke the pledge given by me, and dissolved the contract.”

Extracted from captain Codrington’s papers.

“Minute of a conference betwixt generals Caro and Miranda with
general Doyle and myself this day.

“July 9, 1811.

“About eight o’clock generals Caro and Miranda came on board the Blake. After being seated in the cabin with general Doyle and myself, general Caro begged general Doyle would explain to me, that they were come in consequence of my promise, to request I would embark the division of Valencian troops which I had brought from Peniscola. I desired to know what promise general Caro understood me to have made? He answered, that I would take the above troops back to Valencia. I denied positively that I had made any promise to re-embark them if they should ever join the marquis of Campo Verde, although I had deeply pledged myself to restore them to general O’Donnel if they joined in a sortie from the garrison, which I was very confident would be decisive of its success. I then referred general Miranda to a similar explanation, which I gave to him, through general Doyle, on the day after our quitting Peniscola, when he had said he was ordered, both by his written instructions and by verbal explanation from general O’Donnel, not to land within the garrison. General Miranda instantly repeated that so he was; upon which general Doyle, to whom he had shewn those instructions jointly with myself, after leaving Taragona for Villa Nueva, when under a difficulty as to how he should proceed, referred him to them again, when it appearing that he was therein positively ordered ‘desembarear en la plaza de Tarragona,’ general Doyle stopped.

“General Miranda. ‘Ah! but read on.’

“General Doyle. ‘No, sir, there is the positive proof of your receiving such an order.’

“General Miranda. ‘Well, but read on.’

“General Doyle. ‘No, sir. This (pointing to the paper) is the positive proof of your receiving such an order, which we wanted to establish, because you positively denied it.’

“Upon this general Caro, shrugging up his shoulders, said, ‘he was not aware of there being any such order.’ And general Miranda again requested general Doyle would read on.

“General Doyle. ‘For what purpose?’

“General Miranda. ‘To prove that I was not to shut myself up with the division in the plaza de Taragona.’

“General Doyle. ‘There is no occasion, sir, for any proof of that, for it was a part of the very stipulation made by captain Codrington when he strongly pledged himself to general O’Donnel.’

“General Doyle continued,—‘And now, general Caro, that we have proved to you that general Miranda had orders to land in Taragona, and that captain Codrington is bound by no such promise as you had imagined, I must inform you that he has been eight days upon the coast with all the ships of war and transports which are wanted for other services, for the sole purpose of embarking these troops; and he desires me to add that in consideration of what is due to the liberal and exemplary assistance afforded by general O’Donnel and Valencia in aid of Taragona, but not at all on account of any pledge he has been said to have given, that he will use the same exertion in re-embarking and restoring the troops which he would have done if so bound by his word of honour.’”

Mr. Wellesley to lord Wellesley.

“July 28.

“The morning of 30th of June, a few hours after the arrival of the British squadron and Spanish vessels in the roadstead of Villa Nueva, five thousand French infantry and five hundred cavalry surprised the place by a night-march, and seized all the property of Taragona, which had been sent there before the siege. Twenty-five thousand dollars for each of the next three months was demanded, but no violence or plunder allowed. Eroles narrowly escaped. Lacy, appointed to command in Catalonia, arrived 1st July at Villa Nueva, the 6th went to Igualada to join Campo Verde.”

“Desertion in the army at Mataro has been carried to a most alarming extent since the fall of Taragona; the first night fifteen hundred men disappeared, nearly three hundred cavalry had likewise set off towards Aragon; and these desertions are to be attributed to the gross neglect and want of activity on the part of the officers.”————“The only division that keeps together in any tolerable order is that of general Sarsfield, of about two thousand men.”————“He had however disputes with Eroles, and the people called for the latter to lead them.”

No. III.
SECTION 1.
POLITICAL STATE OF KING JOSEPH.
SPANISH MINISTER’S COMPLAINTS OF THE FRENCH
GENERALS.

From the councillor of state, Mariano Luis Orquijo, to
king Joseph.

“Madrid, 22 Juillet, 1810.

“Sire,—Le commissaire royal de Cordoue me mande, que le duc de Dalmatie lui a fait écrire officiellement de ne remettre aucune somme d’argent à la capitale lors même que le ministre des finances le demanderait, jusqu’à ce que les dépenses de l’armée des régimens qu’on lève et des employés de la province, &c., furent pleinement couverts, et que le duc prendrait les mesures convenables, dans le cas que cette détermination ne fut pas suivie.”

“Madrid, 3 Agosto de 1810.

“Le général Sebastiani a fait voir au commissaire royale à Grenade, un ordre du duc de Dalmatie, qui lui enjoint de la manière la plus expresse, de le mettre en état d’arrestation si pour le 1er Août lui et le préfet de Malaga ne mettent au pouvoir de Sebastiani quatre millions de réaux. L’exorbitance de cette somme, pour une province qui a déjà payé son contingent, et le court terme de huit jours designé pour le payement, donnent à croire que cette somme une fois livrée on en demandera une plus forte. Selon toutes les apparences, et d’après les conversations particulières, il s’agit de profiter de l’absence du roi pour mettre les Andalousies sur le même pied que les provinces de Biscaye, Burgos, &c. Il se peut néanmoins qu’on ait voulu inspirer ces craintes dans des idées tout-à-fait différentes. Quoiqu’il en soit il serait scandaleux de voir un commissaire qui représente la personne du roi arrêté dans une de ses provinces.”

From Mariano Luis Orquijo to king Joseph.

“Madrid, 7 Août, 1810.

“Monsieur d’Aranza m’écrit en dâte du 22 Août dans une lettre particulière les paroles suivantes, en les soulignant pour mieux fixer l’attention: ‘Le maréchal Soult est très content, mais il ne fera usage de son autorité que pour le bien: il aime le roi et la nation: ce pays lui plait beaucoup.’”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 13 Août, 1810.

“Parmi les lettres que m’a porté le courrier d’Andalousie arrivé hier, j’en remarque une de monsieur Aranza écrite dans un stile étudié et que je soupçonne redigée d’accord avec le duc de Dalmatie. C’est un panégyrique à la louange de ce maréchal dans lequel monsieur d’Aranza porte aux nues l’intelligence et la zêle du duc de Dalmatie dans la partie administrative; la considération qu’il donne aux autorités espagnoles; son extrême adresse à manier les esprits, et l’habilité de ses dispositions militaires, dans un pays couvert d’insurgés. M. d’Aranza termine en formant le vœu que le maréchal ne soit aucunement troublé dans l’exécution de ses plans, et que le sort de l’Andalousie soit mis entièrement a sa discretion.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, le 23 Août, 1810.

“Par ma correspondance avec l’Andalousie j’ai appris; de Cordone: que M. Angulo à reçu les lettres qui l’appellent à Madrid, et qu’il se dispose à suivre le grand convoi sorti de Seville le 11 du courant. De Seville: qu’un corsaire Française s’étant emparé d’un paquebot qui allait de Cadiz à Alicante, on y avait trouvé entr’autres depêches une lettre de Campmany, grand partisan des Anglais, et un des Coryphées de la revolution. Il avouait à son ami, don Anselmo Rodriguez de Ribas, intendant de l’armée du centre, qui s’était plaint à lui des excès que commettaient certaines juntes, que Cadiz n’offrait pas un spectacle moins digne de pitié: que les Anglais qu’il avait appris à connaître s’arrogaient peu à peu toute l’autorité: que le commerce libre accordé aux ports d’Amerique excitait à Cadiz un mécontentement général, et que Venegas allait au Méxique en qualité de viceroi: il parle en outre de l’arrestation de plusieurs personnes connues, et de la de considération dans laquelle est tombée la régence.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 27 Septembre, 1810.

“Le maréchal Victor permet le passage à beaucoup de femmes qui veulent se réunir a leurs maris, les femmes en contant les choses telles qu’elles sont, détruisent bien des erreurs dans lesquelles on a généralement été entrainé par le gouvernement actuel. L’ennemi permit ces jours derniers l’entrée dans l’île à plusieurs femmes qui voulaient passer par Chiclanes pour se réunir à leurs parents, mais dernièrement elles furent contenus à coups de canon, et un boulet emporta la tête de celui qui les accompagnait. Le gouvernement Anglais preside à toutes les opérations, et crainte cette espèce des communications.”

“Valladolid, le 11 Août, 1810.

“Sire,—Je suis arrivé a Valladolid, où je n’ai pas trouvé le général Kellermann. Il parait que les Espagnols out cerné un détachement de Français qui se trouve à la Puebla de Sanabria, et que ce général y eu allé pour le débloquer. Les guerrilles ont été hier aux portes de Valladolid, et il y à cinq a six jours que soixante dix Français ont été détruits à Villalon; la terreur s’est emparée de tous les esprits, et l’on croit que trois cent hommes ne suffisent pas pour faire paner un courrier: malgré cela, je parterai demain, escorté par deux cent hommes avec un convoi de prisonniers de Ciudad Rodrigo, donc le nombre n’est pas considérable, parcequ’ici on leur accorde la liberté moyennant une somme qu’on règle avec le général Kellermann pour les frais de la guerre.

“Toutes les autorités du pays sont venues me visiter, et me consulter sur la conduite qu’elles doivent tenir depuis les derniers ordres du général Kellermann pour qu’elles n’obeinent ni ne correspondent avec d’autre autorité que la sienne. C’est la chancellerie qui se trouve plus embarrassée que toute autre, parce-qu’elle ne peut concilier l’administrat de la justice au nom de votre majesté avec l’impossibilité de correspondre avec son ministre.

“Je n’ai pas reçu le moindre égard du général Dufrene qui est à la place du général Kellermann. Il ne m’a pas visité, ni même accorde un factionnaire; tout le monde s’en est apperçu, et cette conduite a confirmé l’opinion que l’on a conçue que votre majesté ne règne point dans ce pays. J’ai tâché de detruire une idée qui décourage les véritables sujets de votre majesté, et soutient les espérances de ses ennemis. Les généraux ne s’apperçoivent pas du mal qu’ils produisent en ferant croire que le service de l’empereur, et ses intérêts peuvent être en contradiction avec ceux de votre majesté.

“Si le général Dufrene s’était borné à ne rien faire pour faciliter mon voyage, j’aurai moins de motifs de plainte contre lui, mais il a retenu l’escorte de cavalerie que le général Tilly m’avait donnée. De toutes les manières, Sire, je ferai tout ce qui sera en mon pouvoir pour accélérer mon voyage, et répondre à la confiance avec laquelle votre majesté a daigné me distinguer.

“Le marquis Almenara.”

Orquijo to Joseph, relating his conference with the French
ambassador.
(Extract.)

“Madrid, Août 22, 1810.

“Je lui dis de s’adresser sur ces deux points au ministre des relations extérieures, il me répondit qu’un désagrément qu’on éprouvait avec lui était l’obligation de lui donner à tout bout de champ des notes écrites, qu’à Vittoria il l’avait compromis en présentant à votre majesté ces notes comme officielles, que le bon vieux duc (ce sont ses propres expressions) étourdissait dans l’instant, qu’il n’entendait point, ou ne voulait point entendre ce qu’on lui disait, et qu’il demandait qu’on lui donnat par écrit ce qui n’était pas nécessaire d’écrire. Je lui répétais toujours qu’il devait s’adresser au duc puisque c’était le seul canal par lequel il devait diriger ses demandes, que je ne me mélais point de ces affaires, et que je n’en entretiendrais votre majesté à moins que votre majesté ne m’en parlat la première, mais comme simple particulier je l’assurai de l’inviolabilité des promesses de votre majesté et de ses idées liberales. L’ambassadeur ajouta que dans la matinée du jour de St. Napoleon, et les jours suivants, le général Belliard, Borelli, et leurs alentours avaient parlé fort mal des expressions de votre majesté sur ses premiers devoirs, et qu’il ne doutait pas qu’ils n’en eussent écrit à Paris; qu’il n’avait pas pu se dispenser de transmettre à sa cour ces paroles; mais qu’il les avait présentés comme une conséquence du premier discours tenu par votre majesté et une nuance nécessaire pour adoucir le mauvais effêt qu’avait produit ici l’article du Moniteur sur les mots de l’empereur au duc de Berg. Je le lui avais présenté de cette manière en sortant de l’appartement de votre majesté, et je lui montrai en même temps un rapport venu de la Navarre dans lequel on dépeignait le facheux étât de ce royaume en proie aux excès des bandes de brigands et aux dilapidations des gouvernemens militaires. Si l’ambassadeur a écrit dans ces termes comme il me l’a dit, autant par honneur que par attachement à votre majesté, à son pays et au notre, il a bien rempli ses devoirs. Quoiqu’il en soit, je me lui cru obligé de donner connaissance à votre majesté de ces faits ainsi que de la surprise que, selon l’ambassadeur, a causé à l’empereur et au ministère Français le silence du duc de Santa Fé qui ne s’explique sur rien. L’ambassadeur se plaint d’avoir été compromis par lui, car à sa demande et en consequence des conversations fréquentes qu’il eut avec lui pendant les trois jours qu’il passa à Madrid, il écrivit à sa cour que le duc de Santa Fé était chargé de négocier sur la situation de votre majesté et celle de notre pays, que l’ambassadeur lui-même disait ne pouvoir pas durer. C’est à la lettre ce que c’est dit entre l’ambassadeur et moi.” &c. &c.

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, le 13 Novembre, 1810.

“Monsieur Pereyra a reçu du maréchal Soult une réponse extrêmement aigre. Ce commissaire royal persiste dans son opinion que les mesures indiquées par le duc de Dalmatie pour l’approvisionnement de l’armée ne rempliront pas le but qu’il se propose; mais le maréchal veut être obéi. D’un autre côté le général Sebastiani l’a contraint à lui donner onze cent mille réaux. Placé entre ces deux écueils, Monsieur Pereyra a perdu courage et demande à votre majesté de le rappeller à Madrid. Le général Dufour a pris le commandement de Grenade.

“Mariano Luis de Orquijo.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 19 de Decembre, 1810.

“Monsieur le comte de Montarco était le 11 courant a Manzanares, il m’écrit que les habitans de la Manche se plaignent de ce que les troupes qui retrouvent dans la province ne les protégent pas autant que leur nombre le leur permet, que les brigands viennent leur enlever leurs grains pour les transporter dans les royaumes de Valence et de Murcie, ou dans l’Estremadoure. Ils craignent une disette et désirent ardemmement qu’il se forme de grands dépôts de grains dans des places à l’abri des incursions des partis d’insurgés. Les commandants des troupes Françaises sont d’une exigence et d’une hauteur insupportables, et les rapports faits au comte de Montarco par toutes les autorités légales du pays confirment complettement ceux que l’intendant de la Manche ne cesse de faire aux divers ministères depuis plusieurs mois.”

“Madrid, le 15 Février, 1811.

“Sire,—Le préfet de Santander me remêt, en dâte du 16 Janvier, copie des offices qu’il a reçus pour la réunion de cette province au gouvernement militaire de Biscaye. J’ai l’honneur de les mettre sous les yeux de votre majesté en lui observant que cette mesure a été prise sur la proposition du général Caffarelli.

“On a demandé au préfet de Santander un état des employés civils et militaires, des moines, du clergé, et des appointemens dont ils jouissent. Il croit en conséquence que des attributions ainsi que celles des employés seront nulles des que la province sera gouvernée à l’instar de celle de Biscaye. Il ajoute que lui et les chefs principaux de l’administration sont décidés à ne travailler que sous les ordres de votre majesté et demandent avec instance que votre majesté ne les abandonne pas.

“Le sous-préfet de Logrogne me dit en dâte du 22 Janvier que l’opinion publique s’est améliorée depuis qu’on y a appris les nouvelles du Portugal, et qu’on y connait le peu de moyens de defense qu’offre Valence dans le désordre extrême qui y règne. La Riofa ne renferme plus de bandes complettes d’insurgés, mais on y trouve encore quelques brigands épars et des voleurs de grands chemins.

“Mariano Luis de Orquijo.”

SECTION 2.
(Relating to Joseph’s abdication.)
Vindication of the King.

Le ministre secrétaire d’état à monsieur le duc de Santa Fé,
et en son absence à monsieur le marquis d’Almenara.

Palais de Madrid, le 12 Septembre, 1810, Pars.

Excellence,—Le courrier de cabinet, Don Martin Estenoz, qui partit de Paris le 22 Juillet, a remis les lettres écrites par V. E. le même jour et les copies de celles que vous envoyâtes le 19 Juin par le courrier Alvarez, qui furent interceptées. Le roi les a lues avec la plus grande attention, et après s’être bien pénétré des communications faites à V. E. au nom de l’empereur, par monsieur le due de Cadore, et les observations particulières de ce ministre, S. M. desirant détruire d’un seul trait, les craintes et la défiance que des personnes, tout au moins mal instruites, se sont efforcées d’inspirer, m’a ordonné d’entrer en explication sur tous les points dont elles traitent. Mais je dois avant tout faire connaître à V. E. que le roi s’est montré satisfait de la juste interprétation donnée à ses idées, et à ses sentimens dans la réponse que V. E. a faite au duc de Cadore, relativement à la protection dont S. M. I. désire que le commerce Français jouisse dans les réglemens des douanes, en offrant d’assurer une faveur réciproque dans ses états aux productions d’Espagne. L’empereur ne peut ignorer les vues liberales de son auguste frère, et si S. M. I. a été exactement informée sur ce point, elle saura que, dès son avénement au trône, le roi a écarté bien des obstacles opposés à l’industrie française qu’il s’agit de favoriser encore par de nouvelles dispositions.

Il est bien douloureux pour le roi d’avoir à se justifier de plusieurs imputations auxquelles on a dû croire puisqu’on les a communiquées a V. E. L’une d’elles est que le roi a rendu à leurs propriétaires, ou disposé à son gré, d’une partie des biens confisqués par l’empereur. Cela supposerait de la part de S. M. un oubli de la parole donnée a l’empereur de ne se mêler en aucune manière de ces confiscations: mais c’est un infame imposture, et son auteur mérite un chatiment exemplaire. Qu’on cite une propriété un pouce de terrain confisqué par l’empereur, et dont on ait disposé: on ne le pourra point si dans une pure question de fait on en impose ainsi a l’empereur, que sera ce lorsqu’on ne parle que par conjectures et présomption? Le roi porte à un si haut degré son respect pour les décrets de confiscations de S. M. I. qu’ayant besoin d’un des édifices qui y sont compris pour y placer des établissemens publics, il n’a même pas voulu s’en servir provisoirement. S. M. n’a-t-elle pas, en conséquence, le droit de réclamer, pour son honneur, la punition de ses detracteurs? S. M. I. s’est expliquée sur la direction donnée à la guerre et la manière dont elle a été faite.

L’empereur écrivit au roi pour lui représenter la lenteur des opérations, et l’inaction des armées. Aussitôt S. M. entreprit la conquête de l’Andalousie. Le duc de Cadore a dit à V. E. que la soumission de cette province était illusoire, puisqu’elle se trouve inondée de partis d’insurgés et de bandes de brigands. Qu’on considère la vaste étendue de l’Andalusie; le petit nombre de troupes françaises que l’obstination de Cadiz permêt d’y repandre; les pièges de toute espèce que tendent les Anglais et leurs continuelles attaques: qu’on parcoure l’histoire de toutes les guerres contre l’Angleterre et l’on verra qu’indépendamment des vingt mille Espagnols constamment stationés à St. Rocq, il était encore nécessaire d’entretenir sur cette côté un nombre considérable de troupes pour les opposer aux entreprises partielles de l’ennemi. Si ces précautions étaient indispensables dans un tems de calme et de tranquillité, qu’elles doivent être les espérances et les moyens de l’Angleterre dans l’agitation actuelle de l’Espagne et la nature de la guerre dont elle est le théâtre? Le roi peut dire avec verité que la conquête militaire et morale de l’Andalousie est son ouvrage, et que ses paroles, sa conduite, et les sages mesures qu’il a prises, out preparé la tranquillité dont elle jouit. S. M. y a organisé des gardes civiques chargées de défendre leurs foyers, et malgré le voisinage de cette province avec l’Estremadure et les instigations continuelles de la junte de Cadiz et des Anglais, l’Andalousie renferme beaucoups moins de partis ou de bandes d’insurgés que la Castille, la Biscaye, et la Navarre, qui ont été placés sous le régime militaire. Enfin l’on trouve en Andalousie une organisation complette de compagnies de Miguelettes, qui veillent a la tranquillité des villes et à la sûreté des chemins. Leurs services sont tellement utiles que le maréchal duc de Dalmatie a donné le plus de développement possible à cette institution.

Si l’Andalousie n’est pas entièrement pacifiée, si la junte de Cadiz existe encore, et si les Anglais y exercent leur fatale influence, on doit l’attribuer en grande partie aux machinations et aux traines ourdies par la junte et l’Angleterre au moment où parvint à leur connaissance le décret du 8 Février qui établit des gouvernemens militaires dans la Navarre, la Biscaye, l’Aragon, et la Catalogne. Quelques gouverneurs français ayant traité ces provinces comme si elles étaient absolument détachées de la monarchie, les membres de la junte de Cadiz et les Anglais en profitèrent pour souffler de nouveau le feu de la discorde et refuter les expressions du roi qui répétait sans cesse, ‘Que la nation conserverait son intégrité et son indépendance: que ses institutions s’amélioreraient sous la protection d’un trône soutenu par les relations intimes du roi avec l’empereur; qu’elle n’aurait à combattre que l’ennemi qui voulait s’arroger l’empire exclusif des mers.’ Voila le sens qu’on a toujours donné en Espagne aux mots indépendance et intégrité. Ce langage est celui dont s’est servi S. M. I. non seulement avec les Espagnols, mais à la face de l’univers: il ne peut donc être odieux ni criminel dans la bouche du roi. Mais combien n’est-il pas démenti par la conduite de certains gouverneurs qui paraissent s’obstiner à prolonger l’insurrection d’Espagne à l’annihiler ou la détruire plutôt qu’à la soumettre! car dans plusieurs endroits on ne se contente pas d’exclure toute idée de l’autorité du roi en faisant administrer la justice au nom de l’empereur, mais ce qui est pire, on a exigé que les tribunaux civils de Valladolid et de Valencia prêtassent serment de fidélité et d’obéissance à S. M. I. comme si la nation Espagnole n’avait pas de roi.

Monsieur le due de Cadore se plaint de l’indulgence dont on en a usé en Andalousie; S. M. a montré contre ses ennemis, dans les champs de Talavera et Ocana, toute la fermeté de son caractère; mais serait-il juste, conviendrait-il à ses intérêts et aux vues de l’empereur, que S. M. deployât de la rigueur contre des vaincus, des prisonniers qui doivent être ses sujets? Si le maréchal Ney eut suivi ce généreux exemple dans les villes de Galice où il fut reçu à bras ouverts, et n’eut pas au contraire opprimé et saccagé cette province, elle serait heureuse et soumise, et non livrée aux maux de l’insurrection comme tant d’autres à qui l’on a fait éprouver le même sort. Cette conduite de S. M. dans des pays soumis est vraisemblablement ce que le duc de Cadore appelle des graces accordées aux insurgés de préférence aux personnes attachées à la cause du roi. Les insurgés n’ont obtenu d’autres graces que elles qui leur furent offertes dans les proclamations pour dissiper l’erreur dans laquelle les Anglais les avaient induits. Si le sequestre mis sur les biens invendus de quelques habitans ou réfugiés, a été levé posterieurement, cet exemple d’indulgence a eu d’heureux résultats, puisqu’il a attiré un grand nombre de personnes á l’obéissance du roi: et qu’on ne croye pas que ces individus n’aient point subi le chatiment qui leur était dû pour le retard qu’ils ont mis à se soumettre, car s’ils possedaient des billets royaux, il les ont perdues pour ne les avoir pas présenté à tems au timbre sec; et s’ils sont porteurs d’autres titres de créances sur l’état, ils doivent, pour les valider, solliciter un décret particulier.

Les avantages de la formation des corps Espagnols sont à la portée de tout le monde: leur présence a influé plus qu’on ne pense sur l’heureuse issue de la bataille d’Ocaña et de l’expédition d’Andalousie. En y admettant un grand nombre d’officiers, on est parvenu à éloigner de l’insurrection des hommes inquiets qui seraient devenus chefs de brigands, et tout en avouant que la désertion a eu lieu parmi les soldats, et qu’il en est resulté quelques maux, on peut hardiment affirmer que la somme des biens est infiniment plus grande, et qu’il n’y a pas de moyens qu’on ne doive employer pour faire revenir de son égarement une nation de douze millions d’âmes qu’il n’est pas facile d’assujettir par la force des bayonnettes, et dont on veut d’ailleurs faire une amie et une alliée.

On a parlé du mauvais emploi des ressources de l’Espagne, et du dénuement dans lequel ont été laissées les troupes françaises. Les soldats ont eu en Espagne des vivres en abondance: les hôpitaux français ont été les mieux pourvus, il a fallu pour cela exiger des contributions extraordinaires et des emprunts forcés, et vaincre le grand obstacle de l’interceptation des communications de province à province, et souvent de ville à ville. L’Espagne se trouve divisé en gouvernemens militaires de sorte que S. M. est à peine maître de la capitale et de sa banlieue: n’est ce donc point par une espèce de miracle qu’elle y fait subsister des troupes, et qu’elle y soutient des hôpitaux. Les gouverneurs français imposent, il est vrai, des contributions extraordinaires sur leurs provinces, mais ils les vexent et les ruinent, et certes ce n’est pas là le moyen de les maintenir dans l’obéissance, ni un exemple bien attrayant pour les provinces soulevées: cette ressource est d’ailleurs précaire et insuffisante comme le prouvera bientôt l’expérience. S. M. se flatte de ce que les intentions de l’empereur en faveur de la nation seraient mieux remplies et ses troupes mieux dirigées, si toutes celles qui sont en Espagne étaient sous ses ordres, et si les propositions qu’il a faites à son auguste frère étaient acceptées. Le duc de Cadore a évalue à plusieurs millions les confiscations de marchandises anglaises, et l’enlévement de l’argenterie des églises et des couvents qu’on aurait dû faire en Andalousie. Les confiscations eurent lieu par ordre des généraux français à leur entrée dans chaque ville, et si leur valeur fut exagerée, dans le principe, pour donner plus d’éclat aux entreprises militaires, on reconnut dès qu’on en vint à l’examen l’erreur dans laquelle on était tombé; et dans le fait comment ne pas apperçevoir qu’après la bataille d’Ocaña l’invasion d’Andalousie devant être prévue, chacun avait grand soin de faire refluer les marchandises confiscables sur les points les plus capables de resistance, afin de les mettre hors de la portée du vainqueur. L’argenterie d’église a beaucoup d’apparence et fort peu de valeur. On a pris dans les couvents, où il en restait très peu, ainsi que dans les églises toute celle qui n’a pas été jugée nécessaire pour la decence du culte, et comme le roi ne voulait ni ravager ni détruire, mais bien pacifier et conserver, il a dû régler sa conduite sur ce principe.

Monsieur le duc de Cadore parle de dépenses, c’est vraiment une fatalité qu’il soit si mal informé de faits généralement connus. Le trésor public est ouvert à quiconque voudra s’assurer de la vérité. On y verra que S. M. a reçu à peine chaque mois le cinquième de l’assignation de la liste civile: qu’il a dû se reduire à la plus stricte économie, et que non seulement il s’est vu faute de pouvoir donner aux acteurs une légère avance, dans l’obligation de supprimer le théâtre Italien qui était son unique délassement, mais encore de vendre sa vaisselle platte, et de se défaire des choses les plus nécessaires a l’ornement de sa cour. Aussi dans le repas que S. M. donna, à l’occasion de la fête de l’empereur, à ses ministres, aux grands officiers de la couronne, et à l’ambassadeur de France, la table fut elle servie en fayence semblable à celle qu’ avait S. M. au camp de Boulogne. Certainement l’embarras et la confusion que cette excessive simplicité causait au roi n’aura pas échappé à l’ambassadeur. Au milieu de tant de privations, et dans une situation aussi contraire à sa dignité S. M. a la douleur de voir que ses ministres, le conseil d’état, les tribunaux de la capitale, et les employés civils, qui sont en petit nombre, ne perçoivent pas leur traitement depuis plus de sept mois. Ce sont là les faveurs que S. M. a dispensés avec tant de prodigalité. Le roi a donné, il est vrai, quelques cédules aux officiers de sa maison, et à quelques individus attachés à sa personne, pour les aider à acheter des biens nationaux: on donne à ces bienfaits le nom de prodigalité, et d’un autre côté l’on se plaint de l’abandon dans lequel S. M. laisse d’autres individus, ce qui serait incompatible avec la façon de penser du roi et la connaissances de ses devoirs comme homme et comme monarque. C’est l’unique chose dont le roi puisse disposer dans la situation où il se trouve et outre le but politique de ces donations, S. M. a cru que c’était le seul moyen d’assurer à ces individus une médiocre existence, et encore sa prévoyance à cet égard a-t-elle été trompée, car les revenues des terres et des biens qui se trouvent dans les personnes soumises au gouvernement militaire dont les limites s’étendent jusqu’aux portes de Madrid, où ne se payent pas, tant est grande la misère des fermiers, où les biens ne s’afferment pas de crainte d’extorsions de la part des gouverneurs, où, enfin, les revenus se trouvent absorbés par les contributions extraordinaires. Les faits sont evidens, ils parlent d’eux-mêmes, et toute personne impartiale peut en faire l’examen.

Mais il faut qu’elle soit de meilleure foi que celle qui a voulu imputer à S. M. l’aliénation des biens confisqués par l’empereur, et les griefs auxquels on vient de répondre. S. M. pourrait, à bien plus juste titre, se plaindre de la conduite des gouverneurs Français: de celle du général Dufour, par exemple, qui a exigé des dix membres dont il composa à sa manière ce conseil de Navarre qu’on s’est vu bientôt obligé de dissoudre, qu’ils rédigeassent une adresse à l’empereur dans laquelle ils demandaient à S. M. I. un code des lois, et se mettaient à sa discrétion. Trois de ces membres réfusèrent de signer, les autres cédèrent à la violence. S. M. pourrait citer encore une foule d’actes qui out exaspéré les esprits, fourni des armes à l’insurrection, et donné aux Anglais des prétextes pour supposer des projets qui n’existent pas, et rendre la guerre interminable. Qu’on compte le nombre des bandes de brigands et d’insurgés en Espagne, et l’on verra combien il s’est accru depuis l’institution des gouvernemens militaires. S. M. ne peut elle se plaindre avec autant de justice de la situation équivoque dans laquelle elle se trouve? qu’on en juge par le fait suivant. Le nouveau ministre de finances venait d’entrer en fonction, et il s’agissait déjà de réunir les plus forts capitalistes de la place pour les engager à avancer une bonne somme d’argent, lorsque le payeur de l’armée, monsieur Crouchart, et l’intendant-général, monsieur Denniers, assurèrent au ministre que des employés venaient de Paris avec des lettres cachetées qu’ils avaient l’ordre de n’ouvrir qu’à Madrid. On prétendit aussitôt qu’ils devaient se charger de l’administration civile, que les rentrées seraient invariablement affectées à l’entretien et à la solde de l’armée, et le surplus seulement, à la liste civile. C’était annoncer la dissolution de l’état. Des bruits de cette nature répandus dans toute la ville par les employés français parvenus à la connaissance de l’ambassadeur de S. M. I. et appuyés par des malveillans qui abondent toujours dans les capitales surtout à la suite des guerres d’opinions, ne pouvait produire que de malheureux effets. La confiance de ce petit nombre d’hommes qui aurait pu faire des avances s’eteignit à l’instant, et toutes les portes furent fermées. S. M. ignorait l’arrivée des nouveaux employés du trésor de France, et il n’a connu comme le dernier de ses sujets, le contenu des lettres dont ils étaient porteurs qu’à leurs ouvertures.

Dans cet état de choses il est facile de se faire l’idée de la confiance que peut inspirer le roi, et lorsque S. M. se trouve hors d’état de faire le bonheur du pays qu’il doit gouverner et de concourir à la réalisation des vues de son auguste frère: qu’il voit enfin sa dignité avilée, doit on s’étonner qu’il ait manifesté l’impossibilité de vivre plus long temps dans une situation aussi précaire? Monsieur le duc de Cadore tout en reconnaissant les hautes qualités du roi, a prétendu, que les personnes qui approchent S. M. lui ont conseillé et lui conseillent sans cesse de se maintenir dans l’indépendance de la France, et que ce principe se suivait avec trop de rigueur. Monsieur le duc de Cadore sait que S. M. dans aucune époque de sa longue et glorieuse carrière n’a eu besoin de conseils et ne s’est soumis à aucune influence, surtout s’il s’est agi de détruire son système inaltérable d’amitié sincère et éternelle avec son auguste frère l’empereur; d’alliance et de bienveillance affectueuse envers la nation Espagnole à la tête de laquelle il est placé, et dont il s’efforcera de conserver la splendeur et le bien-être, avec l’indépendance et l’intégrité de territoire. Les vœux les plus constants de son cœur sont que les deux nations unies entr’elles par les mêmes liens que leur monarques concourent d’une manière uniforme à la félicité commune en forçant leur ennemie à abandonner le sceptre des mers.’

Le prince don Fernando, ajoute le duc de Cadore, se prêterait à céder les provinces qui conviennent à l’empereur et à toutes les conditions qu’il voudrait lui imposer. Le roi ne veut entrer en comparaison avec personne; mais il observera que ce ne fut pas dans ces sentimens ni dans cette croyance qu’il accepta la couronne d’Espagne en déposant celle de Naples: que l’empereur ni la France ne devraient avoir confiances en des offres que la nation repousserait, et qui ne pourrait avoir d’ailleurs qu’une exécution passagère; car comme le sait très bien monsieur le duc de Cadore, les nations humiliées dissimulent leur haine en attendant le moment favorable de venger leurs outrages. Une semblable conduite serait incompatible avec le façon de penser du roi, avec son noble caractère et celui de la nation que S. M. gouverne. Elle est diamétralement en opposition avec les assurances données par S. M. I. à la nation Espagnole ‘qu’il était nécessaire pour son bonheur qu’elle se régénérat sous sa dynastie, et sous le prince qu’elle lui donnait égal en tout à son auguste personne.’ A cette occasion le duc de Cadore parle du peu d’avantages que rapporte à la France la guerre d’Espagne en proportion des sacrifices immenses qu’elle a faits. Certes le roi ne les ignore pas, et sa reconnaissance éclatera quand S. M. se trouvera en état de les récompenser. Dans ce moment cela lui est impossible; mais S. M. I. pourrait mettre le comble à ses bons offices en s’offrant pour garant de l’emprunt ouvert en Hollande sous les mêmes conditions que celui de Prusse, ou du moins en lui donnant son assentiment, comme à celui d’Autriche. S. M. I. se convaincra facilement que les liens du sang, les rélations les plus intimes et les plus sûres d’une étroite amitié entre les deux nations, et enfin la position même de ces armées seront les meilleurs garants de l’exactitude des remboursements quelques sacrifices qu’ils exigent.

Quant aux avantages futurs que promettent les sacrifices actuels de la France, ce serait faire injure aux lumières du duc de Cadore que de la fatiguer en les lui developpant. Lorsque S. M. I. crut nécessaire l’établissement en Espagne de sa dynastie, l’expérience lui avait démontré que survenant des troubles dans le nord, il ne pouvait jamais compter sans ce changement, sur la sûreté d’une des plus importantes frontières de son empire. Un siècle d’amitié presque non interrompue depuis le regne en Espagne et en France de la maison de Bourbon, le pacte de famille et la tournure différente que prirent les relations entre les deux pays après l’exclusion de la maison d’Autriche, sont les témoignages les plus authentiques de l’utilité des efforts et des sacrifices de la France pendant six ans, au commencement du siècle dernier. La résistance opiniâtre de presque toute l’Europe et surtout celle de l’Angleterre, qu’elle renouvelle dans cette guerre avec un plus grand developpement de moyens démontrent l’importance de cet événement pour la France. Ses meilleurs écrivains politiques ont indiqué avec la plus grande clarté les avantages qui en ont resulté pour le commerce Français et les richesses qu’il a procurées à la nation. Que ne doit elle pas attendre aujourd’hui de la réunion des deux couronnes dans la même famille, de l’analogie de leurs codes politiques et de leurs institutions, des qualités d’un roi sage et éclairé qui aime tendrement son auguste frère et la France, et qui est pénétré de la nécessité d’abattre l’orgueil de l’Angleterre! n’est ce pas le plus grand fruit qu’elle puisse retirer de cette resolution et de tels résultats ne valent ils pas les sacrifices momentanées qu’elle s’impose?

Il a été bien sensible pour S. M. que les rapports mensongers de personnes peu interessées à l’union et a l’amitié des deux frères et des deux pays, ayant pu inspirer à S. M. I. un seul instant de doutes. Quoique le roi a déjà écrit à l’empereur son auguste frère, S. M. veut que V. E. ou en votre absence le marquis d’Almenara, remette une copie de cette lettre à monsieur le duc de Cadore, dans l’espérance que V. E. developpera à S. M. I. avec sa sagacité ordinaire les causes qui ont influé sur la conduite du roi dans les affaires d’Espagne, que S. E. lui dépeindra l’état véritable de la nation, et qu’elle contribuera de cette manière à l’éxécution des intentions des deux monarques qui n’ont été, et qui ne peuvent être que les mêmes.

Le ministre secrétaire d’état,
(Signé) Mariano Luis D’Orquijo.

Letters from king Joseph to his ministers.

10 Février, 1811.

Je suis peiné que l’empereur ait cru nécessaire d’employer des formes diplomatiques avec moi et même avec la reine. Qu’il me fasse clairement connoître sa volonté et je n’aurai rien de plus agréable que de m’y conformer puisqu’elle ne peut être ni compatible avec mon honneur qui me paroit inséparable du sien, comme mon intérêt. Le fait est que je désire complaire, à la fois, à l’empereur et à mon frère; il m’a fait reconnoître roi de Naples, roi d’Espagne, et a garanti mon existence politique sans que je l’aie demandé. Je n’ai pas sollicité le trône j’y suis monté parce-qu’il l’a voulu, aujourd’hui l’empereur désire-t-il que je rentrois dans la retraite. Je suis d’autant plus prêt à le faire que les événemens de trois années out levé bien des scrupules et empêcher venir bien des regrets.

J’ai dû croire que l’empereur vouloit que je quittâsse l’Espagne dès que j’ai vu graduellement mon existence y devenir humiliant, impossible, et qu’il doit savoir que je ne puis pas supporter long-temps de me voir degradé: dans ce cas je désire partir pour France. L’ordre publique sera assuré ici, je m’entendrai avec mon frère, ou pour mieux dire je lui porterai moi-même mon blanc-seing.

Je m’abandonne entièrement à sa justice et à ses sentimens paternels pour ma famille, aussi point de négociations particulières; je rétourne dès ce moment à l’empereur tous les droits qu’il m’a transmis sur l’Espagne si son ambassadeur juge que je puisse partir demain pour Morfontaine, et s’il eu autorisé à croire que l’empereur verra ce parti sans déplaisir.

L’empereur veut-il réellement que je reste au trône d’Espagne? Je reste quelques qui soient les désagrémens indépendant de la volonté qui m’y attendent. Mais il faut que je n’éprouve que ceux qu’il ne peut m’éviter; je le répéte jamais les intérêts politiques ne me diviseront avec lui, qu’il me fasse connoître sa volonté. Si l’empereur venir ici, tout s’arrangera entre nous; s’il ne vient pas en Espagne, qu’il me laisse aller le voir à Paris. S’il juge ce voyage inopportun, qu’il rende mon existence tolerable pendant la guerre: il sait mieux que personne ce qu’il doit faire pour cela.

Il faut un changement marqué dans tout, avancer ou reculer, vous connoissez l’état actuel; j’ignore comment je pourrai gagner le mois nécessaire pour connoître la determination de l’empereur.

(The following abdication, by Joseph, was drawn up but never made public.)

L’expérience de trois années nous ayant convaincu que l’ordre social ne peut être recomposé en Espagne qu’en cumulant dans les mêmes mains les droits de souverainté dont nous sommes investés, et les moyens de force et de puissance militaire dont dispose notre august frère l’empereur des Français, de qui nous tenons les droits que nous exerçons aujourd’hui sur la monarchie Espagnole, nous avons résolu de notre pleine et libre volonté de rétrocéder à notre frère l’empereur des Français les droits qu’il nous a remis et en vertu des quels nous sommes entré dans ce royaume en 1808 à la suite de la constitution que nous avons signée à Bayonne dans la même année.

C’est pourquoi par les presents signées de notre main nous declarons céder, transporter, et remettre à notre dit frère l’empereur des Français, tous les droits qu’il nous transmis en 1808 sur la monarchie d’Espagne et des Indes dans toute leur integrité et tels qu’il les reçut lui même du roi Charles Quatre.

Nous entendons que la présente rétrocession n’ait de force et valeur que ce l’époque ou nous aurons pleine et entière connoissance de l’acceptation de la présente rétrocession de la part de notre frère l’empereur des Français: et comme nous ne sommes portés à cet acte par aucune considération particulière, mais par l’unique considération que nous avons exprimée plus haut et qu’en quittant le trône d’Espagne nous n’avons en vue que le plus grand bien du peuple Espagnol que nous ne pourrons pas rendre aussi heureux que nous voudrions, et que nous n’avons d’autre ambition que celle de rentrer dans la vie privée et dans la retraite la plus absolue. Nous nous abandonnons entièrement à la justice de notre frère l’empereur des Français pour le sort des personnes qui nous sont attachées au sentimens de la gloire qui garantit ses efforts pour le bonheur de l’Espagne et à ses sentimens paternels pour nos enfans, pour la reine, notre épouse, et pour nous.

Nous nous engagerons à faire revêtir de toutes les formes qui pourroient paroître plus authentiques le présent acte écrit, rédigé, et signé de notre propre main. Ayant jugé que le plus grand secret était indispensable jusqu’à ce que nous ayons connoissance de l’acceptation de S. M. l’empereur des Français, roi d’Italie.

Fait à Madrid, etc. etc.

Paris, 1811.

Depuis la conversation que j’ai eu avec vous sur ma position, elle ne s’est pas améliorée; elle est telle aujourd’hui que je me voir forcé d’embrasser le seul pratique qui me reste à prendre, celui de la rétraite la plus absolue en France. Je serois déjà parti si je ne venois d’être instruit que S. M. l’empereur qui a sû que j’avois donné ordre d’acheter ou de louer une terre a cent lieues de Paris, avoit disapprouvé cette demarche, et qu’il trouvait plus convenable, si je persistois dans ma resolution, qui je me rendisse à ma terre de Morfontaine après vous avoir prévenu de ma détermination, et avoir assuré ici l’ordre publique après mon départ. Je dirai en partant que je vais m’entendre avec l’empereur pour les affaires d’Espagne, et je ferois les mêmes dispositions par rapport aux provinces qui entourent Madrid que je fit lorsqu’il y a un an je partis pour l’expedition d’Andalousie; cet état dura six mois sans nul désordre, et je ne doute pas que les choses n’aillent de la même manière et ne donnent le tems à l’empereur de prendre les dispositions définitives.

Je suis prêt à rendre l’empereur les droits qu’il me rémit à Bayonne sur la monarchie d’Espagne et des Indes si ma position ici ne change pas; parceque je dois croire que c’est le désir de l’empereur puisqu’il est impossible qu’il veuille que je reste roi d’Espagne, et qu’il m’ôte tous les moyens d’existence. Il en peut être malheureux que l’empereur ait voulu me reconnoître roi de Naples, il y a six ans lorsqu’à la tête de ses troupes je fis la conquête de ce royaume; ce fut malgré moi, et mes instances pour rester au commandement de son armée avec la simple qualité de son lieutenant furent le sujet d’une lettre dont je me rappelle très-bien.

Lorsqu’en 1808 je fus proclamé roi d’Espagne, je l’ignorois encore; cependant arrivé à Bayonne je fis tout ce que voulus l’empereur, je signerais une constitution, je le signai appuyée par sa garantie. Les événemens n’ayant pas répondu a nos espérances est ce ma faute? Est celui qui en est le plus victim qui doit en porter la peine? Cependant tant que la guerre dure je me suis soumis a tout ce que l’on a voulu, mais je ne puis pas l’impossible; je ne puis pas rester ici plus longtems si l’empereur ne vient à mon secours. En ordonnant qu’il soit versé dans mon trésor à Madrid un million de francs par mois, les autres provinces doivent contribuer aux besoins de la capitale. Les troupes françoises qui sont dans les provinces du centre (elles sont peu nombreuses) doivent être soldées par le trésor de France.

A la pacification générale l’empereur exigera des indemnités; s’entendrer alors il posséde de fait presque toutes les provinces aujourd’hui, il sera bien le maître de ne les évacuer qu’à mesure qu’il croira que l’Espagne aura satisfait aux obligations qu’il lui aura imposées. En résume je suis prêt à faire la volonté de l’empereur pourvu que je la connoîsse.

1º. Veut-il que je reste roi d’Espagne, je reste dès qu’il m’en donne la possibilité, et je supporte tous les gouvernemens militaires qu’il a établis puisqu’il les croit indispensables pendant la guerre.

2º. Préféreroit-il que je rentrasse dans la sein de ma famille à Morfontaine d’abord et l’hiver dans le midi. Je suis prêt à partir dès que je connoîtrai sa volonté. J’ajoute de plus que le parti de la retraite me conviendra beaucoup plus que l’autre dès que je saurai qu’il lui convient. Je suis sur alors qu’il aura quelques bontés pour les Français qui se sont attachés à mon soit, et que je ne serai pas à même de rendre aussi heureux qu’ils le méritent. Quant à moi, à la reine, et à mes enfans, l’empereur me faisant payer mon traitement de prince Français, nous en aurons assez, mon intention étant de vivre dans la retraite en m’occupant de l’education des mes enfans, laissant a l’empereur le soin de leur établissemens, car je ne doute pas si ce projet se verifie que je ne retrouve le cœur de mon frère, et que dans les intervalles où il se rappellera qu’il est homme, il ne trouve encore quelque consolation en retrouvant mon cœur pour lui aussi jeune qu’il y a trente ans.

Enfin j’aime mieux vivre sujet de l’empereur en France que de rester en Espagne roi nominal, parceque je serai bon sujet en France, et mauvais roi en Espagne, et que je veux rester digne de l’empereur, de la France, et de moi-même.

Marquis of Almenara to the minister secretary of state.
Translated from a deciphered Spanish letter.

Fontainebleau, Novembre 4, 1810.

“This government is very uneasy about the military operations in Portugal, from whence they receive no accounts except through England, described therefore factitiously and with the strongest hopes of resisting the French forces that oppose their army. This problem will probably be already solved and its conclusion will decide what is interesting to Spain. It is therefore very important that our government should write all it knows, and what will prove that it takes part in what belongs to both countries, because here I am often asked what is said in Madrid on this subject, and people are surprised that we limit ourselves entirely to the urgent points of our negotiation. This explains the proofs of affection which the prince royal of Sweden desired that the king should give to the emperor, being convinced that the letters of his majesty, written in his own familiar style when he explains his sentiments, produce a great sensation with the emperor.”

SECTION 3.
Letters from the prince de Neufchatel to king Joseph.

Paris, 28 Janvier, 1811.

Sire,—J’ai l’honneur de prévenir votre majesté que l’empereur par sa décision du 21 Janvier a fixé les traitemens extraordinaires qui pourront être payés en Espagne à date du 1^er de l’année 1811, dans l’arrondissement des armées du midi, du nord, de l’Arragon, &c. Ces traitemens sont détermines ainsi qu’il suit.

Savoir:

		Fr. par mois.
Les généraux gouverneurs dans les quatre gouvernemens comprises dans l’arrondissement de l’armée du nord				4000
Le général chef de l’état major-général de l’armée				3000
Généraux de division				1800
Généraux de brigade, inspecteurs aux revues et commissaires ordonnateurs				1200
Adjudans commandans, colonels, et sous-inspecteurs aux revues				750
Officiers de santé principaux				500
Chefs de bataillons, d’escadrons, commissaires de guerre, et chefs d’administration des différens services				400
Commandans de place occupant dans l’armée un grade inférieur à ceux ci-dessus désignées, savoir	}	capitaines		400
	}	lieutenans et	}
	}	sous-lieuts.	}	300

Au moyen de ces indemnités il ne sera rien alloué au-dessus des sommes fixées ni pour dépenses de bureaux ou de table, ni pour frais extraordinaires de quelque nature qu’ils soient et sous quelque prétexte que ce puisse être, et cette décision n’a aucun effet rétroactif. J’écris à MM. les maréchaux et généraux commandant en Espagne, pour leur faire connoître que, d’après les intentions de l’empereur, tout militaire Français qui à l’avenir aurait exigé ou reçu des traitemens extraordinaires plus forts que ceux fixés par la décision du 21 Janvier, et qui s’en serait fait payer sans une ordonnance régulière des intendans généraux ou commissaires ordonnateurs, sera suspendu de ses fonctions et qu’il en sera rendu compte dans les vingt-quatre heures pour prendre les ordres de l’empereur. Votre majesté jugera sans doute convenable de donner ses ordres au général Belliard pour que cette disposition soit suivie dans l’arrondissement de l’armée du centre. Je prie votre majesté d’agréer l’hommage de mon respect.

Paris, 14 Février, 1811.

Sire,—L’empereur ne m’a encore donné aucun ordre relatif à l’objet de la lettre apportée par votre aide-de-camp le colonel Clermont Tonnere. On pense que Valence ne se soumettra que par l’approche d’une armée, et après la prise de Tarragone le corps du général Suchet sera disponible.—Les affaires paroissent s’améliorer en Portugal, le duc d’Istrie va établir l’ordre dans le nord de l’Espagne. J’envoye mon aide-de-camp le colonel Le Jeune voir l’état des choses à Grénade, Malaga, Cadiz et Badajos. Je prie votre majesté d’avoir des bontés pour lui. L’empereur est en bonne santé, l’imperatrice est bientôt à terme, et nous esperons un roi des Romains. L’empereur affermit de plus en plus le grand empire. Votre majesté le seconde mais nous apprécions ses peines et ses privations. Une nouvelle armée de deux-cent-milles hommes se forme dans le nord de la France, et l’empereur est en position d’en imposer à qui tenteroit de contrarier ses grandes conceptions, tout est bien et va bien en France.

Paris, le 11 Avril, 1811.

Sire,—J’ai eu l’honneur de mander votre majesté, que l’empereur avoit donné des ordres pour qu’il lui fut envoyé chaque mois cent mille francs, et je lui ai fait connoître combien il étoit important que les troupes destinées pour l’Andalusie y arrivassent sans retard.

L’empereur pense qu’il seroit utile de chercher à tirer parti de bons Espagnole pour réunir de vrais cortez qui pourroient avoir de l’influence sur les esprits: l’intégrité de l’Espagne peut encore être maintenue si les cortez operoient une réaction dans l’opinion: le Perou et le Méxique se sont déjà déclarés independant, et toutes les autres colonies sont échapper à l’Espagne: les vrais Espagnols doivent savoir combien les Anglais les maltraitent. On voit par les gazettes Anglaises que les cortez rassemblés dans l’île de Leon ne furent qu’une miserable canaille et des gens obscures qui n’ont autre projet que d’aller végéter dans les tavernes de Londres il ne peut y avoir rien à faire avec de pareils hommes. Sa majesté trouve qu’il y auroit un grand avantage à former des cortez tirer de toutes les provinces de l’Espagne occupées par les armées françaises. Une discussion éclairée qui s’établiroit auroit beaucoup d’influence sur les esprits. L’empereur est oblige d’abandonner le projet qu’il avoit de s’entendre avec les cortez de l’île de Leon, puisque ce n’est qu’un composé de gens sans aveu: ce ne seroit donc qu’avec des cortez formé d’hommes tirés de toutes les parties de l’Espagne qu’on pourroit éclairer l’opinion des Espagnols qui aiment leur pays.

L’ambassadeur de l’empereur a transmis des plaintes sur votre major-général. Votre majesté commande l’armée du centre. Par conséquent la hiérarchie militaire ne peut pas permettre qu’il s’écarte de ses devoirs. Si je correspond souvent avec le général Belliard, c’est que votre majesté est un général roi, et que je dois lui éviter des détails qu’un major-général lui soumet.

Aucun village d’Espagne n’a été réuni à la France, et l’empereur tient à ce que votre majesté ait en Espagne toute la considération qui lui est due. Tout depend encore du parti qu’on peut tirer de la nation. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les Anglais n’ont qu’un but; celui de ruiner la péninsule, de la détruire, parcequ’ils sentent bien qu’elle doit finir par appartenir à la France ou à un prince de la maison de l’empereur, et qu’ils trouvent un grand avantage à diviser un pays qu’il savent ne pouvoir gardes.

Je présente à votre majesté l’hommage avec mon respect.

Le Prince Neufchatel, Major-Général,
Alexandre.

Paris, ce 6 Mai, 1811.

Sire,—J’ai montré à l’empereur la lettre de votre majesté, en date du 21 Avril par laqu’elle elle fait connoître qu’elle se met en route pour Paris: l’empereur ne s’attendoit pas à cette resolution; votre majesté lui ayant promis de ne pas quitter l’Espagne sans être convenu à l’avance des mesures à prendre et qu’exige une pareille détermination. L’empereur trouve que dans ces circonstances le départ de votre majesté devoit être précédé de l’évacuation de l’Andalousie afin de concentrer les armées. Car dans la position des choses, le départ de votre majesté va donner une secousse défavorable à la situation des armées de l’empereur. Si votre majesté avoit quitté l’Espagne au mois de Janvier, où les armées étoient en position sans agir, cela auroit eu moins d’inconvenient. Dans ce moment votre arrivée met l’empereur dans de grandes inquiétudes, en vous considérant comme roi d’Espagne, et comme général-en-chef, l’empereur voit que votre retour sera interprété selon l’esprit et la tournure que les Anglais voudront y donner, et fera un mauvais effet; qu’il est pénible que votre majesté se soit portée à cette démarche dont il ne peut résulter aucun avantage, et qui peut avoir beaucoup d’inconvenients, car dans ce moment d’agitation, l’Espagne va se trouver sans chef. Votre majesté ne voulant pas rester à Madrid, l’empereur trouve qu’il auroit été très utile qu’elle allât passer la revue de l’armée de Portugal ou de l’armée d’Andalousie; l’influence de votre majesté auroit surtout été bien utile pour procurer à l’armée de Portugal tout ce qui lui est nécessaire. L’empereur, sire, est dans une grande anxiété de savoir à qui vous avez donné le commandement de l’armée du centre; si vous avez prévenu le duc de Dalmatie de votre départ, et qui étant aux mains avec l’ennemi trouvera ses embarras augmentés, n’ayant aucune direction sur ses derrières. S’il étoit possible que votre majesté reçut cette lettre encore en Espagne, l’empereur m’ordonne d’engager votre majesté à sentir les inconvéniens de son retour si contraire aux circonstances. L’empereur n’a aucune nouvelle ni de l’armée d’Andalousie ni de l’armée du centre. J’expédie à votre majesté un de mes aides-de-camp. Etc. etc.

Alexandre.

Paris, le 1 Juin, 1811.

Sire,—L’empereur a examiné attentivement les observations que votre majesté lui a adressées, et me prescrit de me rendre auprès d’elle pour avoir l’honneur de lui donner connoissance de ce qu’il juge le plus convenable sur les divers points qui en sont l’objet. L’empereur pense, sire, que votre majesté peut partir de Paris quand elle le jugera à-propos, et même sans attendre son retour, si cela entrait dans les intentions de votre majesté. L’armée du centre en Espagne est pleinement entièrement sous les ordres de votre majesté, le général Belliard ne doit point prendre le titre de major-général, mais celui que lui ont toujours attribué les ordres émanées de l’empereur, de chef d’état-major de l’armée du centre. Si votre majesté n’est pas content de ce général, je vous engage, sire, à en proposer un autre qui ait votre confiance. C’est à votre majesté, sire, qu’il appartient de suspendre, de renvoyer, de traduire même à des commissions militaires quand il y a lieu, les généraux et officiers de l’armée du centre; d’administrer les provinces comprises dans l’arrondissement de cette armée comme votre majesté le jugera le plus convenable au bien du service. A l’armée du nord de l’Espagne, l’empereur a besoin d’un maréchal qui soit chargé du commandement des troupes stationées dans les provinces formant l’arrondissement de cette armée. Le maréchal duc d’Istrie exerce maintenant ce commandement; dans le cas, sire, où ce maréchal ne conviendroit pas à V. M. l’empereur ne serait pas éloigné de le remplacer par le maréchal Jourdan, si cette disposition étoit agréable à votre majesté et à ce maréchal. Mais l’empereur ne juge pas qu’on puisse rien changer à l’organisation de l’armée du nord; il est essentiel que cette organisation reste telle qu’elle est, si ce n’est de mettre cette armée sous les ordres d’un maréchal français qui posséde d’avantage la confiance de votre majesté. Dans les gouvernemens qui forment l’arrondissement de cette armée, c’est au nom de votre majesté, sire, que la justice doit se rendre; le commandant doit envoyer des rapports journaliers à V. M. l’intendant-général M. Dudon doit envoyer à V. M. l’état de la perception des contributions et de leur emploi. L’empereur pense que V. M. doit avoir auprès du général-en-chef de l’armée du nord un commissaire Espagnol pour veiller à ce que le quart du revenu des provinces de l’arrondissement de cette armée, soit versé à Madrid pour le service de votre majesté et pour sécourir l’armée du centre. L’empereur consent à ce que toutes les fois que les provinces auraient les moyens nécessaires pour se garder et se garantir des incursions des guerillas, elles puissent rentrer entièrement sous l’administration Espagnole en ne fournissant que ce qui sera convenu. Quant à l’armée du midi de l’Espagne, l’empereur approuve qu’ ainsi qu’ à l’armée du nord, le maréchal qui commande envoie des rapports à V. M. et l’instruire de tout ce qui se passe; les budgets en recettes et en dépenses des différentes provinces de l’armée du midi, doivent aussi être envoyés à votre majesté, qui y tiendra un commissaire pour percevoir le quart des revenues.

La même méthode sera pareillement appliquée à l’armée d’Arragon. L’empereur, sire, satisfait aussi aux désirs exprimés par V. M. Quant à ce qui concerne le commandement général de ses armées en Espagne, sa majesté ne croit pas pouvoir donner un tel commandement qui doit être simple et un; votre M. sentira qu’il est dans la nature des choses qu’un maréchal résident à Madrid et dirigeant les opérations voudrait en avoir la gloire avec la responsibilité, et que dans ce cas, les commandans des armées du midi et de Portugal se croyant moins réellement sous les ordres de votre M. que sous de son chef d’état-major, pourraient ne pas obéir, ou exécuter ce qui leur serait prescrit. Mais indépendamment du commandement de l’armée du centre, V. M. sire, aurait le commandement des troupes qui entreraient dans l’arrondissement de cette armée. Si l’armée du Midi se repliait sur l’armée du centre, elle serait dès-lors sous les ordres de V. M. et il en serait de même pour l’armée de centre.

Dans celles des armées ou V. M. se rendrait, elle aurait les honneurs du commandement; mais, sire, l’empereur juge très important de ne rien changer au commandement militaire ni à l’armée du nord, ni à l’armée d’Arragon, ni aux armées du midi et de Portugal, excepté ce qu’il est nécessaire d’établir pour que V. M. ait des rapports de tout ce qui se passe, connaisse tout et puisse se servir de ces relations, dans sa position centrale, pour instruire les autres généraux: sa majesté pense que cette communication de renseignemens, d’observations, de conseils, peut même avoir lieu par le canal du ministre de la guerre de V. M. L’empereur désire, sire, que V. M. veuille bien corresponds directement avec moi par des lettres signés de sa main; j’aurai l’honneur d’adresser directement les miennes à V. M. L’empereur désire également qu’elle s’en reserve l’ouverture et fasse connaître ensuite à son chef d’état-major ce qu’elle jugera convenable. Je prie votre M. de vouloir bien donner ses ordres pour que tous les comptes rendus en états de situation me soient adressés, que les rapports soient très exacts et que je sois instruit de tout ce qui peut intéresser le service de l’empereur comme cela est d’usage dans une armée. D’après les ordres de l’empereur une somme de cinq cent mille francs par mois sera envoyée à V. M. jusqu’au 1er Juillet, et à compter du 1er Juillet, cet envoi sera d’un million par mois pendant le reste de l’année.

L’empereur, sire, me prescrit d’avoir l’honneur de concerter avec votre majesté les mesures qu’elle jugera convenables à l’organization de l’armée du centre ainsi que pour en retirer les généraux qui ne conviendraient pas à votre majesté, faire des examples de ceux qui auroient commis des dilapidations, leur faire restituer les sommes qu’ils auraient dilapidées; enfin, sire, l’empereur se repose essentiellement sur votre majesté du soin de maintenir les officiers de son armée dans la discipline convenable et de faire des examples, et il désire que V. M. envoie journellement des rapports détaillés sur tout ce qui est important. Votre majesté, sire, reconnaîtra dans ces dispositions que le désir de l’empereur est de faire tout ce qui peut donner un nouvel éclat à l’entrée de V. M. en Espagne, en maintenant d’ailleurs dans leur intégrité, ainsi que sa majesté le gage indispensable, l’organisation de l’armée d’Andalousie et des autres armées de l’Espagne. &c.

Observations faites par le roi d’Espagne sur la lettre du
major-général, de la 1ère Juin, 1811.

Le roi demande.

1º. Que messrs. les maréchaux commandant-en-chef les armées de l’empereur, à l’armée du nord, du Portugal, de midi, et de l’Arragon, ne puissent augmenter les impôts existant à ce jour, ni lever aucune contribution extraordinaire sans l’autorization du roi, ou de l’empereur.

2º. Le roi désire que le maréchal Jourdan remplace le maréchal due d’Istrie dans le commandement de l’armée du nord.

3º. Que les maréchaux commandant les armées de l’empereur et les intendans général ne puissent vendre aucune bien national ou communal sans l’autorization du roi; qu’il en soit de même pour les plombs et vif argent appartenant à l’état.

4º. Que les administrations Espagnoles dans l’arrondissement des armées du nord, du midi, de l’Arragon, resteront telles qu’elles sont, et que si des changemens paroissent utiles, ils seront demandés au roi.

5º. Qu’il soit specifié que le quart des revenues des provinces occupées par les armées de l’empereur, en Espagne, sera versé net dans le trésor du roi à Madrid, et que les trois autre quartes seront employés aux besoin de l’armée dans les dites provinces, et en payement des traitemens des administrations Espagnoles.

6º. Le roi se trouvant avoir l’honneur du commandement près des armées ou il se trouve, pense qu’il est dans les intentions de votre majesté qu’il puisse voir et réunir les autorités Espagnoles comme bon lui semblera pour leur parler dans l’intérêt des affaires d’Espagne: ce que le roi trouve utile de faire dans les lieux où il l’arrêtera pour se rendre à Madrid.

7º. Il paroit entendu que le maréchal commandant l’armée de Portugal rendra compte au roi des toutes les opérations, aussi que doivent le faire les autres maréchaux.

8º. Le roi trouve utile pour les intérêts des affaires d’Espagne de pouvoir s’attacher des officiers Espagnols ou autres qui se trouveroient parmi les prisonniers, et qui par des motifs particuliers il jugeroit convenable d’employer.

9º. Le roi de Westphalie qui ne peut pas recruter les régimens qu’il a en Espagne est disposé à mettre le petit nombre d’hommes qui restent aux drapeaux à la disposition du roi d’Espagne pour être à la solde et à son service; le roi d’Espagne les placeroit utilement dans la guarde.

10º. Le roi désire que le général Maurice Mathieu remplace le général Lorge.

11º. Qu’il ne reste à Madrid que l’administration nécessaire pour l’armée du centre, et que cette grande quantité d’administrateurs appartenant à l’administration générale qui n’existe plus à Madrid soit envoyée à Burgos ou en France.

12º. Que la solde des troupes françaises faisant partie de l’armée du centre continue n’être payée par le trésor de France.

13º. Sa majesté conservera le général Belliard comme chef de son état major.

14º. Le roi désire pouvoir prendre toutes les mesures politiques qu’il jugera convenable, et faire toutes autres dispositions à l’égard de cortez en se conformant aux vues contenues dans la lettre que j’ai écrite d’après l’ordre de V. M. pour cet objet.

15º. Sur les 500,000 francs que V. M. met à la disposition du roi à Madrid on en retient 100,000 francs pour l’arrière. Le roi demande que cette somme soit pour le service courant.

Paris, le 17 Juin, 1811.

Sire,—L’empereur m’ordonne de vous envoyer la copie de la lettre que j’adresse au duc d’Istrie: j’écris à-peu-près dans les mêmes termes aux autres commandants. Je n’ai pas encore vu le maréchal Jourdan; je le verrai demain et immédiatement après il partira pour Madrid, où l’empereur apprendra avec plaisir qu’il est employé comme gouverneur.

Le duc de Raguse mande qu’il est en marche sur le Tage. L’empereur désire que V. M. donne ses ordres pour qu’on lui procure tous les secours dont il peut avoir besoin: il a avec lui vingt-huit mille bayonnettes, trois mille hommes de cavalerie, et trent-six pièces de canon. L’empereur désire que V. M. puisse l’appuyer avec dixhuit cent chevaux, quinze à dixhuit pièces de canon et deux à trois mille hommes d’infanterie: ce corps pourroit être placé à proximité afin de pouvoir rejoindre et aider le duc de Raguse, s’il devoit donner bataille aux Anglais. L’empereur verroit avec plaisir, Sire, qu’après votre arrivée à Madrid vous vous rendissiez à l’armée de Portugal, pour la passer en revue, l’animer, et prendre dans vôtre revue l’état des emplois vacans.

J’écris au duc de Raguse que si l’on pouvoit retrancher Alcantara et faire une tête de pont sur la rive droite, ce seroit une bonne opération. Si l’armée de Portugal arrivoit à tems pour sécourir l’armée du midi devant Badajoz, le petit corps de reserve dont je viens de parler ci-dessus à votre majesté ne pourroit être que de la plus grande utilité.

Le siège de Tarragone a déjà attiré une partie des bandes qui étoient dans l’arrondissement de l’armée du centre. Deux divisions de l’armée de reserve que forme l’empereur arriveront l’une à Pampelune, l’autre à Vittoria vers le 14 Juillet: cela mettra à même d’envoyer encore aux armées du midi et de Portugal environ douze milles hommes qui sont en Navarre, et qui passeront par Madrid.

L’Empereur ne peut qu’engager votre majesté à envoyer à l’armée du midi tout ce qui lui appartient, car c’est là que se portent les grands coups et qu’ont lieu les opérations les plus importantes.

&c. &c.
Alexandre.

To the duke of Istria.

Paris, Juin 1811.

J’ai prevénu, monsieur le maréchal, le général Monthion, les généraux Caffarelli et Dorsenne directement les dispositions dont je vais vous entretenir, et qui ont rapport aux intentions de l’empereur rélativement au rétour de roi d’Espagne dans ses états.

Le roi commande en chef l’armée du centre, mais l’intention de l’empereur est que vous correspondiez avec S. M. C. en lui faissant le rapport de ce qui se passe afin de la mettre à même de connoître l’ensemble des événemens en Espagne comme les autres généraux en chef ont l’ordre d’en agir de même, le roi sera dans le cas de pouvoir comme point central vous faire faire des communications qui contribueront au succès des armes de l’empereur.

S. M. I. m’ordonne aussi de vous faire connaître, M. le duc, que son intention est que pendant le voyage du roi dans son rétour à Madrid, tous les honneurs lui soient rendus dans les gouvernemens et dans l’arrondissement de l’armée du nord comme si S. M. commandait cette armée. Le roi donnera l’ordre et recevra les honneurs du commandement. Les gouverneurs l’accompagneront dans leur gouvernement et lui feront fournir toutes les escortes qui lui seront nécessaires. Il est à présumer que le roi séjournera quelque tems à Vittoria et à Burgos, et qu’il profitera de son séjour pour rassembler les notables du pays les éclairer sur la situation des affaires, et améliorer l’esprit public. Vous seconderez, mons. le maréchal, les mesures que le roi pourra prendre pour rendre les villes et les villages responsibles des abus qui se commettent sur leur territoire. Vous agirez de même si le roi accorde le pardon à quelques bandes de guerillas qui se rendraient. Vous devez aider de tous vos moyens les mesures que S. M. prendra pour le rétablissement de l’ordre et de la tranquillité publique. Du reste les troupes composant l’armée du nord doivent rester sous le commandement respectif de leurs chefs et vos ordres doivent continuer à être exécutés sans qu’aucun ordre de qui que ce soit puisse les changer. Quant à l’administration du pays, elle doit continuer à marcher dans la direction donnée par les instructions et les ordres de l’empereur; les fonds doivent être destinées aux besoins de l’armée, à l’entretien des hôpitaux, et vous devez défendre et empêcher toute espèce d’abus. Le roi ayant plus particulièrement encore que vous, les moyens de connaître les abus qu’ont lieu, l’empereur ordonne que vous profiteriez des lumières que le roi pourra vous donner à cet égard pour les réprimer. Il est nécessaire, monsieur le duc, que vous me fassiez connaître le budjet des ressources et des dépenses afin de savoir la partie des revenues qui pourront être versés à Madrid, dans la caisse du gouvernement pour le service du roi et pour l’armée du centre.

Je n’ai pas besoin de vous répéter que la justice doit se rendre au nom du roi; cela a toujours dû avoir lieu; le droit de faire grace ne vous appartient pas pour les individus condamnés par les tribunaux; vous n’êtes autorisé qu’à suspendre l’exécution dans les cas que vous jugerez graciables. Le droit de faire grace n’appartient qu’au roi. Vous n’avez pas non plus le droit de nommer à aucune place du clergé; le roi y nomme dans toutes les parties de son royaume.

Si le roi juge à-propos de tenir près de vous et des gouverneurs un commissaire Espagnol pour connaître les recettes et les dépenses, vous devez donner à ce commissaire les renseignemens dont il aura besoin pour remplir sa mission. Vous aurez soin, monsieur le maréchal, de me rendre compte journellement de ce qui se sera fait pendant le séjour du roi afin que j’en informe l’empereur.

&c. &c.

Paris, le 24 Août, 1811.

Sire,—J’ai l’honneur d’informer votre majesté que d’après les ordres de l’empereur, je viens de faire connaître à M. le maréchal duc de Raguse que l’armée de Portugal doit prendre désormais sa ligne de communication sur Madrid; je lui mande que c’est là que doit être son centre de dépôt, et que toute opération que l’ennemi ferait sur la Coa ne peut déranger cette ligne; que si l’ennemi veut prendre l’offensive il ne peut la prendre que dans l’Andalousie parceque de ce côté il a un objet à remplir, qui est de faire lever le siège de Cadiz, tandis que ses efforts dans le nord s’avença-t-il même jusqu’à Valladolid, n’aboutiraient à rien puisque les troupes que nous avons dans ces provinces en se repliant lui opposeraient une armée considérable et qu’alors l’armée de Portugal devrait faire pour l’armée du nord ce qu’elle ferait pour l’armée du midi. Je le préviens que l’objet important est que sa ligne d’opérations soit sur Talavera et Madrid parceque son armée est spécialement destinée à protéger celle du midi. Je lui fais observer que l’armée de Portugal étant attaquée de front, son mouvement de retraite est encore sur Madrid parceque dans tous les cas possibles ce doit être sa ligne d’opérations, qu’il faut donc que tous les dépôts quelconques appartinant à l’armée de Portugal soient dirigés sur Talavera et Madrid. Je donne l’ordre impératif au général Dorsenne de faire partir dans les 24 heures tous les dépôts et détachemens qu’il a appartenant à l’armée de Portugal; tout ce qui est en état de servir sera dirigé en gros détachemens par Avila sur Placentia, et quant aux hommes qui ne sont pas pour le moment en état de servir, le général Dorsenne les fera diriger sur Madrid, et aura soin d’en informer à l’avance votre majesté, de manière qu’il ne lui restera plus un seul homme appartenant à l’armée de Portugal, sauf la garnison de Ciudad Rodrigo qu’il fera relever et rejoindre aussitôt après l’arrivée des renforts qui vont se rendre à l’armée du nord.

&c. &c.

Boulogne, le 20 Sept. 1811.

Sire,—L’empereur m’a demandé si j’avois reponse à la lettre que j’ai eu l’honneur d’adresser à V. M. en lui rendant compte de la reddition de Figueras. L’empereur m’ordonne d’annoncer à V. M. que son intention est d’étendre à toute la rive gauche de l’Ebre la mesure qu’elle à jugé devoir adopter pour la Catalogne. L’empereur pense que V. M. temoin de la resistance qui éprouvent les armées et des sacrifices des toutes espèces que la France est obligé de faire, est trop juste pour ne point apprécier les motifs de la conduite de l’Empereur, et je suis autorisé à assurer V. M. des sentimens d’intérêt et d’amitié qui continuent à animer l’empereur pour V. M. mais il ne pouvent pas faire negliger à S. M. I. et R. ce qu’elle doit à la sureté de son empire et à la gloire de son règne.

&c. &c.

No. IV.
SECTION 1.
CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

EXTRACT FROM MR. CANNING’S INSTRUCTIONS TO MR.
STUART AND MR. DUFF, 1808.

To Mr. Stuart.

“You are to enter into no political engagements.”

To James Duff, Esq.

“July 26, 1808.

“You will embark on board his majesty’s ship, Stately; on board of that ship are embarked to the amount of one million of Spanish dollars, three-fourths in dollars and one-fourth in bars, which sum is consigned to your care and is destined by his majesty for the use of the kingdom of Andalusia and the provinces of Spain connected with them.”

“His majesty has no desire to annex any conditions to the pecuniary assistance which he furnishes to Spain.”

“Military stores to a considerable amount are now actually shipping for Cadiz, and the articles required for the clothing of the Andalusian army will follow.”

“It was only by a direct but secret understanding with the government of Spain, under the connivance of France, that any considerable amount of dollars has been collected in England.”

“Each province of Spain made its own application with reference to the full amount of its own immediate necessities, and to the full measure of its own intended exertions, but without taking into consideration that similar necessities and similar exertions lead to similar demands from other parts, and that though each separate demand might in itself be reasonably supposed to come within the limits of the means of Great Britain, yet that the whole together occasion a call for specie, such as never before was made upon this country at any period of its existence.”

“In the course of the present year it is publicly notorious that a subsidy is paid by Great Britain to Sweden of one million two hundred thousand pounds, the whole of which, or nearly the whole, must be remitted in specie, amounting to at least seven million dollars. One million of dollars has already been sent to Gihon, another to Coruña in part of the respective demands of the principality of Asturias and the kingdom of Gallicia, and the remainder of these demands as already brought forward would require not less than eight million dollars more to satisfy them.”——“An application from Portugal has also been received for an aid, which will amount to about twelve or thirteen hundred thousand dollars, one million as has been stated goes in the ship with you to Cadiz, and the remainder of the Andalusian demand would require between three and four millions of dollars more. Here, therefore, there are not less than three-and-twenty millions of dollars, of which near sixteen millions for Spain and Portugal required to be suddenly drawn from the British treasury.”

“In addition to this drain it is also to be considered that the British armies are at the same moment sent forth in aid of the same cause, and that every article of expence to be incurred by them on foreign service in whatever country they may be employed, must be defrayed by remittances in silver.”[1]——“You will be particularly careful in entering upon the explanation with the junta of Seville, to avoid any appearance of a desire to overrate the merit and value of the exertions now making by Great Britain in favour of the Spanish nation, or to lay the ground for restraining or limiting those exertions within any other bounds than those which are prescribed by the limits of the actual means of the country.”

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Note by Editor.—Nevertheless sir John Moore had only £25,000 in his military chest, and sir David Baird only £8,000 which were given him by sir John Moore.

Admiral De Courcy to Mr. Stuart, October 21, 1808.

“Mr. Frere will have told you that the Semiramis has brought a million of dollars in order to lie at his disposal, besides £50,000 in dollars, which are to be presented to the army of the marquis of Romana.”——“In the meantime the British troops remain in their transports at Coruna, uncertain whether they shall be invited to the war, and without a shilling to defray their expences.”

Mr. Canning to Mr. Stuart.

July 27, 1808.

“Already the deputy from Coruna has added to his original demand for two millions of dollars, a further demand for three millions on learning from the Asturian deputies that the demand from Asturias had amounted to five millions in the first instance. Both profess in conversation to include a provision for the interests of Leon and of Old Castile in the demand. But this has not prevented a direct application from Leon.”

“It is besides of no small disadvantage that the deputies from the Asturias and Gallicia having left Spain at so early a period are really not competent to furnish information or advice upon the more advanced state of things in that country.”——“I have already stated to you that in applications for succours, there is an under-ground appearance of rivalry, which with every disposition to do every thing that can be done for Spain, imposes a necessity of perpetual caution with respect to the particular demands of each province. The Asturians having been rebuked by their constituents for not having applied for pecuniary aid as quickly as the Gallicians are bent upon repairing this fault, and the Gallician having been commended for promptitude, is ambitious of acquiring new credit by increasing the amount of his demand. Whatever the ulterior demands, these several provinces have to make, will be made with infinitely more effect through you and Mr. Hunter respectively, as they will then come accompanied with some detailed and intelligible exposition of the grounds and objects of each particular application.”

Mr. Stuart’s despatches to Mr. Canning.

Coruna, July 22, 1808.

“Accounts of advantages in the quarters, which from the present state of things can have little or no communication with this place, appear to be numerous in proportion as the north of Spain is barren of events agreeable to the existing government; and I am disposed to consider unauthenticated reports of success in Catalonia, Valencia, Murcia, and Andalusia, to be a mode of concealing or palliating disasters in Leon, Castile, and the Montaña.”

July 24, 1808.

“One thousand men, under de Ponte, is the utmost force the Asturias have yet organized or sent into the field, and the contingents of Leon are very trifling.

“Thirty thousand men, of which twenty thousand are regular troops under Blake, were united to ten thousand Castilian recruits under Cuesta. They went to Rio Seco to march against Burgos, and cut off Bessieres’ retreat to France, but they lost seven thousand men at Rio Seco.

“The Estremadura army under Gallegos is at Almaraz, consisting of twenty-four thousand infantry and four thousand cavalry, but the battle of Rio Seco has cut the communication which had been before kept up to Andalusia.”

Abstract of information sent to Mr. Canning by Mr. Stuart.

July 26, 1808.

“The 29th of May the inhabitants of Coruna appointed a provisional junta of forty members taken from the notables of the place, and this junta despatched circulars to the seven provinces of St. Jago, Betanços, Coruna, Mondonedo, Orense, Lugo, and Tuy, desiring that deputies from each should come to Coruña to form a junta for Gallicia entire. Seven persons came and immediately seized the government and dissolved the local junta; the troops marched to the frontier, deputies went to England, and all seemed to proceed well until contributions were demanded. Then the provinces demurred saying, their deputies were empowered only to signify their approbation of what had past, but not to seize the government, and St. Jago insisted upon sending more deputies, and having additional votes as being of more consequence. It was then arranged that two deputies from each province should be sent to Coruña with more power. The archbishop and a Mr. Friere came from St. Jago, and others were arriving when the first deputation resolved not to submit, and declared the second to be an ordinary junta, chosen for the mere purpose of raising money, and subordinate to themselves. The archbishop and the bishop of Orense refused to act in such a capacity; but a letter from the latter painting the true state of things being intercepted, he was arrested and confined in the citadel. A body of troops was sent to St. Jago, it was uncertain whether to seize the archbishop or to awe the people; but Mr. Stuart was secretly assured it was for the former purpose. The archbishop thought so also and came immediately to Coruña. This transaction was studiously concealed from the English envoy but he penetrated the secret. The people were discontented at this usurpation of the junta of seven, but the lavish succours sent to them by Mr. Canning and the presence of Mr. Stuart induced them to submit, as thinking the junta were supported by England.

“This junta of seven adopted no measures in common with any neighbouring province, but willingly entered into close alliance with the insurgents of Portugal as one independent state with another; and they withheld any share of the English supplies for the armies of Asturias and Leon.

“The archbishop was an intriguing dangerous man, and secretly wrote to Blake to march with the army against the junta, his letter being intercepted six voted to arrest him, but the seventh with the assistance of Mr. Stuart persuaded them to avoid so violent a measure as tending towards a civil commotion. Tumults however did take place, and the English naval officers were requested and consented to quell a riot, and it proved that they had more influence over the people than the junta.

“In August the archbishop was commanded to leave Coruña, he obeyed, and the bishop of Orense was after some resistance made a member of the junta.”

Mr. Stuart to Mr. Canning.

“August 7.

“There is no common plan, and consequently no concert in their proceedings. No province shares the succour granted by Great Britain with its neighbour, although that advantage may not be useful to themselves. No gun-boats have been sent from Ferrol to protect St. Andero on the coast of Biscay, and the Asturians have in vain asked for artillery from the depôts of Gallicia.

“The stores landed at Gihon, and not used by the Asturians have remained in that port and in Oviedo, although they would have afforded a reasonable relief to the army of Blake.

“The money brought by the Pluto for the province of Leon which has not raised a man and was till this moment in the hands of the French, remains unemployed in the port where it was landed. Estremadura is said to have nine thousand cavalry, which are of little service since the French quitted that province. Yet they have not sent a man to Blake who cannot prudently stir from his present position without cavalry. General Cuesta also has deprived him of six hundred horse and his flying artillery with which he has actually quitted Salamanca on his way to join the Estremadura army.”

Ditto to Ditto.
(Abstract.)

“August 12.

“The duke of Infantado reached Blake’s quarters, after escaping from France. Blake gave him his confidence and sent him to Madrid to form a council of war, and to persuade Cuesta to send two thousand cavalry to the army of Gallicia. The junta did not approve of this; they suspected Infantado as a double dealer and in the French interest.

“After Baylen, the juntas of Seville and Murcia wished to establish a despotism, differing in nothing from that of Charles III. and Charles IV. save that Florida Blanca was to be the head of a regency. But in the north they were all for liberty, and put forward the British constitution as a model. The army spoke of Infantado as regent, but the civilians disliked him. All the English guns sent out for Gallicia went by mistake to the Asturias, the succours were absurdly distributed and every thing was in confusion.”

Mr. Stuart to Mr. Canning.

“Coruna, August 9.

“I am placed at the very extremity of the kingdom where I cannot possibly obtain any sort of information respecting other provinces, and my presence has very materially contributed to cherish the project of separation from the rest of the peninsula in the minds of the Gallicians.

“Besides the constant communication of the navy with the junta, a military mission is placed here consisting of several persons who communicate regularly with the government and the admiralty, and whose correspondence with England being a mere duplicate of my own renders the one or the other perfectly useless.

“The packet instead of coming weekly only arrived every fortnight, being sent to Gihon to carry home Mr. Hunter’s letters, who I understand has no order to report to me!

“The admiral having no official notice of my situation here on the part of government, cannot be expected to detach vessels for the purpose of sending my despatches at a time when he is occupied in sending his own accounts of the events taking place in Spain to the admiralty.”

SECTION 2.
LORD WELLESLEY’S INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. STUART.
(Extracts.)

“January 5, 1810.

“In return for these liberal supplies, his majesty is entitled to claim from the Portuguese government every assistance which can be afforded to the British commander and troops, a faithful and judicious application of the funds granted for the support of so large a portion of the Portuguese force, which must otherwise be supplied from the exclusive resources of Portugal.”

“I am commanded to signify to you the expectation that the extraordinary efforts of his majesty’s government for the aid of Portugal, and the consequent pressure upon the British resources, will be met with corresponding exertions on the part of the regency, and that all local and temporary prejudices will be submitted to the urgent necessity of placing the finances of the kingdom in that state which may render them available for its defence in the approaching danger. You will direct your immediate and vigilant attention to this most important object, nor will you refrain from offering, or even from urging, your advice on any occasion which may open the prospect of effecting any useful reduction in the civil charges, or augmentation in the revenues or military resources of the country.”

“In addition to these arrangements his majesty will expect to receive regular monthly accounts of the expenditure of the sums applicable to the military charges of Portugal, under the orders issued to lord Wellington, as well as accurate returns of the state and condition of the several corps receiving British pay.”————“It is also desirable that his majesty should be acquainted with the state and condition of that part of the Portuguese force which is to be maintained from the revenues of Portugal.”————“The crisis demands the most unreserved confidence and communication between his majesty’s ministers and the local government of the prince regent. No jealousy or suspicion should be harboured under such a pressure of common danger; the great sacrifices which we have made for the interests of our ally must not be frustrated by any consideration inferior to the main purpose of our mutual security, nor must we now hesitate to take the lead in any measures necessary to enable Portugal to contribute a just share of their own efforts and resources for the accomplishment of their own safety.”

“The governing-power in Spain does not derive its authority from the appointment of the sovereign, the disposition of some of its leading members is at least equivocal, and its conduct has not satisfied any expectations either of the Spanish nation or of the allies.”————“In Spain, the assembly of the cortes is the only remedy to which that country can resort for the purpose of investing the government with a regular force or a national spirit, nor can any hope be entertained of a sufficient exertion of the military resources of Spain, until a governing power shall be so framed as to unite a due representation of the crown with a just security for the interests and welfare of all the estates of the realm.”————

SECTION 3.
CONDUCT OF THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

Lord Wellington to Mr. Stuart.

“Viseu, March 30, 1810.

“I don’t understand the arrangements which government have made of the command of the troops there. I have hitherto considered them as part of this army, and from the arrangements which I made with the Spanish government they cost us nothing but their pay, and all the money procured at Cadiz for bills was applicable to the service in this country. Their instructions to general Graham alter this entirely, and they have even gone so far as to desire him to take measures to supply the Spaniards with provisions from the Mediterranean, whereas I had insisted that they should feed our troops. The first consequence of this arrangement will be, that we shall have no more money from Cadiz. I had considered the troops at Cadiz so much part of my army, that I had written to my brother to desire to have his opinion whether, if the French withdrew from Cadiz when they should attack Portugal, he thought I might bring into Portugal at least the troops which I had sent there. But I consider this now to be out of the question.”

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla, May 22, 1810.

“I add this note merely as a postscript to my last, to tell you that lord Liverpool has decided the doubt, by declaring this a part of lord Wellington’s army, but saying it is the wish of government that though I am second in command to him I should be left here for the present. This is odd enough. I mean that it should not have been left to his judgement to decide where I was to be employed; one would think he could judge fully better according to circumstances than people in England.”

No. V.
SECTION 1.
MARMONT AND DORSENNE’S OPERATIONS.

Intercepted letter from Foy to Girard, translated from the
cypher.

“Truxillo, 20 Août, 1811.

“Monsieur le général,—Wellington bloque Rodrigo avec quarante mille hommes; son avant-garde occupe la Sierra de Francia. On assure que l’artillerie du train arrive de Porto pour faire le siège de cette place. C’est approvisionnée pour trois mois. Marmont va se porter vers le nord pour se réunir avec l’armée commandée par le général Dorsenne et attaquer l’ennemi. Ma division partira le vingt six pour passer le Tage et suivre le mouvement de Marmont. Huit mille hommes de l’armée du centre nous remplaceront à Placentia et au Pont d’Almaraz.

“Monsieur le maréchal due de Raguse me charge de vous écrire que c’est à vous à contenir quatre mille Espagnols qui sont en ce moment réunis devant Truxillo.” &c. &c.

“Foy.”

Intercepted letter from general Wattier to the general commanding
at Ciudad Rodrigo.
(Extract.)

“Salamanca, Septembre 1, 1811.

“L’armée Espagnol de Galice, honteusement chassée de ses positions de la Baneza et de Puente de Orvigo et poursuivie par l’avant-garde au delà de Villa Franca, s’est retirée en grande hâte sur la Coruñe. Le général-en-chef après avoir nettoyé ces parages, vient ici sous six jours avec vingt-cinq mille hommes de la garde, et nous irons tous ensemble voir s’il plait à ces illustres Anglais de nous attendre, et de nous permettre de rompre quelques lances avec eux. Le duc de Raguse à qui j’envoie de vos nouvelles est autour de vous à Baños, Val de Fuentes, Placentia, &c., et nous agirons de concert avec lui.”

Intercepted letter from Marmont to Girard.

“Placencia, 7embre, 1811.

“Général,—Je vous ai écrit pour vous prier de faire passer une lettre que j’addressai au maréchal duc de Dalmatie. Les Anglais out réuni toutes leurs forces auprès de Rodrigo, les corps Espagnols même qui étoient sur la rive gauche du Tage passent en ce moment cette rivière; vous n’avez presque personne devant vous. Il serait extrêmement important que pendant que la presque totalité de l’armée va se porter sur Rodrigo vous puissiez faire un mouvement pour opérer une diversion utile et rapeller un portion de la force ennemie de votre côté. J’ignore quelles sont vos instructions, mais je ne doute pas que ce mouvement n’entre dans les intentions du duc de Dalmatie.”

Du maréchal Marmont au général de division Foy.

“Talavera, Octobre 21, 1811.

“Général,—Je reçois seulement dans ce moment votre lettre du 18^me avec la copie de celle du général d’Aultanne. Pour instruction générale vous ne devez obéir à aucun ordre qui vous serait donné au nom du roi lorsqu’elles sont contraires à mes intentions particulières. Ne vous départez jamais de ces dispositions. L’armée de Portugal ne doit point servir aux escortes, ni à la communication de l’armée du midi,—nos troupes auront bien assez de courses à faire pour assurer la rentré de nos approvisionnemens. Le roi a paru désirer que je n’occupe point Illescas, à cause de son voisinage de Madrid; par ce motif et plus encore en raison de l’éloignement et du service pénible des troupes, je ne veux point l’occuper. Mon intention était de ne point occuper Aranjuez; mais puisque les ministres du roi out pris la mesure inconsiderée d’ordonner la vente des magazins, ne perdez pas un seul instant pour envoyer un détachement occuper Aranjuez, où le préfet de Toledo fera faire le plus de biscuit possible. Prenez la même mesure pour tous les points où il y a des magazins.—Emparez vous en,—et que personne n’y touche.—L’empereur a indiqué la province de Toledo et non la préfecture; ainsi ce sont les réssources de toute la province qui nous sont affectés.—Emparez vous en,—et que le préfet administre tous le pays. Dites bien au préfet qu’à quelque titre que ce soit aucun des réssources en blé, argent de quelque source qu’elles préviennent ne doit être distraits pour Madrid, et qu’elles doivent toutes être conservés pour l’armée de Portugal. À la fin du mois la division de dragons arrivera dans les environs de Tolede.—J’espère qu’elle éloignera les guerillas. Dans le cas ou ils resteroient dans le voisinage on leur donnera la chasse. Voyez à obtenir du préfet de Tolede qu’il fasse un effort extraordinaire pour envoyer à Talavera le blé et l’orge qui lui out été demandés, attendu que comme ici on est obligé de faire des expéditions en avant, nous sommes dans un besoin très pressant. Je désirerois rentrer dans la possession de tout le blé qui a été vendu. On renverroit les acheteurs par devant le gouvernement Espagnol pour être indemnisées,—s’il y a possibilité engagez le préfet à prendre des mesures conservatoires en attendant que je prenne un arrête à cet égard sur le rapport que vous me ferez. Je me rends à Madrid où je passerai deux jours dans l’espérance d’éclairer le roi sur la conduite que ses véritables intérêts lui commandent de tenir envers l’armée française. De là je me rends à Tolede. Je n’ai pas besoin de vous recommander, général, d’envoyer à Aranjuez un officier sage et ferme, qui exécute ponctuellement les ordres qui lui seroient donnés, qui se fasse obéir et qui mette le plus grand soin à faire respecter l’habitation du roi.”

Intercepted letter in cypher from general Montbrun to the
governor of Ciudad Rodrigo.

Val de Fuentes, Septembre, 1811.

Je reçu le—du courant, mon cher général votre réponse du—à la lettre que je vous écrivis le—, et je m’empressai d’en communiquer le continue à S. E. le maréchal duc de Ragusa, qui me charge de me mettre en communication avec vous. Je m’en acquitterai avec plaisir puisque c’en est toujours un nouveau pour moi de récevoir de vos nouvelles. Je vous annonce qu’un approvisionnement très considérable se prépare à Salamanque par les soins du général-en-chef Dorsenne, le maréchal, sur lequel vous pouvez compter aussi fait des preparatifs pour vous envoyer des vivres. Tous les convois partiront sous bonne escorte, et se mettront en marche d’après ce que je presume du—au—du courant au plus tard. Dans tous les cas ne vous impatientez pas. Nous sommes prêts à venir à votre sécours de toutes les manières. Vous ne sauriez trop de votre côté nous mettre au courant de la force de la position et enfin vous ne pourriez nous donner trop de détails sur l’armée Anglo-Portugaise.

Je reçois à l’instant le billet que vouz avez écrit hier au général Boyer, par lequel vous nous faites connoître que d’après tous les renseignemens que vouz avez obtenus, vouz croyez que les sept divisions Anglaises sont dans vos parages. Il importe de s’en assurer positivement de connoître leur position, et, s’il est possible, leur composition. II parait que vous n’avez pas beaucoup de monde dans votre place sur qui vous puissiez compter. Proposez à l’homme que je vous envoie d’aller reconnoître les Anglais à Gallegos et Fuente Guinaldo, et de révenir par El Bodon, et vous me le renverriez ensuite. Dites lui que je le paierai bien s’il veut faire cette tournée, mais s’il s’y refuse je vous prie de ne pas l’y contraindre. &c., &c.

General Walker to lord Wellington.

“Coruna, September 4, 1811.

“I saw the whole of the troops with him (general Abadia) in and about a league in front of Astorga, having their advanced posts on the Esla, the whole not amounting to above seven thousand men, independent of a reserve of about fifteen hundred near Foncebadon and Bembibre or on the road from Lugo. The force of the enemy in his front when collected being estimated at about thirteen thousand men. The wretched situation of the Gallician troops, in want almost of every thing, one-third part at least without shoes, and dependent on the precarious subsistence that can day by day be collected, certainly does credit to their patience and good inclination.”

————“In consequence of this movement, (Abadia’s retreat,) the great road by Manzanal and Bembibre being left open or nearly so, the French pushed forward on it so rapidly that shortly after my arrival here (Coruña) intelligence was received of their having got possession of the important pass of Villa Franca, and that the Gallician troops thus cut off from it, had been obliged to make their retreat by the Valdes Orres. Without any correct information of the force of the enemy, and the entrance of Gallicia thus left entirely in his hands, a very considerable alarm was for some time occasioned here, of which I took every advantage to urge upon the junta the necessity of a full compliance with the recommendation and wishes of the general to enable him to put the troops in such a state of equipment as might render them, either for defence or attack, in every way disposable in his hands; and at the same time to put Coruña into temporary security by withdrawing to it all the guns (amounting to no less than fifteen hundred) of the indefensible arsenal of Ferrol, which would otherwise become a sure depôt for the enemy in any attack he might contemplate on this place, and who might not otherwise venture to bring with him heavy artillery on so distant an excursion.”

SECTION 2.
Official letters from the prince of Neufchatel to marshal Marmont, extracted from the duke of Rovigo’s Memoirs.

“Paris, le 21 Novembre, 1811.

“L’empereur me charge de vous faire connaître, monsieur le maréchal, que l’objet le plus important en ce moment est la prise de Valence. L’empereur ordonne que vous fassiez partir un corps de troupes qui, réuni aux forces que le roi détachera de l’armée du centre, se dirige sur Valence pour appuyer l’armée du maréchal Suchet jusqu’à ce qu’on soit maître de cette place.

“Faites exécuter sans délai cette disposition de concert avec S. M. le roi d’Espagne, et instruisez-moi de ce que vous aurez fait a cet égard. Nous sommes instruits que les Anglais ont vingt mille malades, et qu’ils n’ont pas vingt mille hommes sous les armes, en sorte qu’ils ne peuvent rien entreprendre; l’intention de l’empereur est donc que douze mille hommes, infanterie, cavalerie et sapeurs, marchent de suite sur Valence, que vous détachiez même trois à quatre mille hommes sur les derrières, et que vous, monsieur le maréchal, soyez en mesure de soutenir la prise de Valence. Cette place prise, le Portugal sera près de sa chute, parcequ’alors, dans la bonne saison, l’armée de Portugal sera augmentée de vingt-cinq mille hommes de l’armée du midi et de quinze mille du corps du général Reille, de manière à réunir plus de quatre-vingt mille hommes. Dans cette situation, vous recevriez l’ordre de vous porter sur Elvas, et de vous emparer de tout l’Alemtejo dans le même temps que l’armée du nord se porterait sur la Coa avec une armée de quarantre mille hommes. L’équipage de pont qui existe à Badajoz servirait à jeter des ponts sur le Tage; l’ennemi serait hors d’état de rien opposer à une pareille force, qui offre toutes les chances de succès sans presenter aucun danger. C’est donc Valence qu’il faut prendre. Le 6 Novembre nous étions maîtres d’un faubourg; il y a lieu d’espérer que la place prise en Décembre, ce qui vous mettrait, monsieur le duc, à portée de vous trouver devant Elvas dans le courant de Janvier. Envoyez moi votre avis sur ce plan d’opérations, afin qu’après avoir reçu l’avis de la prise de Valence, l’empereur puisse vous donner des ordres positifs.

“Le prince de Wagram et de Neuchâtel, major-général.”

(Signé) “Alexandre.”

“Paris, le 15 Février, 1812.

“Sa majesté n’est pas satisfaite de la direction que vous donnez à la guerre. Vouz avez la supériorité sur l’ennemi, et au lieu de prendre l’initiative, vous ne cessez de la reçevoir. Quand le général Hill marche sur l’armée du midi avec quinze mille hommes c’est ce qui peut vous arriver de plus heureux; cette armée est assez forte et assez bien organisée pour ne rien craindre d’armée Anglaise, aurait-elle quatre ou cinq divisions réunies.

“Aujourd’-hui l’ennemi suppose que vous allez faire le siège de Rodrigo; il approche le général Hill de sa droite afin de pouvoir le faire venir à lui à grandes marches, et vous livrer bataille réunis, si vous voulez reprendre Rodrigo. C’est donc au duc de Dalmatie à tenir vingt mille hommes pour le contenir et l’empêcher de faire ce mouvement, et si général Hill passe le Tage, de se porter à sa suite, ou dans l’Alemtejo. Vous avez le double de la lettre que l’empereur m’a ordonné d’écrire au duc de Dalmatie le 10 de ce mois, en réponse à la demande qu’il vous avait faite de porter des troupes dans le midi; c’est vous, monsieur le maréchal, qui deviez lui écrire pour lui demander de porter un grand corps de troupes vers la Guadiana, pour maintenir le général Hill dans le midi et l’empêcher de se réunir à lord Wellington.... Les Anglais connaîssent assez l’honneur français pour comprendre que ce succès (la prise de Rodrigo) peut devenir un affront pour eux, et qu’au lieu d’améliorer leur position, l’occupation de Ciudad Rodrigo les met dans l’obligation de défendre cette place. Ils nous rendent maîtres du choix du champ de bataille, puisque vous les forcez à venir au sécours de cette place et à combattre dans une position si loin de la mer.... Je ne puis que vous répéter les ordres de l’empereur. Prenez votre quartier-général à Salamanque, travaillez avec activité à fortifier cette ville, réunissez-y un nouvel équipage du siège pour servir à armer la ville, formez-y des approvisionnemens, faites faire tous les jours le coup de fusil avec les Anglais, placez deux fortes avant gardes qui menacent, l’une Rodrigo, et l’autre Almeida; menacez les autres directions sur la frontière de Portugal, envoyez des partis qui ravagent quelques villages, enfin employez tout ce qui peut tenir l’ennemie sur le qui-vive. Faites réparer les routes de Porto et d’Almeida. Tenez votre armée vers Toro, Benavente. La province d’Avila a même de bonnes parties où l’on trouverait des ressources. Dans cette situation qui est aussi simple que formidable, vous reposez vos troupes, vous formez des magasins, et avec de simples démonstrations bien combinées, qui mettent vos avant-postes à même de tirer journellement des coups de fusil avec l’ennemi, vous aurez barre sur les Anglais, qui ne pourront vous observer.... Ce n’est donc pas à vous, monsieur le duc, à vous disséminer en faveur de l’armée du midi. Lorsque vous avez été prendre le commandement de votre armée elle venait d’éprouver un échec par sa retraite de Portugal; ce pays était ravagé, les hôpitaux et les magasins de l’ennemi étaient à Lisbonne; vos troupes étaient fatiguées, dégoutées par les marches forcées, sans artillerie, sans train d’équipages. Badajoz était attaqué depuis long temps; une bataille dans le midi n’avait pu faire lever le siège de cette place. Que deviez vous faire alors? Vous portez sur Almeida pour menacer Lisbonne? Non, parceque votre armée n’avait pas d’artillerie, pas de train d’équipages, et qu’elle était fatiguée. L’ennemi à cette position, n’aurait pas cru à cette menace; il aurait laissé approcher jusqu’à Coimbre, aurait près Badajos, et ensuite serait venu sur vous. Vous avez donc fait à cette époque ce qu’il fallait faire; vous avez marché rapidement au secours de Badajoz; l’ennemi avait barre sur vous, et l’art de la guerre était de vous y commettre. Le siège a été levé, et l’ennemi est rentré en Portugal; c’est ce qu’il y avait à faire. .... Dans ce moment, monsieur le duc, votre position est simple et claire, et ne demande pas de combinaisons d’esprit. Placez vos troupes de manière qu’en quatre marches elles puissent se réunir et se grouper sur Salamanque; ayez-y votre quartier-général; que vos ordres, vos dispositions annoncent à l’ennemi que la grosse artillerie arrive à Salamanque, que vous y former des magasins.... Si Wellington se dirige sur Badajoz, laissez le aller; réunissez aussitôt votre armée, et marcher droit sur Almeida; poussez des partis sur Coïmbre, et soyez persuadé que Wellington reviendra bien vîte sur vous.

“Ecrivez au duc de Dalmatie et sollicitez le roi de lui écrire également, pour qu’il exécute les ordres impératifs que je lui donne, de porter un corps de vingt mille hommes pour forcer le général Hill à rester sur la rive gauche du Tage. Ne pensez donc plus, monsieur le maréchal, à aller dans le midi et marchez droit sur le Portugal, si lord Wellington fait la faute de se porter sur la rive gauche du Tage.... Profitez du moment où vos troupes se réunissent pour bien organiser et mettre de l’ordre dans le nord. Qu’on travaille jour et nuit à fortifier Salamanque qu’on y fasse venir de grosses pièces, qu’on fasse l’équipage de siège; enfin qu’on forme des magasins de subsistances. Vous sentirez, monsieur le maréchal, qu’en suivant ces directions et en mettant pour les exécuter toute l’activité convenable, vous tiendrez l’ennemi en échec.... En recevant l’initiative au lieu de la donner, en ne songeant qu’ à l’armée du midi qui n’a pas besoin de vous, puisqu’elle est forte de quatre-vingt mille hommes des meilleures troupes de l’Europe, en ayant des sollicitudes pour les pays qui ne sont pas sous votre commandement et abandonnant les Asturies et les provinces qui vous regardent, un combat que vous éprouveriez serait une calamité qui se ferait sentir dans toute l’Espagne. Un échec de l’armée du midi la conduirait sur Madrid ou sur Valence et ne serait pas de même nature.

“Je vous le répète, vous êtes le maître de conserver barre sur lord Wellington, en placant votre quartier-général à Salamanque, en occupant en force cette position, et poussant de fortes reconnaissances sur les débouches. Je ne pourrais que vous rédire ce que je vous ai déjà expliqué ci-dessus. Si Badajoz était cerné seulement par deux ou trois divisions Anglaises, le duc de Dalmatie le débloquerait; mais alors lord Wellington, affaibli, vous mettrait à même de vous porter dans l’intérieur du Portugal, ce qui secourrait plus efficacement Badajoz que toute autre opération.... Je donne l’ordre que tout ce qu’il sera possible de fournir vous soit fourni pour completer votre artillerie et pour armer Salamanque. Vingt-quatre heures après la réception de cette lettre l’empereur pense que vous partirez pour Salamanque, à moins d’événemens inattendus; que vous changerez une avant-garde d’occuper les débouches sur Rodrigo, et une autre sur Almeida; que vous aurez dans la main au moins la valeur d’une division; que vous ferez revenir la cavalerie et artillerie qui sont à la division du Tage.... Réunissez surtout votre cavalerie, dont vous n’avez pas de trop et donc vous avez tant de besoin....”

“Valladolid, le 23 Février, 1812.

“Au Prince de Neuchâtel.

“Monseigneur,—J’ignore si sa majesté aura daigné accueillir d’une manière favorable la demande que j’ai eu l’honneur d’adresser à votre altesse pour supplier l’empereur de me permettre de faire sous ses yeux la campagne qui va s’ouvrir; mais qu’elle que soit sa décision, je regarde comme mon devoir de lui faire connaître, au moment où il semble prêt à s’éloigner, la situation des choses dans cette partie de l’Espagne.

“D’après les derniers arrangemens arrêtés par sa majesté, l’armée de Portugal n’a plus le moyen de remplir la tâche qui lui est imposée, et je serais coupable, si, en ce moment, je cachais la verité. La frontière se trouve très affaiblie par le départ des troupes qui ont été rappelées par la prise de Rodrigo, qui met l’ennemi à même d’entrer dans le cœur de la Castille en commençant un mouvement offensif; ensuite par l’immense étendue de pays que l’armée est dans le devoir d’occuper, ce qui rend toujours son rassemblement lent et difficile, tandis qu’il y a peu de temps elle était toute réunie et disponible.

“Les sept divisions qui la composent s’éleveront, lorsqu’elles auront reçu les régimens de marche annoncés, à quarante-quatre mille hommes d’infanterie environ; il faut au moins cinq mille hommes pour occuper les points fortifiés et les communications qui ne peuvent être abandonnés; il faut à peu près pareille force pour observer l’Esla et la couvrir contre l’armée de Galice, qui évidemment, dans le cas d’un mouvement offensif des Anglais, se porterait à Bénavente et à Astorga. Ainsi, à supposer que toute l’armée soit réunie entre le Duero et la Tormes, sa force ne peut s’élever qu’à trente-trois ou trente-quatre mille hommes, tandis que l’ennemi peut présenter aujourd’hui une masse de plus de soixante mille hommes, dont plus de moitié Anglais, bien outillés et bien pourvus de toutes choses: et cependant que de chances pour que les divisions du Tage se trouvent en arrière! Qu’elles n’aient pu être ralliées promptement, et soient separées de l’armée pendant les momens les plus importans de la campagne; alors la masse de nos forces réunies ne s’éleverait pas à plus de vingt-cinq mille hommes. Sa majesté suppose, il est vrai, que, dans ce pas l’armée du nord soutiendrait celle de Portugal par deux divisions; mais l’empereur peut-il être persuadé que, dans l’ordre de chose actuel, ces troupes arriveront promptement et à temps?

“L’ennemi parait en offensive: celui qui doit le combattre prépare ses moyens; celui qui doit agir hypothétiquement attend sans inquiétude, et laisse écouler en pure perte un temps précieux; l’ennemi marche à moi, je réunis mes troupes d’une manière méthodique et précise, je sais à un jour près le moment où le plus grand nombre au moins sera en ligne, à qu’elle époque les autres seront en liaison avec moi, et, d’après cet état de choses, je me détermine à agir ou à temporiser; mais ces calculs, je ne puis les faire que pour des troupes qui sont purement et simplement à mes ordes. Pour celles qui n’y sont pas, que de lenteurs! que d’incertitudes et de temps perdu. J’annonce la marche de l’ennemi et je demande des secours, on me répond par des observations; ma lettre n’est parvenue que lentement parceque les communications sont difficiles dans ce pays; la réponse et ma réplique vient de même, et l’ennemi sera sur moi. Mais comment pourrai-je même d’avance faire des calculs raisonnables sur les mouvemens de troupes dont je ne connais ni la force ni l’emplacement? Lorsque je ne sais rien de la situation du pays ni des besoins de troupes qu’on y éprouve. Je ne puis raisonner que sur ce qui est à mes ordres, et puisque les troupes qui n’y sont pas me sont cependant nécessaires pour combattre, et sont comptées comme partie de la force que je dois opposer à l’ennemi, je puis en fausse position, et je n’ai les moyens de rien faire méthodiquement et avec connaissance de cause.

“Si l’on considère combien il faut de prévoyance pour exécuter le plus petit mouvement en Espagne, on doit se convaincre de la nécessité qu’il y a de donner d’avance mille ordres préparatoires sans lesquels les mouvemens rapides sont impossibles. Ainsi les troupes du nord m’étant étrangères habituellement, et m’étant cependant indispensables pour combattre, le succès de toutes mes opérations est dépendant du plus ou du moins de prévoyance et d’activité d’un autre chef: je ne puis donc pas être responsable des événemens.

“Mais il ne faut pas seulement considérer l’état des choses pour la défensive du nord, il faut la considérer pour celle du midi. Si lord Wellington porte six divisions sur la rive gauche du Tage le duc de Dalmatie a besoin d’un puissant secours; si dans ce cas, l’armée du nord ne fournit pas de troupes pour réléver une partie d’armée de Portugal dans quelques-uns des postes qu’elle doit évacuer alors momentanement, mais qu’il est important de tenir, et pour la sûreté du pays et pour maintenir la Galice et observer les deux divisions ennemies qui seraient sur l’Agueda, et qui feraient sans doute quelques demonstrations offensives; si dis-je l’armée du nord ne vient pas à son aide, l’armée de Portugal, trop faible, ne pourra pas faire un détachement d’une force convenable, et Badajoz tombera. Certes, il faut des ordres pour obtenir de l’armée du nord un mouvement dans cette hypothèse, et le temps utile pour agir; si on s’en tenait à des propositions et à des négociations, ce temps, qu’on ne pourrait remplacer, serait perdu en vaines discussions. Je suis autorisé à croire ce résultat.

“L’armée de Portugal est en ce moment la principale armée d’Espagne; c’est à elle à couvrir l’Espagne contre les entreprises des Anglais; pour pouvoir manœuvrer, il faut qu’elle ait des points d’appui, des places, des forts, des têtes-de-pont, etc.

“Il faut pour cela du matériel d’artillerie, et je n’ai ni canons ni munitions à y appliquer, tandis que les établissemens de l’armée du nord en sont tout remplis; j’en demanderai, on m’en promettra, mais en résultat je n’obtiendrai rien.

“Après avoir discuté la question militaire, je dirai un mot de l’administration. Le pays donné à l’armée de Portugal a des products présumés le tiers de ceux des cinq gouvernemens.

“L’armée de Portugal est beaucoup plus nombreuse que l’armée du nord; le pays qu’elle occupe est insoumis; on n’arrache rien qu’avec la force, et les troupes de l’armée du nord ont semblé prendre à tâche, en l’évacuant, d’en enléver toutes les ressources. Les autres gouvernemens, malgré les guérillas, sont encore dans la soumission, et acquittent les contributions sans qu’il soit besoin de contrainte. D’après cela il y a une immense différence dans le sort de l’une et de l’autre et comme tout doit tendre au même but, que partout ce sont les soldats de l’empereur, que tous les efforts doivent avoir pour objet le succès des opérations, ne serait-il pas juste que les ressources de tous ces pays fussent partagées proportionnellement aux besoins de chacun; et comment y parvenir sans une autorité unique?

“Je crois avoir demontré que, pour une bonne défensive du nord, le général de l’armée de Portugal doit avoir toujours à ses ordres les troupes et le territoire de l’armée du nord, puisque ces troupes sont appelées à combattre avec les siennes, et que les ressources de ce territoire doivent être en partie consacrées à les entretenir.

“Je passe maintenant à ce qui regarde le midi de l’Espagne. Une des tâches de l’armée de Portugal est de soutenir l’armée du midi, d’avoir l’œil sur Badajoz et de couvrir Madrid; et pour cela, il faut qu’un corps assez nombreux occupe la vallée du Tage; mais ce corps ne pourra subsister et ne pourra préparer des ressources pour d’autres troupes qui s’y rendraient pour le soutenir, s’il n’a pas un territoire productif, et ce territoire, quel autre peut-il être que l’arrondissement de l’armée du centre? Quelle ville peut offrir des ressources et des moyens dans la vallée du Tage si ce n’est Madrid? Cependant aujourd’hui l’armée de Portugal ne possède sur le nord du Tage, qu’un désert qui ne lui offre aucune espèce de moyens, ni pour les hommes ni pour les chevaux, et elle ne rencontre de la part des autorités de Madrid, que haine, qu’animosité. L’armée du centre, qui n’est rien, possède à elle seule un territoire plus fertile, plus étendu que celui qui est accordé pour toute l’armée de Portugal; cette vallée ne peut s’exploiter faute de troupes, et tout le monde s’oppose à ce que nous en tirions des ressources. Cependant si les bords du Tage étaient évacués par suite de la disette, personne à Madrid ne voudrait en apprécier la véritable raison, et tout le monde accuserait l’armée de Portugal de découvrir cette ville.

“Il existe, il faut le dire, une haine, une animosité envers les Français, qu’il est impossible d’exprimer, dans le gouvernement espagnol. Il existe un désordre à Madrid qui présente le spectacle le plus révoltant. Si les subsistances employées en de fausses consommations dans cette ville eussent été consacrées à former un magasin de ressources pour l’armée de Portugal, les troupes qui sont sur le Tage seraient dans l’abondance et pourvues pour long-temps; on consomme 22 mille rations par jour à Madrid, et il n’y a pas 3,000 hommes: c’est qu’on donne et laisse prendre à tout le monde, excepté à ceux qui servent. Mais bien plus, je le répete, c’est un crime que d’aller prendre ce que l’armée du centre ne peut elle-même ramasser. Il est vrai qu’il parait assez conséquent que ceux qui, depuis deux ans, trompent le roi, habillent et arment chaque jour des soldats qui, au bout de deux jours, vont se joindre à nos ennemis, et semblent en vérité avoir ainsi consacré un mode régulier decrutement des bandes que nous avons sur les bras, s’occupent de leur réserver des moyens de subsistances à nos dépens.

“La seule communication carrossable entre la gauche et le reste de l’armée de Portugal est par la province de Ségovie, et le mouvement des troupes et des convois ne peut avoir lieu avec facilité, parceque, quoique ce pays soit excellent et plein de ressources, les autorités de l’armée du centre refusent de prendre aucune disposition pour assurer leurs subsistances.

“Si l’armée de Portugal peut être affranchie du devoir de sécourir le midi, de couvrir Madrid, elle peut se concentrer dans la Vieille-Castille, et elle s’en trouvera bien; alors tout lui devient facile; mais si elle doit au contraire remplir cette double tâche, elle ne le peut qu’en occupant la vallée du Tage, et dans cette vallée elle ne peut avoir les ressources nécessaires pour y vivre, pour y manœuvrer, pour y préparer des moyens suffisans pour toutes les troupes qu’il faudra y envoyer, qu’en possédant tout l’arrondissement de l’armée du centre et Madrid. Ce territoire doit conserver les troupes qui l’occupent à présent, afin qu’en marchant à l’ennemi, l’armée ne soit obligée de laisser personne en arrière mais qu’au contraire elle en tire quelque secours pour sa communication. Elle a besoin surtout d’être délivrée des obstacles que fait naître sans cesse un gouvernement veritablement ennemi des armes françaises; quelles que soient les bonnes intentions du roi, il parait qu’il ne peut rien contre l’intérêt et les passions de ceux qui l’environnent; il semble également que jusqu’à présent il n’a rien pu contre les désordres qui out lieu à Madrid, contre l’anarchie qui règne à l’armée du centre. Il peut y avoir de grandes raisons en politique pour que le roi réside à Madrid, mais il y a mille raisons positives et de sûreté pour les armes françaises, qui sembleraient devoir lui faire choisir un autre séjour. Et en effet, ou le roi est général et commandant des armées, et dans ce cas il doit être au milieu des troupes, voir leurs besoins, pourvoir à tout, et être responsable; ou il est étranger à toutes les opérations, et alors, autant pour sa tranquillité personnelle que pour laisser plus de liberté dans les opérations, il doit s’éloigner du pays qui en est le théâtre et des lieux qui servent de points d’appui aux mouvemens de l’armée.

“La guerre d’Espagne est difficile dans son essence, mais cette difficulté est augmentée de beaucoup par la division des commandemens et par le grande dimunition des troupes que cette division rend encore plus funeste. Si cette division a déjà fait tant de mal, lorsque l’empereur, étant à Paris, s’occupant sans cesse de ses armées de la péninsule, pouvait en partie remédier à tout, on doit fremir du résultat infallible de ce système, suivi avec diminution de moyens, lorsque l’empereur s’eloigne de trois cents lieues.

“Monseigneur, je vous ai exposé toutes les raisons qui me semblent démontrer jusqu’à l’évidence la nécessité de réunir sous la même autorité toutes les troupes et tout le pays, depuis Bayonne jusques et y compris Madrid et la Manche; en cela, je n’ai été guidé que par mon amour ardent pour la gloire de nos armes et par ma conscience. Si l’empereur ne trouvait pas convenable d’adopter ce système j’ose le supplier de me donner un successeur dans le commandement qu’il m’avait confié. J’ai la confiance et le sentiment de pouvoir faire autant qu’un autre, mais tout restant dans la situation actuelle la charge est au-dessus de mes forces. De quelques difficultés que soit le commandement général, quelqu’imposante que soit la responsabilité qui l’accompagne, elles me paraissent beaucoup moindres que celles que ma position entraine en ce moment.

“Quelque flatteur que soit un grand commandement, il n’a de prix à mes yeux que lorsqu’il est accompagné des moyens de bien-faire: lorsque ceux-ci me sont enlevés, alors tout me paraît préférable, et mon ambition se réduit à servir en soldat. Je donnerai ma vie sans regret, mais je ne puis rester dans la cruelle position de n’avoir pour résultat de mes efforts et de mes soins de tous les momens, que la triste perspective d’attacher mon nom à des événemens facheux et peu dignes de la gloire de nos armes.

“(Signé) Le Maréchal Duc de Raguse.”

Joseph to Napoleon.

Madrid, May 18, 1812.

Sire,—Il y a aujourd’hui un mois et demi que j’ai reçu la lettre du prince de Neufchatel en dâte du 16 Mars dernier, qui m’annonce que votre majesté impériale et royale me confiait le commandement de ses armées en Espagne, et me prévenait que les généraux-en-chef des armées du Nord, de Portugal, du midi, et de l’Arragon recevaient les ordres convenables.

Depuis cette époque il m’a été impossible de remplir les intentions de V. M. impériale et royale. Le général-en-chef de l’armée du nord s’est refusé à m’envoyer aucune rapport disant, et écrivant qu’il n’avait aucun ordre à cet égard. M. le maréchal commandant en chef l’armée du midi n’a encore répondu à aucune des lettres que je lui ai écrites ou fait écrire depuis cette époque. M. le maréchal commandant-en-chef l’armée d’Arragon ne m’envoye aucune rapport, et reste entièrement isolé de moi. M. le maréchal commandant-en-chef l’armée de Portugal m’a fait beaucoup de demandes auxquelles il savait parfaitement que je ne pouvais satisfaire, comme celles des troupes de l’armée du nord, des vivres, &c. Sa conduite est tellement indécente qu’elle n’est pas concevable. V. M. I. et R. pourra en juger par mes dépêches au prince de Neufchatel.————Sire, en acceptant le commandement des armées françaises à l’époque ou je l’ai reçu, j’ai cru remplir un devoir que tous les liens qui m’attachent à V. M. I. et R. et à la France m’imposaient parceque j’ai pensé pouvoir être utile, mais j’étais persuadé que V. M. I. et R. me confiant un dépôt si précieux les généraux-en-chef s’empresseraient d’obéir à la volonté de V. M. Il n’en est pas ainsi, je m’adresse donc à elle pour qu’elle veuille bien écrire ou faire écrire aux généraux-en-chef qu’elle est sa volonté pour qu’elle leur fasse déclarer que leur désobeissance à mes ordres les mettrait dans le cas d’être renvoyés en France où ils trouveraient un juge juste mais sévère dans V. M. I. et R. Si V. majesté ne trouve pas le moyen de persuader à ces messieurs que sa volonté est que je sois obéi, je la supplie de considérer que le role auquel je suis exposé est indigne de mon caractère et du nom de V. M. Si la guerre du nord a lieu, je ne puis être utile ici qu’autant que je suis obéi, et je ne puis être obéi qu’autant que ces messieurs sauront que j’ai le droit de les remplacer; je ne puis infliger, moi, d’autre punition que celle là à un général-en-chef. Si je ne suis pas obéi, et que V. M. aille au nord, l’Espagne sera évacué honteusement par les troupes impériales, et le nom que je porte aura présidé inutilement à cette époque désastreuse.

Le mal est grand, mais il n’est au-dessus ni de mon devouement ni de mon courage. C’est à votre majesté à les rendre efficaces par la force dont il est indispensable qu’elle m’entoure; le salut des armées impériales et de l’Espagne independent.

No. VI.
TARIFA.

[The anonymous extracts are from the memoirs and letters of different
officers engaged in the siege. The Roman characters mark
different sources of information.]

SECTION 1.
Number and conduct of the French.
A.

“As to the numbers of the French; the prisoners, the intercepted letters, the secret information from Chiclana, all accounts, in fact, concurred in stating that the troops employed exceeded nine thousand men!”

Extracts from colonel Skerrett’s despatch.

“The enemy’s force employed in the siege is stated at ten thousand, probably this is in some degree exaggerated.”

B.

“The fact of the enemy, with eleven thousand experienced soldiers, not having made another effort after his assault of the 31st, &c.”

Lord Wellington’s despatch.

“January 19, 1812.

“By accounts which I have from Cadiz to the 27th December, I learn that the enemy invested Tarifa with a force of about five thousand men on the 20th December, covering their operation against that place by another corps at Vejer.”

Conduct of the French.
A.

“There was not, on the part of the leading French officer (an old lieutenant of the 94th) or of his followers, any appearance of panic or perturbation. Their advance was serene, steady, and silent, worthy of the 5th corps, of their Austrian laurels, of their ‘vielles moustaches.’”

SECTION 2.
Conduct of the Spanish soldiers.
B.

“At the assault general Copons himself was the only person who shewed his head above the parapet. The precaution of outflanking him by three companies of the 47th regiment remedied the chance of evil, which so lamentable a want of chivalry might have occasioned, but the knights of older times were probably better fed than were our poor distressed friends.”

SECTION 3.
Conduct of colonel Skerrett.
A.

“It is necessary to advert to the 18-pounder mounted on the Gusmans’ tower, as Southey’s History contains some strange misrepresentation on the subject.” “The French made the 18-pounder an early object of attack, but they did not succeed in crushing it. Unfortunately one of the spherical case shot, not precisely fitting its old and worn calibre, burst in passing over the town, and killed or wounded a person in the street. This produced some alarm and complaint amongst the inhabitants for a moment, and in the first feeling of that moment, Skerrett, with characteristic impetuosity, directed the gun to be placed ‘hors de service.’ There was no ambiguity in his command, ‘Let it be spiked.’” “Had he referred the case to the commanding officer of artillery, the order would not have been executed, means would have been found to remove the first impression and tranquillize the people, without the sacrifice of the gun which might have added materially to the offensive powers of the garrison, particularly if the siege had been prolonged.”

B.

“On the 29th of December, colonel Skerrett with a rare activity, dismounted a 32-pound carronade, that looked into the enemy’s batteries at the distance of about four hundred yards, and he succeeded in spiking and knocking off the trunnion of an 18-pounder, borrowed from the Stately. This gun was mounted on the tower of the Gusmans.”

General Campbell to lord Liverpool.

“January 3, 1812.

“Annexed is a letter received last night from colonel Skerrett; and, notwithstanding the despondency therein expressed, which has been equally so in other letters that I have received from him, my opinion remains the same as formerly.”

A.

“At the crisis produced by Skerrett’s desire to retire from the town, and desire to leave the island also, general Campbell sent express instructions that the town should not be abandoned without the concurrence of the commanding officers of artillery and engineers; and accompanied these instructions with a positive command that every officer and soldier belonging to Gibraltar should, in future, be stationed in the island, to insure at all events the preservation of that port.”

SECTION 4.
Sir C. Smith’s conduct.

“Smith never tolerated the idea of surrender—never admitted the possibility of defeat.”

“Comprehending from the first the resources and capabilities of his post, and with a sort of intuition anticipating his assailant, he covered the weak points while he concealed its strength; and so conducted the skirmish which preceded the investment, that he, as it were, dictated the whole plan of attack, and in reality pointed out with his finger the position of the breaching battery.”

“Had the dictates of his vigorous mind and enterprising spirit been duly listened to within, the defence would have been more active and more brilliant.”

SECTION 5.
(Extracts.)
Lord Wellington to lord Liverpool.

“January 9, 1812.

“From the accounts which I have received of the place (Tarifa) it appears to me quite impossible to defend it, when the enemy will be equipped to attack it. The utmost that can be done is to hold the island contiguous to Tarifa; for which object colonel Skerrett’s detachment does not appear to be necessary. I don’t believe that the enemy will be able to obtain possession of the island, without which the town will be entirely useless to them, and, indeed, if they had the island as well as the town, I doubt their being able to retain these possessions, adverting to the means of attacking them with which general Ballesteros might be supplied by the garrison of Gibraltar, unless they should keep a force in the field in their neighbourhood to protect them.”

Lord Wellington to major-general Cooke.

“February 1, 1812.

“Sir,—I have omitted to answer your letters of the 27th December and of the 7th January, relating to the correspondence which you had had, with the governor of Gibraltar, upon the conditional orders, which you had given colonel Skerrett to withdraw from Tarifa, because I conclude that you referred that correspondence to the secretary of state with whom alone it rests to decide whether it was your duty to recal colonel Skerrett, and whether you performed that duty at a proper period, and under circumstances which rendered it expedient that you should give colonel Skerrett the orders in question. From the report of colonel Skerrett and Lord Proby, and other information which I had received respecting Tarifa, I concurred in the orders that you gave to colonel Skerrett, and my opinion on that subject is not at all changed by what has occurred since. We have a right to expect that his majesty’s officers and troops will perform their duty upon every occasion; but we have no right to expect that comparatively a small number would be able to hold the town of Tarifa, commanded as it is at short distances, and enfiladed in every direction, and unprovided with artillery and the walls scarcely cannon proof. The enemy, however, retired with disgrace infinitely to the honour of the brave troops who defended Tarifa, and it is useless to renew the discussion. It is necessary, however, that you should now come to an understanding with general Campbell regarding the troops which have been detached from Cadiz and this army under colonel Skerrett.”

Ditto to Ditto.

“February 25, 1812.

“I have already, in my letter of the 1st instant, stated to you my opinion regarding Tarifa, I do not think that captain Smith’s letter throws new light upon the subject. The island appears still to be the principal point to defend, and the easiest to be defended at a small expense and risk of loss. Whether the town and the hill of Santa Catalina can be made subservient to the defence of the island depends upon circumstances upon which it would be possible to decide only by having a local knowledge of the place. It is very clear to me, however, that the enemy will not attack Tarifa in this spring, and that you will not be called upon to furnish troops to garrison that place so soon as you expect. If you should be called upon either by the Spanish government or by the governor of Gibraltar you must decide the question according to the suggestions which I made to you in my despatch of the 15th instant. If you should send a detachment from Cadiz at the desire of the Spanish government for purposes connected with the operations of general Ballesteros, I conceive that the governor of Gibraltar has nothing to say to such detachments, if you should send one to Tarifa at the desire of the governor of Gibraltar, or of the Spanish government, it is better not to discuss the question whether the detachment shall or shall not obey the orders of the governor of Gibraltar. He has occupied Tarifa permanently, and he is about to improve the defences of the place which he conceives to be under his orders; but, according to all the rules of his majesty’s service, the senior officer should command the whole. I have nothing to say to the division of the command of the island and town of Tarifa, which I conclude has been settled by the governor of Gibraltar.”

Extract from the notes of an officer engaged in the siege.

“Though the duke of Wellington yielded to the opinions and wishes of general Cooke, colonel Skerrett, and lord Proby, yet his characteristic and never failing sagacity seems to have suggested to him a fear or a fancy, that part of the case was kept concealed. A local knowledge was necessary, not only to judge of the relation and reciprocal defences and capabilities of the town and island, but to estimate the vast importance of the post, the necessity in fact of its possession. It was my impression then, and it amounts to conviction now, that the island, particularly during the winter, half fortified as it was, and totally destitute of shelter from bombardment or from weather, could not have been maintained against an enemy in possession of the town, the suburb, and the neighbouring heights. But even if it had, by means of British bravery, resolution, and resource, been provisioned and defended, still the original and principal objects of its occupation would have been altogether frustrated, namely, the command and embarkation of supplies for Cadiz and the fostering of the patriotic flame. It is demonstrable that, had the duke of Dalmatia once become possessor of the old walls of Tarifa, every city, village, fort, and watch-tower on the Andalusian coast, would soon have displayed the banner of king Joseph, and the struggle in the south of Spain was over.”

General Campbell to lord Liverpool.

“Gibraltar, April 2, 1812.

“My Lord,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your lordship’s letter of the 8th of February last, and I beg leave to refer your lordship to the documents herewith, particularly to the report of captain Smith, royal engineers, which I trust will prove that the defence of the town of Tarifa was not taken up on slight grounds, and that the detachment from Cadiz under the orders of colonel Skerrett, together with the troops from hence which formed the garrison of the town, were never in any danger of being cut off, as their retreat would have been covered by the castle of the Guzmans, the redoubt of Santa Catalina, and the island; the two first of these points being connected by a field-work, and the whole mounting twenty-nine pieces of cannon and mortars exclusively of what remained in the town: the enemy’s batteries being completely kept in check during such an operation by the island and the castle of the Guzmans. My lord, colonel Skerrett stood alone in his opinion respecting this post, and in direct opposition to my own and that of captain Smith, royal engineers, who is considered by his corps as an officer of first-rate professional abilities. Major-general Cooke must therefore have acted on the reports of the colonel when he authorised him to abandon his post, for the major-general was unacquainted with its resources: besides, my lord, I had a right to expect that troops sent to that point to assist in its defence should not be withdrawn without my consent. Had the place been lost, my lord, by such misrepresentation, it would have been attributed to any other than the real cause, and the odium would have been fixed upon me, as having taken up the position; I am happy, however, that its capability has been proved whilst it remained under my orders, and that by interposing my authority the valuable possession of Tarifa has been saved from the grasp of the enemy. I was besides deeply concerned in the fate of the place; a great quantity of military stores and provision having been embarked on that service by my authority, from a conviction that they were fully protected by this additional force.

“After the execution of a service, my lord, from which I concluded I was entitled to some consideration, it is no small mortification for me to find that my conduct should be deemed questionable; but I flatter myself that if the government of his royal highness the prince regent will do me the justice to read the annexed papers, they will perceive that if I had done less his majesty’s arms must have been dishonoured. In regard to the assumption of command on that occasion, I have only to observe that, considering the post of Tarifa as a dependency of Gibraltar, having occupied it exclusively for these two years past, and that a commandant and staff were appointed from my recommendation, with salaries annexed, and this with the approbation of both governments, these circumstances, added to what I have seen on similar occasions, put it past a doubt in my mind, and colonel Skerrett having applied to me for ‘precise orders,’ shows that he was aware that such was the case. If, my lord, I ever had a right to exercise an authority over the post of Tarifa from what I have stated, the entry of troops from another quarter, unless actually commanded by an officer senior to myself, could not, according to the custom of our service, deprive me of it; and I have heard that the case has been referred to lord Wellington, who was of the same opinion. This, however, I only take the liberty to advance in justification of my conduct, and not in opposition to the opinion formed by the government of his royal highness the prince regent. I trust, therefore, I shall be excused in the eyes of government in declaring, without reserve, that if I had not retained the command the place would not now be in our possession, and the wants of our enemies would have been completely supplied by its affording a free communication with the states of Barbary. I have the honour to report that I have made the necessary communication with major-general Cooke, in consequence of its being the wish of government that Tarifa shall be occupied by troops from Cadiz. The major-general informs me, in answer thereto, that he has communicated with lord Wellington, as he has not received orders to that effect, nor has he the means at present to make the detachment required, and your lordship is aware that I have it not in my power to reinforce that post in case of need.” &c. &c.————P.S. “Should your lordship wish any further information with respect to that post, it will be found on referring to my report made after I had visited Tarifa, where commodore Penrose and colonel sir Charles Holloway, royal engineers, accompanied me.”

Extract from captain C. F. Smith’s report.

“Tarifa, December 14, 1811.

“I do not hesitate to declare that I place the utmost reliance on the resources of the place, and consider them as such as ought to make a good and ultimately successful defence.”

Ditto ditto.

“December 24, 1811.

“My opinion respecting the defences of this post is unalterable, and must ever remain so,—that till the island is more independent in itself, there is a necessity of fairly defending the town as an outwork.”

No. VII.
STORMING OF CIUDAD RODRIGO AND BADAJOS.

[The anonymous extracts are taken from the memoirs and journals of
officers engaged in, or eye-witnesses of the action described. The
Roman characters mark different sources of information.]

SECTION 1.—CIUDAD RODRIGO.
A.

“The duke of Wellington, standing on the top of some ruins of the convent of Francisco, pointed out to colonel Colborne and to major Napier,[2] commanding the storming-party of the light division, the spot where the small breach was. Having done this, he said, ‘Now do you understand exactly the way you are to take so as to arrive at the breach without noise or confusion?’ He was answered, ‘Yes, perfectly.’ Some one of the staff then said to major Napier, ‘Why don’t you load?’ He answered, ‘No, if we can’t do the business without loading we shall not do it at all.’ The duke of Wellington immediately said, ‘Leave him alone.’

————“The caçadores under colonel Elder were to carry hay-bags to throw into the ditch, but the signal of attack having been given, and the fire commencing at the great breach, the stormers would not wait for the hay-bags, which, from some confusion in the orders delivered, had not yet arrived; but from no fault of colonel Elder or his gallant regiment; they were always ready for and equal to any thing they were ordered to do.

“The troops jumped into the ditch; the ‘fausse braye’ was faced with stone, so as to form a perpendicular wall about the centre of the ditch; it was scaled, and the foot of the breach was attained. Lieutenant Gurwood had gone too far to his left with the forlorn hope, and missed the entrance of the breach; he was struck down with a wound on the head, but sprang up again, and joined major Napier, captain Jones 52d regt., Mitchell 95th, Ferguson 43d, and some other officers, who at the head of the stormers were all going up the breach together.”

————“Colonel Colborne, although very badly wounded in the shoulder, formed the fifty-second on the top of the rampart, and led them against the enemy.”

“The great breach was so strongly barricaded, so fiercely defended, that the third division had not carried it, and were still bravely exerting every effort to force their way through the obstacles when colonel M‘Leod of the forty-third poured a heavy flank fire upon the enemy defending it.”

FOOTNOTE:

[2] Brother to the author of this work.

B.

“The third division having commenced firing, we were obliged to hurry to the attack. The forlorn hope led, we advanced rapidly across the glacis and descended into the ditch near the ravelin, under a heavy fire. We found the forlorn hope placing ladders against the face of the work, and our party turned towards them, when the engineer officer called out, ‘You are wrong, this is the way to the breach, or the fausse braye which leads to the breach you are to attack.’”

————“We ascended the breach of the fausse braye, and then the breach of the body of the place, without the aid of ladders.”

————“We were for a short time on the breach before we forced the entrance. A gun was stretched across the entrance, but did not impede our march. Near it some of the enemy were bayonetted, amongst the number some deserters, who were found in arms defending the breach.”

————“Major Napier was wounded at the moment when the men were checked by the heavy fire and determined resistance of the enemy about two-thirds up the ascent. It was then that the soldiers, forgetting they were not loaded, as the major had not permitted them, snapped all their firelocks.”

————“No individual could claim being the first that entered the breach; it was a simultaneous rush of about twenty or thirty. The forlorn hope was thrown in some degree behind, being engaged in fixing ladders against the face of the work, which they mistook for the point of attack.

“Upon carrying the breach, the parties moved as before directed by major Napier; that is, the fifty-second to the left, the forty-third to the right. The forty-third cleared the ramparts to the right, and drove the enemy from the places they attempted to defend, until it arrived near the great breach at a spot where the enemy’s defences were overlooked. At this time the great breach had not been carried, and was powerfully defended by the enemy. The houses being on it were loop-holed, and a deep trench lined with musketry bearing directly upon it; the flanks of the breach were cut off, and the descent into the town from the ramparts at the top of it appeared considerable, so as to render it exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to force it without some other aid than a front attack.”

————“The moment the light division storming-party arrived at the spot described, they opened a heavy enfilading fire of musketry upon the trench, which was the main defence of the great breach, and drove the enemy from it with the aid of the storming-party of the third division that now entered. I was wounded at this time, and retired a short way back on the rampart, when I saw the first explosion on the rampart near the great breach. It was in my opinion next to impossible, as I have said before, to force the great breach by a front attack as long as the enemy held their defences, but the moment the light division turned their defences the breach was instantly carried.”

Abstract of the journal of general Harvey, Portuguese
service.

“I stood on rising ground and watched the progress of the attack. The great breach was attacked first. At the top of it the third division opened their fire heavily, and it was returned heavily, but there was a distressing pause. The small breach was carried first, and there was one considerable explosion and two or three smaller ones on the ramparts.”

SECTION 2.
BADAJOS.—ASSAULT OF PICURINA.
C.

“An engineer officer, who led the attack, told me, two days after, ‘that the place never would have been taken had it not been for the intelligence of these men (a detachment from the light division) in absolutely walking round the fort, and finding out the gate, which was literally beaten down by them, and they entered at the point of the bayonet. Lieutenant Nixon of the fifty-second was shot through the body by a Frenchman a yard or two inside the gate.’”

D.
ASSAULT OF BADAJOS.

“For the descent of the light and fourth division into the ditch only five ladders were placed, and those five ladders were close to each other. The advance (or storming-party) of the eighth division preceded that of the fourth division, and I believe that no part of the fourth division was up in time to suffer from the first great explosion, and the storming-party only had entered when that explosion took place; but observe that although the advance of the light division preceded the advance of the fourth division, I only mean by that, that the head of the light division entered the ditch sooner than the head of the fourth division, for the main bodies of the two divisions joined at the ladders, and were descending into the ditch at the same time.

“I consider that the centre breach at Badajos was never seriously attacked. I was not at the centre breach on the night of the assault, therefore I cannot positively assert what took place there. But there were not bodies of dead and wounded at the centre or curtain breach in the morning to indicate such an attack having been made upon it, and being in the curtain it was far retired from the troops, and the approach to it was made extremely difficult by deep cuts, and I think it passed unobserved except by a straggling few.”

————“I consider that ‘chevaux de frise’ were placed upon the summit of the centre breach during the assault. I was there at day-break. The approach to it was extremely difficult, both from the difficulty of finding it, and from the deep holes that were before it, which to my recollection resembled the holes you see in a clay-field, where they make bricks. Another great obstruction was the fire from the faces and flanks of the two bastions, which crossed before the curtain.”

Extract from a memoir by captain Barney, Chasseurs Britanniques,
acting engineer at the siege.

“The explosion of the ‘Bariques foudroyantes’ resembled ‘fougasses,’ and I expected the bastion would have crumbled to pieces. At this moment I perceived one person in the midst of fire, who had gained the top of the breach in the face of the bastion, he seemed impelling himself forward towards the enemy in an offensive position when he sank down, apparently destroyed by the fire. On examining this breach at day-light I found a Portuguese grenadier, whom I suppose to be the person, as he lay dead the foremost on this breach.”

————“Twice the bugles sounded to retire from the breaches. The fire diminished, and passing along the glacis of the ravelin I hastened to the attack of general Picton, and found but two ladders, one only just long enough to reach the embrasure, and the other with several of the upper rounds destroyed. The castle was full of men, and had the enemy thrown shells among them, I do not think it could have been kept possession of. Major Burgh came to ascertain the result of the attack, and the reserves were ordered up. On coming down from the castle I met general Picton, and told him the castle was full of men, but they had not advanced into the town. He immediately ordered sorties to be made to clear the breach, and a good look-out to be kept towards Christoval.”————“Passing in front of the battery where lord Wellington was, I went on the right bank of the inundation till I could cross, and going towards the breach, I was overtaken by the prince of Orange, carrying an order for colonel Barnard to occupy the breach. The enemy’s fire had ceased, yet none of the storming-party knew whether we were successful or not. I told the prince I was just come from the castle, which was occupied in force. As we approached the breach the stench of burnt hair and scorched flesh was horrible, and on the crest of the glacis the dead and wounded lay in such numbers it was impossible to pass without treading on them.”

“Here I also found but three ladders, one broken so as to render it useless. On arriving at the curtain-breach, some men of the light division assisted me in removing from the top the chevaux de frise of sword-blades and pikes.”

Extract from a memoir on the escalade of St. Vincent, by
captain Edward P. Hopkins, fourth regiment.

“The column halted a few yards from a breast-work surmounted with a stockade and a ‘chevaux de frise’ concealing a guard-house on the covered way, and at this moment a most awful explosion took place, followed by the most tremendous peals of musketry. ‘That is at the breaches,’ was the whisper amongst our soldiers, and their anxiety to be led forward was intense, but their firmness and obedience were equally conspicuous. The moon now appeared. We could hear the French soldiers talking in the guard-house, and their officers were visiting the sentries. The engineer officer who preceded the column, said, ‘now is the time;’ the column instantly moved to the face of the gateway. It was only at this moment that the sentry observed us, and fired his alarm-shot, which was followed by musketry. The two companies of Portuguese carrying the scaling-ladders threw them down, and deaf to the voices of their officers, made off. This occurrence did not in the least shake the zeal and steadiness of our men, who occupied immediately the space left, and shouldering the ladders moved on. We could not force the gate open, but the breast-work was instantly crowded, and the impediments cut away sufficiently to allow of two men entering abreast.”————“The engineer officer was by this time killed. We had no other assistance from that corps, and the loss was most severely felt at this early period of the attack.”

————“The troops were now fast filling the ditch; they had several ladders, and I shall never forget the momentary disappointment amongst the men when they found that the ladders were too short.”————“The enemy took advantage of this to annoy us in every way, rolling down beams of wood, fire-balls, &c. together with an enfilading fire.

“We observed near us an embrasure unfurnished of artillery, its place being occupied by a gabion filled with earth. A ladder was instantly placed under its mouth, and also one at each side. This allowed three persons to ascend at once, but only one at a time could enter in at the embrasure. The first several attempts were met with instant death. The ladders were even now too short, and it was necessary for one person to assist the other by hoisting him up the embrasure.” “Some shots were fired from a building in the town, and colonel Piper was sent with a party to dislodge the enemy, while general Walker, at the head of his brigade, attempted to clear the rampart to the right,” &c. &c.

“The enemy retired from the building on our approach, and colonel Piper did not return to the ramparts, but moved into the body of the town. Could we have divested our minds of the real situation of the town it might have been imagined that the inhabitants were preparing for some grand fête, as all the houses in the streets and squares were brilliantly illuminated, from the top to the first floor, with numerous lamps. This illumination scene was truly remarkable, not a living creature to be seen, but a continual low buz and whisper around us, and we now and then perceived a small lattice gently open and re-shut, as if more closely to observe the singular scene of a small English party perambulating the town in good order, the bugleman at the head blowing his instrument. Some of our men and officers now fell wounded; at first we did not know where the shots came from, but soon observed they were from the sills of the doors. We soon arrived at a large church facing some grand houses, in a sort of square. The party here drew up, and it was at first proposed to take possession of this church, but that idea was abandoned. We made several prisoners leading some mules laden with loose ball-cartridges in large wicker baskets, which they stated they were conveying from the magazines to the breaches. After securing the prisoners, ammunition, &c., we moved from the square with the intention of forcing our way upon the ramparts. We went up a small street towards them, but met with such opposition as obliged us to retire with loss. We again found ourselves in the square. There an English soldier came up to us who had been confined in the jail, probably a deserter. He said our troops had attacked the castle, and had failed, but that the French troops had afterwards evacuated it. At this period rapid changes took place. Several French officers came into the square; the town belonged to the English; the great Wellington was victorious. A scene of sad confusion now took place; several French officers of rank, their wives, and children, ran into the square in a state of frenzy, holding little caskets containing their jewels and valuables, and their children in their arms. The situation of these females was dreadful; they implored our protection, and I believe this party escaped the plunder and pillage which was now unfortunately in progress. The scene that now commenced surpassed all that can be imagined; drunkenness, cruelty, and debauchery, the loss of many lives, and great destruction of property, was one boon for our victory. The officers had lost all command of their men in the town; those who had got drunk and had satisfied themselves with plunder congregated in small parties and fired down the streets. I saw an English soldier pass through the middle of the street with a French knapsack on his back; he received a shot through his hand from some of the drunkards at the top of the street; he merely turned round and said, damn them, I suppose they took me for a Frenchman. An officer of the Brunswickers, who was contending with a soldier for the possession of a canary bird, was shot dead by one of these insane drunkards. Groups of soldiers were seen in all places, and could we have forgotten the distressing part of the scene, never was there a more complete masquerade. Some dressed as monks, some as friars, some in court-dresses, many carrying furniture, cloth, provisions, money, plate from the churches; the military chest was even got at by the soldiers.”

No. VIII.
SECTION 1.
ENGLISH PAPERS RELATING TO SOULT’S AND
MARMONT’S OPERATIONS.

Colonel Le Mesurier, commandant of Almeida, to brigadier-general
Trant.

“Almeida, March 28, 1812.

“When I took possession of the fortress ten days since, I found not a single gun in a state for working; either owing to the want of side-arms or the ill assortment of shot and ammunition, not a single platform was laid down, and scarcely a single embrasure opened in any part of the newly repaired fronts. My powder was partly in an outwork, partly in two buildings scarcely weather-proof, only one front of my covered way pallisaded, and the face of one of my ravelins without any revêtement whatever; the revêtement throughout the whole of the nearly repaired fronts not being more than one-third or one-fourth of its former height. Many of these defects have been remedied; we have platforms and embrasures throughout the new fronts, the guns posted with their proper side-arms and shot-piles, and with a proper assortment of ammunition in the caissons; the bulk of our powder and ordnance-cartridge being distributed in bomb proofs; we have formed a respectable entrenchment on the top of the breach of the mined ravelin, which it is proposed to arm with pallisades, but the almost total want of transport has prevented our being able to complete more than two fronts and a half of our covert way with those essential defences. From this sketch you will collect that, though the fortress is not to be walked into, it is yet far from being secure from the consequences of a resolute assault, particularly if the garrison be composed of raw and unsteady troops.”

Extract from a memoir of general Trant.

“Now it so happened that on this same night Marmont had marched from Sabugal in order to attack me in Guarda; he had at the least five thousand infantry, some reports made his force seven thousand, and he had five or six hundred cavalry. My distrust of the militia with regard to the execution of precautions such as I had now adopted, had induced me at all times to have a drummer at my bed-room-door, in readiness to beat to arms; and this was most fortunately the case on the night of the 13th April, 1812, for the very first intimation I received of the enemy being near at hand was given me by my own servant, on bringing me my coffee at daybreak of the 14th. He said such was the report in the street, and that the soldiers were assembling at the alarm rendezvous in the town. I instantly beat to arms, and the beat being as instantly taken up by every drummer who heard it, Marmont, who at that very moment was with his cavalry at the very entrance of the town (quite open on the Sabugal side more than elsewhere), retired. He had cut off the outposts without their firing a shot, and, had he only dashed headlong into the town, must have captured Wilson’s and my militia divisions without losing probably a single man. I was myself the first out of the town, and he was not then four hundred yards from it, retiring at a slow pace. I lost no time in forming my troops in position, and sent my few dragoons in observation. When at a couple of miles distant Marmont drew up fronting Guarda, and it turned out, as I inferred, that he expected infantry.”

Lord Wellington to sir N. Trant.

“Castello Branco, April 17, 1812.

“Dear Sir,—I arrived here about two hours ago. Marshal Beresford received your letter of the 13th upon the road, and I received that of the 12th from general Bacellar this morning. We shall move on as soon as the troops come up: it would appear that the French are collecting more force upon the Agueda and Coa. You should take care of yourselves on Guarda if they should collect two divisions at or in the neighbourhood of Sabugal: Guarda is the most treacherous position in the country, although very necessary to hold. I should prefer to see an advanced guard upon it, and the main body on the Mondego behind. Have you saved my magazines at Celerico? I enclose a letter for the commissary there and one for don Carlos d’Espagna. Pray forward both; the former is to order forward fresh supplies to Celerico. Shew this letter to general Bacellar: I don’t write to him as I have no Portuguese with me.” &c. &c.

“Wellington.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Pedrogao, April 1812.

“Dear Sir,—I have received your letter of the 15th, and you will see by mine of the 17th, written as soon as I knew that your division and that of general Wilson were on Guarda, that I expected what happened, and that I wished you to withdraw from that position. In fact, troops ought not to be put in a strong position in which they can be turned if they have not an easy retreat from it; and if you advert to that principle in war, and look at the position of Guarda, you will agree with me that it is the most treacherous position in Portugal. I can only say that, as Marmont attacked you, I am delighted that you have got off so well; which circumstance I attribute to your early decision not to hold the position, and to the good dispositions which you made for the retreat from it.

“As to your plan to surprise Marmont at Sabugal, you did not attempt to put it in execution, and it is useless to say any thing about it. I would observe, however, upon one of your principles, viz. that the magnitude of the object would justify the attempt, that in war, particularly in our situation and with such troops as we, and you in particular, command, nothing is so bad as failure and defeat. You could not have succeeded in that attempt, and you would have lost your division and that of general Wilson. I give you my opinion very freely upon your plans and operations as you have written me upon them, begging you at the same time to believe that I feel for the difficulty of your situation, and that I am perfectly satisfied that both you and general Wilson did every thing that officers should do with such circumstances, and that I attribute to you the safety of the two divisions. I shall be at Sabugal to-morrow or the next day; and I hope to see you before we shall again be more distant from each other.” &c. &c.

“Wellington.”

SECTION 2.
FRENCH PAPERS RELATING TO SOULT’S AND
MARMONT’S OPERATIONS.

Translated. Extracts from Soult’s intercepted despatches.

“Seville, April 14, 1812.

“I enclose copies of a letter from the duke of Ragusa, dated 22d February, and another from general Foy, dated Velvis de Jara, 28th February, which announced positively that three divisions of infantry and one division of cavalry of the army of Portugal would join me if Badajos was attacked; but those divisions, fifteen days afterwards, marched into Old Castile at the moment when they knew that all the English army was moving upon Badajos, and at the instant when I, in virtue of your highness’s (Berthier’s) orders, had sent five regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, and my skeleton regiments to Talavera. It is certain that if those three divisions had remained in the valley of the Tagus the enemy would not have attacked Badajos, where they could have been fought to advantage.

“The contrary has arrived. I have been left to my own forces, which have been reduced by fifteen thousand men, as I have stated above, and not even a military demonstration has been made, much less succour, because the attack on Beira could not influence the siege, and did not.”——“Badajos fell by a ‘coup de fortune,’ because it was not in human foresight to think that five thousand men defending the breach successfully, would suffer a surprise on a point where no attack was directed, and when I was within a few marches with twenty-four thousand men strongly organized.

“If I had received your highness’s letter when I was before the English, I might, although unaided by M. Marmont and numerically inferior, have given battle to save Badajos; but I should probably have been wrong, and I should have lost the force I left in Andalusia, where not only Seville was invested and my communications cut, but a general insurrection was commencing. Happily I heard in time of the fall of Badajos; but I have not even yet opened my communications with New Castile, Grenada, or Malaga. I have, however, prepared in time to deliver a great battle on my own ground—Andalusia.

“The emperor, of course, cannot foresee all things, and in his orders naturally meant that his generals should act with discretion on such occasions; hence if Marmont had only made demonstrations on Beira with a part of his army, and had crossed the Tagus to unite with my troops, the siege would have been raised before the breach was practicable. Marmont had nothing before him, and he knew Wellington had passed the Guadiana and commenced the siege: I say that all the English army had passed the Guadiana, and this was its disposition.

“General Graham commanding the first corps of observation had the sixth and seventh divisions of infantry and Cotton’s cavalry two thousand five hundred strong, with thirty guns. This corps pushed my right wing to Granja and Azagua at the ‘debouche’ of Fuente Ovejuna, while Hill, with the second and third divisions, twelve hundred cavalry under Erskine, and twelve guns, moved on my extreme right in the direction of La Lerena from Belendenzer.

“Wellington carried on the siege in person, having the fourth division, part of the third division, a Portuguese corps; and I am assured he has also two or three thousand Spaniards, which made round the place eighteen thousand men.

“The fifth division remained at first on the right bank of the Tagus with a brigade of cavalry; but they were also called up and came to Elvas on the 4th or 5th of April. The best accounts gave Wellington thirty thousand men, and some make him as high as forty thousand, at the moment when I was before him at Villalba; and if the army of Portugal had joined me with twenty-five thousand men, Badajos would have been saved or retaken: and a great victory would throw the English back into their lines. I was not strong enough alone; and besides the loss I should have suffered, I could not have got back in time to save my troops in Andalusia.

“The English did not hide their knowledge that Marmont was gathering in Leon; but they knew he had no battering-train, and that the wasted state of the country would not permit him to penetrate far into Portugal. So measured, indeed, were their operations, that it is to be supposed they had intercepted some despatch which explained the system of operation and the irresolution of Marmont.

“Your highness tells me I ‘should not have left Hill after his last movement in December on Estremadura, nor have permitted him to take my magazines:’ I say he has taken nothing from me. The advanced guard at Merida lived from day to day on what was sent to them from La Lerena. I know not if some of this has fallen into his hands; but it can be but little. But at this period Wellington wished to besiege Badajos, and only suspended it because of the rain, which would not let him move his artillery, and because three divisions of the army of Portugal were in the valley of the Tagus. If they had remained the siege would not have been undertaken, and Marmont knew this; for on the 22d February he wrote to me to say that, independent of those three divisions under Foy, which he destined to send to the aid of Badajos, he himself would act so as to surmount the difficulties which the state of his munitions opposed to his resolution to defeat the enemy’s projects.

“If your highness looks at the states of the 14th April, you will see that I had not, as you suppose by your letter of 19th February, forty thousand men; I had only thirty-five thousand, including the garrison of Badajos, out of which I had brought with me twenty-four thousand, the rest being employed before Cadiz at Seville, in Grenada and Murcia, and against Ballesteros. You must consider that fifteen days before the English passed the Guadiana I had sent five regiments of infantry, two of cavalry, and many skeletons upon Talavera, in all fifteen thousand men; and since two years I have sent many other skeleton regiments to France, being more than fifteen thousand men changing their destination or worn out, without having yet received the troops from the interior destined for my army, although these are borne on the states: besides which, I have four thousand men unfit for the field, who ought to go to France, but I am forced to employ them in the posts. Ballesteros has, besides the army of Murcia, ten thousand men; and in Murcia the Spaniards are strong, because the fugitives from Valencia had joined two divisions which had not been engaged there, and thus, including the garrisons of Alicant and Carthagena, they had fifteen thousand men. Suchet’s operations have certainly produced great results, but for the moment have hurt me, because all who fly from him come back upon my left flank at a moment when I have only three battalions and four hundred cavalry to oppose them at Grenada only. I have sent my brother there in haste to support them. The English, Portuguese, and Spanish at Cadiz, Gibraltar, and on the ocean could also at any time descend with ten or twelve thousand men on any part of my line, and I want at least as many to oppose them and guard my posts. I may therefore be accused of having carried too many men to the relief of Badajos; and that army was not strong enough, though excellent in quality.

“I cannot hold twenty thousand men, as your highness desires, on the Guadiana, unless I am reinforced, especially since the fall of Badajos; but as soon as I know the English have repassed that river, all my right under d’Erlon, i.e. nine regiments of infantry and four of cavalry, and twelve guns, shall march into the interior of Estremadura, and occupy Medellin, Villafranca, and even Merida, and, if possible, hold in check the garrison of Badajos and the English corps left in Alemtejo, and so prevent any grand movement up the valley of the Tagus against Madrid.

“Since my return here the demonstrations of the English appear directed to invade Andalusia so far as to have obliged me to unfurnish many points, and even in a manner raise the siege of Cadiz, Graham has come to Llerena, and Cotton to Berlanga, where we had an affair and lost sixty men.” “I have ordered d’Erlon to repass the Guadalquivir and come to me to fight the English if they advance; if not, he shall go on again, and I think the English general will not commit the fault of entering the mountains, though he says he will!”

No. IX.
SECTION 1.

SUMMARY OF THE FORCE OF THE ANGLO-PORTUGUESE ARMY AT DIFFERENT PERIODS, EXCLUSIVE OF DRUMMERS AND ARTILLERY-MEN.

October 1, 1811.—Cavalry.
	Present.	Sick.	Command.	Prisoners.	Total.
British	3571	1114	947	298	5930
Portuguese	1373	256	1140	—	2769
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Cavalry	4944	1370	2087	298	8699
	———	———	———	———	———
Infantry.
British	29530	17974	2663	1684	51851
Portuguese	23689	6009	1707	75	31480
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Infantry	53219	23983	4370	1759	83331
	———	———	———	———	———
General Total, including serjeants, 58263 sabres and bayonets in the field.
January 8, 1812.—Cavalry.
British	4949	841	741	—	6531
Portuguese	613	43	275	—	391
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Cavalry	5562	884	1016	—	7462
	———	———	———	———	———
Infantry.
British	30222	11414	2827	—	14463
Portuguese	20455	4849	2360	51	27715
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Infantry	50677	16263	5187	51	72178
	———	———	———	———	———
General Total, including sergeants, 56239 sabres and bayonets in the field.
Note. The abuses and desertions in the Portuguese cavalry had beenso great that one division was suppressed.
April 5, 1812.—Cavalry.
	Present.	Sick.	Command.	Prisoners.	Total.
British	4299	564	755	3	6048
Portuguese	347	9	492	—	808
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Cavalry	4646	573	1247	3	6896
	———	———	———	———	———
Infantry.
British	26897	11452	2779	2	40703
Portuguese	20224	5532	1507	18	27281
	———	———	———	———	———
Total Infantry	47121	16984	4286	20	67984
	———	———	———	———	———

Sabres and bayonets	51767
Field artillery-men	1980
Gunners in the batteries	900
	———
General Total	54647
	———
Note. The heavy German cavalry were in the rear at Estremos, andtwo Portuguese regiments were in Abrantes.

TROOPS EMPLOYED AT THE SIEGE OF BADAJOS, APRIL, 1812.

British.
Light division	2679
Third division	2882
Fourth division	2579
Fifth division	2896
	——	11036
Portuguese.
Hamilton’s division	4685
Light division	858
Third division	976
Fourth division	2384
Fifth division	1845
	——	10748
		———
Total		21,784
		———

ALLIED COVERING CORPS IN APRIL, 1812.

Cavalry under general Hill.—Left Wing.
British	783
Portuguese	347
	——	1130
Infantry ditto.
British	6156
Portuguese	2385
	——	8541
		———
Total under general Hill		9671
		———
Cavalry under general Graham.—Right Wing.
British	3517
Portuguese	—
	———	3517
Infantry ditto.
British	10154
Portuguese	5896
	———	16050
		———
Total under general Graham		19567
		———
General Total of the covering army, exclusive of the artillery-men andthe heavy German cavalry, who remained in the rear at Estremos,29238 sabres and bayonets.

SECTION 2.

SUMMARY OF THE ANGLO-PORTUGUESE LOSSES AT BADAJOS, 1812.

ASSAULT.

British Loss.
	Killed.	Wounded.
Generals	–	5
Staff	1	11
	Officers.	Soldiers.
Artillery	2	20
Engineers	5	5
	—	—
Total	7	25
	—	—

Light division.—Line.
	Officers.	Soldiers.	Total.
43d	18	329	347 }	670
52d	18	305	323 }
95th, 1st bat.	14	179	193
95th, 3d bat.	8	56	64
	—	——	——
Total	58	849	927
	—	——	——
Third division.
5th	4	41	45 }
45th	14	83	97 }
74th	7	47	54 }
77th	3	10	13 }	490
83d	8	62	70 }
88th	10	135	145 }
94th	2	154	173 }
	—	——	——
	48	442	490
	—	——	——
Fourth division.
	Officers.	Soldiers.	Total.
7th	17	163	180
23rd	17	134	151
27th	15	170	185
40th	16	124	140
48th	19	154	173
	—	——	——
	84	745	829
	—	——	——
Fifth division.
1st	2	–	2
4th	17	213	230
9th	–	–	–
30th	6	126	132
38th	5	37	42
44th	9	95	104
	—	——	——
	39	471	510
	—	——	——
60th[3]	4	30	34
Brunswick Oels[3]	2	33	35

FOOTNOTE:

[3] These regiments were attached by companies to the third, fourth, and fifth divisions.

	Total British loss at the assault.
	Officers.	Sergeants.	Soldiers.			Total.
	51	40	560	killed	}
	213	153	1983	wounded	}	3022
	–	1	21	missing	}
	Total Portuguese loss at the assault.
	8	6	141	killed	}
	45	32	468	wounded	}	730
	–	–	30	missing	}
	——	——	——			——
Grand Total	317	232	3203			3752
	——	——	——			——
	British loss during the whole siege.
	Officers.	Sergeants.	Soldiers.			Total.
	60	45	715	killed	}
	251	178	2578	wounded	}	3860
	–	1	32	missing	}
	Portuguese loss during the whole siege.
	12	6	137	killed	}
	55	38	687	wounded	}	965
	–	–	30	missing	}
	——	——	——			——
General Total	378	268	4179			4825
	——	——	——			——

SECTION 3.—SUMMARY OF THE FRENCH FORCE IN SPAIN AT DIFFERENT PERIODS, EXTRACTED FROM THE IMPERIAL MUSTER-ROLLS

	Under arms.		Detached.		Absent.		Effective.
	Men.	Horses.	Men.	Horses.	Hosp.	Pris.	Men.	Horses.
August 1811	262,276	37,669	50,502	10,869	41,452	00	354,418	35,348
Reinforcements							train	13,190
in March	17,361	3,929	81	”	981	00	18,423	3,929
Total	279,637	41,598	50,583	10,869	42,433	00	372,841	52,467
January 1812	258,156	41,049	22,805	5,434	42,056	00	324,933	42,348
April 1812	240,654	36,590	12,224	3,314	33,504	”	286,440	40,161
Reserve at Bayonne	4,038	157	36	35	865	”	4,939	192
Total	244,692	36,747	12,260	3,849	34,369	”	291,379	40,653

Observation.—In September 1811 an army of reserve, consisting of two divisions of infantry and one of cavalry, with artillery, in all 20,287 under arms, was formed for the armée du midi.

1st August, 1811.
	Under arms.		Detached.			Effective.
	Men.	Horses.	Men.	Horses.	Hosp.	Men.	Horses.
							1,195	}
Armée du Midi	50,597	10,008	32,043	5,359	11,836	94,508	—	}	4,608
							3,413	}
							3,236	}
du centre	16,540	3,729	391	64	1,781	18,712	—	}	3,793
							557	}
							6,692	}
de Portugal	38,392	5,826	7,901	3,100	10,424	56,733	—	}	8,926
							2,334	}
							3,667	}
d’Aragon	45,102	5,718	1,397	388	5,458	51,957	—	}	6,106
							2,439	}
							3,531	}
du Nord	88,092	11,020	7,617	1,805	6,654	102,413	—	}	12,825
							4,294	}
							1,268	}
de Catalogne	23,553	1,368	1,153	153	5,305	30,095	—	}	1,521
							253	}
							35,348	}
Total	262,270	37,669	50,502	10,869	41,452	354,418	—	}	48,538
							13,190	}
Reinforcements	17,361	3,929	81	”	981	18,423	3,929
							39,277	}
General total	279,637	41,598	50,583	10,869	42,433	372,841	—	}	52,467
							13,190	}

STATE OF THE IMPERIAL GUARDS.

15th August, 1811.
Under arms.		Detached.			Effective.
Men.	Horses.	Men.	Horses.	Hosp.	Men.	Horses.
12,797	3,193	3,944	14	1,189	17,613	3,179
STATE OF THE GARRISON OF BADAJOS.
16th May, 1811.—Fifth battalion.
2,887	239	361	”	380	3,725	239
1st March, 1812.
4,893	44	”	”	478	5,034	44
STATE OF THE GARRISON OF CIUDAD RODRIGO.
15th December, 1811.
1,764	19	”	”	130	1,956	19

Return of numbers, by armies, 1st October, 1811.
	Under arms.		Detached.		Absent.		Effective.
	Men.	Horses.	Men.	Horses.	Hosp.	Pris.	Men.	Horses.
								9,251	}
Armée du Midi	66,912	11,757	7,539	2,232	13,398	”	88,033	——	}	12,644
							train	3,393	}
								5,196	}
du centre	19,125	6,262	511	84	1,685	”	21,321	——	}	5,749
								553	}
								6,909	}
de Portugal	50,167	11,662	1,283	858	10,012	”	61,462	——	}	11,615
								4,706	}
								3,322	}
d’Aragon	28,966	5,303	6,583	308	4,424	”	39,953	——	}	5,282
								1,960	}
								6,769	}
du Nord	87,913	10,821	6,201	1,069	9,414	”	10,528	——	}	10,955
								4,186	}
								1,150	}
de Catalogne	26,954	1,365	993	168	11,186	”	39,241	——	}	1,439
								289	}
Total	280,017	47,270	23,110	4,717	50,119	”	353,538			37,684
Reinforcements	9,232	689			1,226		10,458			516
General Total	289,249	47,959	23,110	4,717	51,345	”	363,996			38,200

15th April, 1812.
	Under arms.		Detached.			Effective.
	Men.	Horses.	Men.	Horses.	Hosp.	Men.	Horses.
Armée du Midi	55,797	11,014	2,498	70	6,065	64,360	11,714
du centre	19,148	3,293	144	51	624	19,916	4,044
de Portugal	56,937	8,108	4,394	2,278	7,706	69,037	10,386
d’Aragon	14,786	3,269	2,695	658	1,467	18,948	8,927
de l’Ebre	16,830	1,873	21	6	3,425	20,276	1,879
de Catalogne	28,924	1,259	1,163	49	5,540	35,627	1,308
du Nord	48,232	7,074	1,309	72	8,677	58,276	7,213
Total	240,654	36,590	12,224	3,814	33,534	286,440	40,461
Reserve a Bayonne	4,038	157	36	35	865	4,939	192
Grand total	244,692	36,747	12,260	3,849	34,369	291,379	40,653

END OF VOL. IV.

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INTEGRITY OF THE GREEK VULGATE;

OR,

RECEIVED TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT;

Containing the Vindication of the Principles employed in its Defence.

---

A

HARMONICAL GRAMMAR

OF THE

GREEK LANGUAGE.

8vo. sewed, price 4s.

Ditto of the Latin. 8vo. price 4s.

Ditto of the French. 8vo. price 4s.

Ditto of the Italian. 8vo. price 4s.

Ditto of the Spanish. 8vo. price 4s.

Printed verbatim from a Harmonical Grammar of the principal ancient and modern languages. Each language is treated upon a uniform plan, and analyzed on new and simple principles; short and comprehensive rules are given, for attaining a just pronunciation, for determining the gender, and inflecting the noun and verb; together with a Syntax and Prosody, fully exemplified, and a classed vocabulary of the most useful and necessary words.

The EXPECTATIONS FORMED by the ASSYRIANS, that a GREAT DELIVERER WOULD APPEAR, about the Time of our Lord’s Advent, demonstrated. 8vo. price 10s. boards.

And all the other Works of the same Author.

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MOMENTS OF IDLENESS;

OR,

A PEEP INTO THE WORLD WE CALL “OURS.”

“Il y en a qui ne font rien,—il y en a d’autres qui font des riens.”

In 1 vol. foolscap 8vo. neatly bound in cloth, price 7s.

“Will prove a pleasant source of mental employment at a leisure hour.”——Monthly Review.

“The author is clever and thinks, which is what very few people actually achieve.”——New Monthly Magazine.

“He is worth any man’s perusal (we have read him every bit); and, besides many striking reflections, gives numerous evidences of a benevolent and social disposition.”——True Sun.

“This is a very remarkable volume, and it is one of great merit; and he who devotes to it his ‘Moments of Idleness’ will be idle no longer, or then it will be his own fault. We have seldom met, indeed, with a volume containing so many and such substantial materials for thinking, in so small a compass, and combining at the same time so much intellectual employment with so much literary amusement.”——Liverpool Chronicle.

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WALTER;

OR,

A WORD MORE TO THE WISE.

“Still he comes,

Summer or winter, frost or rain. I’ve seen

The snow upon a level with the hedge,

Yet there was Master Walter.”

Hunchback, Act 1. Scene 2.

BY THE AUTHOR OF “MOMENTS OF IDLENESS.”

In 1 vol. foolscap 8vo. neatly bound in cloth, price 7s.

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A TREATISE

ON THE

GAME OF WHIST,

BY THE LATE

ADMIRAL CHARLES BURNEY,

Author of Voyages and Discoveries in the Pacific, &c.

Second Edition. 18mo. boards, price 2s.

“The kind of play recommended in this Treatise is on the most plain, and what the Author considers the most safe principles. I have limited my endeavours to the most necessary instructions, classing them as much as the subject enabled me, under separate heads, to facilitate their being rightly comprehended and easily remembered. For the greater encouragement of the learner, I have studied brevity; but not in a degree to have prevented my endeavouring more to make the principles of the game, and the rationality of them intelligible, than to furnish a young player with a set of rules to get by rote, that he might go blindly right.”

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Footnote [3] has two anchors on [page 587].

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within the text and consultation of external sources.

Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, when a predominant preference was found in the original book.

To save space in the wide tables in [Note IX] of the Appendix, the heading ‘Hospital.’ has been abbreviated to ‘Hosp.’.

In those sections of the [Appendix] that are French documents, some corrections to accents have been made silently; primarily é for e, and e for é. Incorrect grammar and spelling have been left unchanged.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Table of Contents:
[Pg iii]: ‘on the Orbigo’ replaced by ‘on the Orvigo’.
[Pg iii]: ‘General Leval’ replaced by ‘General Laval’.
[Pg v]: ‘the mili ary force’ replaced by ‘the military force’.
Main text:
[Pg 5]: ‘by sea to St. Ander’ replaced by ‘by sea to Santander’.
[Pg 13]: ‘he surprized some’ replaced by ‘he surprised some’.
[Pg 33]: ‘embarrasments thus’ replaced by ‘embarrassments thus’.
[Pg 48]: ‘and Legre rivers’ replaced by ‘and Segre rivers’.
[Pg 51]: ‘to war down’ replaced by ‘to wear down’.
[Pg 61]: ‘Promothean touch’ replaced by ‘Promethean touch’.
[Pg 135]: ‘commucating with the alledged’ replaced by ‘communicating with the alleged’.
[Pg 141]: ‘were they all’ replaced by ‘where they all’.
[Pg 162]: ‘the admistration’ replaced by ‘the administration’.
[Pg 164]: ‘Mr. Suart and’ replaced by ‘Mr. Stuart and’.
[Pg 169]: ‘acknowleged that’ replaced by ‘acknowledged that’.
[Pg 169]: ‘a proponderance to’ replaced by ‘a preponderance to’.
[Pg 170]: ‘Rio Janeiro’ replaced by ‘Rio de Janeiro’.
[Pg 196]: ‘aid-du-camp’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp’.
[Pg 231]: ‘Miunte reports of’ replaced by ‘Minute reports of’.
[Pg 243]: ‘Aldea Ponte’ replaced by ‘Aldea de Ponte’.
[Pg 245]: ‘behind the Soita’ replaced by ‘behind Soita’.
[Pg 268]: ‘which caanot now’ replaced by ‘which cannot now’.
[Pg 296], image caption: ‘The Seige’ replaced by ‘The Siege’.
[Pg 309]: ‘also an artifical’ replaced by ‘also an artificial’.
[Pg 310]: ‘and Catalayud to’ replaced by ‘and Calatayud to’.
[Pg 314]: ‘were straightened’ replaced by ‘were straitened’.
[Pg 319]: ‘a confidental’ replaced by ‘a confidential’.
[Pg 319]: ‘the Guadalquiver’ replaced by ‘the Guadalquivir’.
[Pg 330], image caption: ‘SEIGE of’ replaced by ‘SIEGE of’.
[Pg 342]: ‘at Bergem-op-Zoon’ replaced by ‘at Bergen-op-Zoom’.
[Pg 345]: ‘from the Pyrennees’ replaced by ‘from the Pyrenees’.
[Pg 373]: ‘round St. Ander’ replaced by ‘round Santander’.
[Pg 373]: ‘de St. Ander’ replaced by ‘de Santander’.
[Pg 383]: missing ‘3º.’ inserted before ‘Left attack’.
[Pg 388]: ‘all loop-hooled’ replaced by ‘all loop-holed’.
[Pg 403]: ‘third divison’ replaced by ‘third division’.
[Pg 419]: ‘unususally still’ replaced by ‘unusually still’.
[Pg 425]: ‘semed like the’ replaced by ‘seemed like the’.
[Pg 438]: ‘Fuentes Overjuña’ replaced by ‘Fuente Obejuna’.
[Pg 472]: ‘not be irrelevent’ replaced by ‘not be irrelevant’.
[Pg 502]: ‘circnmstances, and’ replaced by ‘circumstances, and’.
[Pg 549]: ‘September 1’ replaced by ‘Septembre 1’.
[Pg 572]: ‘were loop-holded’ replaced by ‘were loop-holed’.
[Pg 588]: ‘13,190 train’ replaced by ‘train 13,190’.