Chapter Eleven.
The Abyssinian Expedition—1867-1868.
A glance at the map of Africa shows us Abyssinia situated at the south of Egypt, beyond Nubia, with the Red Sea on the east, and a wild and little-known country of arid and sandy desert on the west, and a still more mountainous and barbarous country to the south. It has therefore long been considered a region inaccessible to an invading army. On the north, the unhealthy plains and valleys of Nubia render its approach dangerous and difficult, while a range of lofty mountains, rugged and precipitous, and deep valleys run almost parallel with the sea, having at their base a dry and sandy region, destitute of water, and productive of fever and agues. The centre of the country consists of lofty plateaus and rugged mountains, with deep valleys, lakes, and streams. The higher regions are healthy and fertile, but in the valleys, at certain seasons, pestilence destroys numbers who are subjected to its influence.
Dark-skinned people, though of different tribes, inhabit this region. A portion of the population who formerly dwelt in the eastern part of the country are Jews. The ruling race are the Amharas, who are a warlike and intelligent people, but of cruel and bloodthirsty disposition. They are Christians, having been converted about the fourth century, but their Christianity has been greatly corrupted. The country has for centuries remained in a state of chronic disorder, the chiefs rebelling against the sovereign, and being in a constant state of warfare amongst themselves. Notwithstanding, therefore, its many natural advantages, it has made no progress in civilisation or prosperity, and the great mass of the people are ignorant and barbarous in the extreme. The chiefs, too, are often cruel, bloodthirsty, turbulent, and grasping. Though their complexion is dark, their features are regular and handsome. They wear their hair plaited and wound round their head, covered thickly with butter. Their costume consists of drawers, a cotton shirt, with a white cotton-cloth cloak, called a shama, having a broad scarlet border, and, in addition, a lion-skin tippet with long tails. On their right side hangs a curved sword in a red leather scabbard, and a richly ornamented hilt, while a hide shield, ornamented with gold filigree bosses, and with silver plates, is worn on the left arm, and a long spear is grasped in the right hand. The most invincible enemies of the Amharas have been the heathen tribes of the Gallas, inhabiting the regions to the south of Abyssinia. At the end of last century, however, one of their chiefs, Rass Guka, obtained possession of the person of the then puppet emperor, and assumed supreme power. He outwardly conformed to the Christian religion, many of his people following his example.
When in 1838 the Egyptian troops of Mahomed Ali attempted to invade Abyssinia, they were defeated by Dejatch Confu, chief of Kuara, who had a nephew, Kasa by name. Kasa was deprived of his father at an early age, and his mother was reduced to a state of poverty, and compelled, it was said, to follow the humble calling of a kosso seller. He was sent to a convent to be brought up as a priest or scribe, but the convent being attacked by a robber chief, who put most of the inmates to the sword, Kasa escaped to the castle of his powerful uncle. Here, listening to the conversation of various chiefs, he imbibed an enthusiastic love of war and daring exploits. On the death of his uncle, his cousins quarrelled. He sided with the eldest, was defeated, and became a robber chief. At length he unfurled the standard of rebellion, under the pretence of checking oppression and restraining violence. The queen of the usurping semi-Christian Galla race, of whom we have just spoken, long hated in the land, sent an army against him. Her troops were, however, speedily defeated. Finding that force would not prevail against him, the wily sovereign hoped to entrap him by guile, and offered him her granddaughter in marriage, having instructed the young lady how to betray him. The princess, however, admiring his character, became a most faithful wife, warning him of all the plots contrived for his destruction. At length the treacherous queen and her son, Kasa’s father-in-law, were defeated in a pitched battle, and fled from the country. Kasa had still several chiefs and provinces to conquer. The most important province was that of Tigre, governed by a warrior, Dejatch Oulie, whose army awaited him drawn up on the heights of Gemien. On the 3rd of February 1856 was fought one of the most desperate battles in the annals of Abyssinian warfare. It resulted in favour of Kasa, who was crowned under the name of King Theodorus. Many a battle had still to be fought; and King Theodore, as we will call him, lost not a moment in endeavouring to quell rebellion. He now became sovereign of Tigre and Amhara, the principal provinces of Abyssinia. Not content, however, with the power he had gained, his great ambition was to conquer the Galla tribes, whom he treated with the greatest cruelty. Having reduced many of them to a temporary submission, he marched towards Tigre, where a rebellion had broken out. Here also he was victorious, but he treated those he had conquered in so barbarous a way, that he made enemies of the chiefs in all directions. It was about this time that a number of missionaries were sent into the country, for the purpose of preaching the gospel to the Jewish Falashas, at the instigation of Bishop Gobat, of Jerusalem. The principal one was the Reverend Mr Stern, an English clergyman, who was accompanied by several German missionaries and their wives. In the camp of the king there were also a number of artisans of various nations, some of whom were engaged by the king to manufacture cannon and muskets. Mr Stern, on returning to England, wrote an interesting volume, in which he made some disparaging remarks on King Theodore. The book unfortunately found its way into the country, and these remarks were translated to the king. He had previously written a letter to the Queen of England, which for a long time remained unanswered. This and other circumstances greatly excited his anger; at the same time, he suspected that the English were disposed to assist the Egyptians, who he thought purposed invading his country. The English Government, desirous of cultivating friendly relations with Abyssinia, had appointed Captain Cameron as consul to that country. He was stationed at Massowa, on the shores of the Red Sea. During an expedition into the interior, he was seized by Theodore, in revenge for the insult he considered he had received, the king having also thrown Mr Stern and some of the other missionaries into prison. At length Mr Rassam was sent as ambassador to King Theodore, in hopes of obtaining the release of the prisoners. He was accompanied by Lieutenant Prideaux and Dr Blanc. At the very moment that it appeared the king was about to release the prisoners, Mr Rassam and his companions were themselves seized and treated with the greatest indignity. In vain every attempt was made by the English Government to obtain their release. Theodore would listen to no expostulations, and at length it was resolved to send an English army to compel him to deliver them up, although the difficulties of the undertaking were well-known. Never was an expedition undertaken for a more generous object or with purer motives. It was simply for the release of the captives. The thought of conquest or the acquisition of territory did not for a moment enter into the views of the British Cabinet. The work to be done was to march an army of some thousand men a distance of 400 miles across a mountainous and little-known region, inhabited by tribes who might prove hostile, to the fortress in which the king had confined certain British subjects, and to compel him to release them. The persons, both military and civil, who were believed to be the best able to carry it out, were selected without favouritism or party consideration of any sort. Colonel Merewether, an officer of known talent, was appointed to make the preliminary preparations, and to select the spot best suited for the base of operations. The reconnoitring party selected a place called Mulkutto, in Annesley Bay, on the shores of the Red Sea, for that object. In the previous month, Sir Robert Napier, then Commander-in-Chief of the Bombay Army, was appointed to command the Abyssinian expedition, and Major-General Sir Charles Staveley was nominated as second in command, with a force under them of 4000 British and 8000 native troops. The reconnoitring party consisted of the 10th Regiment of Bombay Native Infantry, the 3rd Regiment of Bombay Cavalry, a mountain train of four guns, with native gunners, and two companies of Bombay Sappers. Associated with Colonel Merewether were Colonel Phayre, Quartermaster-General of the Bombay Army, and Colonel Wilkins, of the Royal Engineers.
The first work of importance was the construction of a landing-pier, the beach being too gradually shelving to allow of landing without it. In a short time a pier was run out for 300 yards, where there was a depth of five feet at low-water spring tides, and a tramway was laid down from its head to some way up the beach, for bringing up stores. Wells were also dug, and the surrounding country carefully examined for water. Exploring expeditions were also made for a considerable distance, under a blazing tropical sun overhead, through a wild and unknown region. On the 21st of October, the advance brigade arrived, under command of Colonel Field. H.M.S. Satellite also reached the bay, with apparatus for condensing sea-water, and she and other, steamers were able in a short time to produce 32,000 gallons a day, which was conveyed on shore by pipes raised on trestles above the sea. Officers also were sent in all directions to purchase mules and other beasts of burden for the transport service. A friendly understanding was soon established with the Shoho tribes, who gladly undertook to furnish guides and to convey stores into the interior. Friendly relations were also established with several powerful chiefs then in rebellion against Theodore, and who gladly offered all the assistance in their power. Sir Charles Staveley now arrived with a brigade which had been embarked at Scinde, under Brigadier-General Collins, consisting of the 33rd Regiment, the G 14 Armstrong battery of six 12-pounder guns, under Captain Murray, the Beloochee regiments, and 3rd Scinde Horse. On the 3rd of January 1868, Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Napier, Commander-in-Chief of the expedition, arrived on board H.M.S. Octavia. He expressed his satisfaction at the progress made by the expedition, which had now obtained a firm footing on the highlands of Abyssinia. A convenient port had been established on the desert shore; a road for cart traffic had been formed through a difficult mountain pass; the most determined robbers, the Shohos, had been turned into useful assistants; and an advance force had already gained the Abyssinian plateau, and friendly relations had been secured with the principal chiefs ruling over the territories up to Magdala itself. It must be understood that some time before this the British and other prisoners had been sent by Theodore to the fortress of Magdala, to reach which was therefore the main object of the expedition. Two plans were now open to Sir Robert Napier for the conduct of the campaign: one was, relying on the friendliness of the people for keeping communications open with his base, to push forward and attack Theodore on his flank march before he could reach Magdala, and thus prevent the prisoners again falling into his power. Sir Robert, however, considered that in order to make any real and permanent advance, he must be entirely independent of the resources of the country, and that he should not have a force of much less than 10,000 men, with six months’ supplies stored at Senafe; that Theodore might at any time abandon his guns should he hear of his approach, and push forward to Magdala, which he could quickly reach without them. It was believed, however, that this he would never attempt doing, as it was the prestige of those guns which served as his only protection from being attacked and overwhelmed by the numerous rebel forces surrounding him. This latter plan, however, was not adhered to. Great efforts were made to improve the transport train. Owing to the want of care and barbarity of the natives who had been brought from India, a large number of the mules and camels died, but fresh supplies continued to arrive, and the whole organisation of the transport train was entrusted to Major Warden, who served in the same department in the Crimea. By the time the campaign was over, there was a corps of 12,000 muleteers, 400 native and 160 European inspectors, and 80 commissioned officers. The most difficult piece of work to be accomplished was the conveyance of the artillery, next to the transport organisation. The guns and equipments were brought from England by Lieutenants Nolan and Chapman, who had prepared everything at Mulkutto for two batteries, A and B 21, the officers and men of which came from India. The guns were conveyed athwart-ships on mules, and they, with the ammunition and equipments for the two batteries, required go mules for their carriage. This may give some idea of the number of animals required for the work. A Naval Brigade, consisting of 80 men, with two rocket tubes, commanded by Captain Fellowes of the Dryad, was also organised. The advance force halted in a beautiful district near Adigerat, upwards of 8500 feet above the sea. From this they pushed on to Antalo, where they halted for nearly a month, in consequence of having to wait for a supply of dollars, without which no purchases could be made. At length, on the 12th of March, the march to Magdala really commenced. Colonel Phayre led the advance force, accompanied by a pioneer force consisting of two companies of the 33rd, two of native sappers, one of Punjaub Pioneers, and 80 sabres of native cavalry; the whole commanded by Captain Field, of the 10th Native Infantry. The rest of the force was divided into two brigades, under Sir Charles Staveley. With the first brigade marched the Commander-in-Chief and headquarters. It consisted of the 33rd Regiment, two companies of Beloochees, the head-quarter wing of the 10th Bombay Native Infantry, the 10th company of Royal Engineers, a battery of mountain guns, and the Scinde Horse. The second brigade was composed of the 4th Regiment, a wing of the Beloochees, a company of sappers, Punjaub Pioneers, Naval Brigade, and Armstrong guns, and two mortars with elephants, the B battery of mountain guns, and the 3rd Bombay Cavalry. Sir Charles Staveley and his staff marched with this brigade. The road before them was rough and mountainous in the extreme, with difficult passes, mountain torrents to be crossed, and often lofty overhanging rocks above their heads. Frequently, before the first brigade could advance, the roads had to be made practicable for mules and carts. The 33rd Regiment distinguished itself by the persevering way in which the men laboured, often going out as grass-cutters, laying out the camp, and working hard at road-making, along the whole line. All superfluous baggage had been sent to the rear. The camp equipage now consisted of small bell-tents only, without tables, chairs, bedsteads, luggage, or any of the usual comforts of camp life. The rations were of the roughest and most unvarying description; seldom anything but tough beef and chowpatties were eaten, the Commander-in-Chief enjoying no greater luxuries than the private soldier. During the halts the men were employed on the roads, and often even on marching days. For 17 days the force pushed on from the Buya camp, near Antalo, to the Wadela plateau, a distance of 118 miles, during which they crossed no less than six formidable ranges of mountains. Perhaps the severest march of the campaign was one performed on the 24th of March, from Marawa to Dildi, on the banks of the Tellare, a distance of 16 miles, up and down the steep spurs of the Lasta mountains. Starting soon after eight in the morning, with a long train of mules, they had to scramble up and down the rugged, tree-covered mountain-sides, the 33rd Regiment carrying, in addition to their arms, a heavy weight of blankets and waterproofs. Towards the end of it rain came on, and during some hours of the night the men came straggling in, footsore, hungry, and wet, and complaining not a little of their hardships.
The cold, too, was severe on that high ground after sunset. All luxuries about this time also began to fall short. No spirits remained, and but a small quantity of tea and compressed vegetables. Magdala was almost reached. The country now appeared open and covered with grass; long stages of grassy hill and dale, with occasional rocky ridges, and here and there among the hills a lovely lake, with streams and narrow valleys, formed the general aspect of the country. Round Magdala, situated itself on a high rock, rose numerous peaks and saddles above the large plateau on which it stands. They form a curve, Magdala being at the east end, and a peak called Sallasye at its base, and a smaller plateau called Fala at the south-west end. Sallasye and Magdala are connected by a saddle about a mile long called Islamgye, bounded on either flank by scarped precipices with sides below sloping rapidly down to the ravines, and covered with trees and bushes, some of the ravines nearly 3000 feet below the fortress. Meantime, Theodore was advancing towards Magdala, having burnt his capital of Debra Tabor, likewise forming roads up the steep sides of mountains and across deep ravines for the transport of his heavy guns, on which he mainly depended for the success of his arms, with a force under him of about 6000 soldiers, a host of camp followers, and several European workmen. By the 18th of March his army had reached Arogye. At this time there were in Magdala the whole of the British prisoners, as well as 570 natives, many of them chiefs. Some days afterwards, the king sent for Mr Rassam, Lieutenant Prideaux, and Dr Blanc to visit him, and treated them with courtesy, but the very next day in a drunken fit he ordered nearly 200 of his native prisoners to be murdered. Some he killed with his own hands, others were thrown over the precipice of Islamgye. A letter was next addressed by Sir Robert Napier to the king, demanding the liberation of the captives. To this no answer was sent. On the 8th of April, two brigades of the British army encamped on the Delanta plateau, in full view of the heights of Magdala. By the night of the 9th all preparations were completed for storming the fortress. Theodore had posted his army, consisting of 3000 soldiers armed with percussion guns, a host of spearmen, and several pieces of ordnance, on the flat-topped hill of Fala. Here he had come to conquer, as he thought it possible, with his cherished guns, or to die should he meet with defeat. Between the armies was the plain of Arogye. In front rose, more than 1000 feet above it, the lofty stronghold of the tyrant. To the left of Fala appeared the lofty peak of Sallasye, the two being connected by a lower saddle. The British army consisted of 3733 men, of whom 460 were cavalry. They had two batteries of steel mountain guns, a battery of four Armstrong 12-pounder guns, and two mortars, besides which many of the troops were armed with the deadly Snider rifle, against which the weapons of the Abyssinians were almost useless. The Naval Brigade of 80 men were armed also with deadly rockets, especially calculated to create a panic among such troops as the Abyssinians. The greater part of the day had passed, and Sir Robert had no intention of commencing an action, when, at forty-two minutes past four in the afternoon of the 10th of April, a gun was fired from the crest of Fala, 1200 feet above the Arogye plain. A few rounds followed, plunging into the ground close to the British, when several thousand men, the flower of Theodore’s army, rushed impetuously over the crest of the hill down the precipitous slopes, yelling defiance, led by their chiefs on sure-footed Galla ponies. While the main body advanced across the plain, a large detachment hastened to attack the baggage train of the British on one side.
Immediately the Naval Brigade opened upon them with their rockets, while Sir Charles Staveley moved the infantry of his brigade down to the plain, the Snider rifles keeping up a fire against which the Abyssinians could not for a moment stand. Unable to get within range themselves, they were mown down in lines. Their old general, Fitaurari Gabriye, led them on again and again, but he soon fell, shot through the head; and night coming on, the shattered remnant retired towards the Fala saddle, still shouting defiance. Colonel Milward, who accompanied Penn’s battery, had opened fire on the left, while Chamberlain with his pioneers drove back the enemy who were attacking the baggage train. They still, however, persevered, but were finally checked by the baggage guard, consisting of two companies of the 4th under Captain Roberts. As the Abyssinian army retreated, Captain Fellowes and his bluejackets took up a fresh position farther in advance, sending their rockets into the flying crowd as they ascended the hillside. Of the Abyssinian force, nearly 800 were killed and 1500 wounded, most of the survivors flying in all directions, few returning to Magdala; while of the British force, Captain Roberts and six men of the 4th, twelve Punjaub Pioneers, and one Bombay sapper alone were wounded, two of them mortally. The first brigade encamped on the Aficho plateau, without food, water, fires, or tents, while the second formed their camp on the plain of Arogye. Meantime Theodore, who had hitherto always headed his own troops, remained on the heights watching the combat. As night came on, and claps of thunder resounded over his head, he paced the ground at the foot of the Sallasye peak, waiting the return of his chiefs and soldiers. He called for his faithful old general Gabriye, but no answer came; for other trusted leaders,—there was no reply. He now saw that all hope of victory was gone. He must yield to the demands of an irresistible enemy or die. Fearful must have been the anxiety of the prisoners. Any moment he might have sent to order their destruction. Providentially, however, he resolved to try and obtain the friendship of the English by delivering up the captives. Lieutenant Prideaux and Mr Flad were sent into the English camp to propose terms. The English general, however, would offer none short of an unconditional surrender, guaranteeing, however, honourable treatment for the king and his family. On their return across the field of battle, the body of the old General Gabriye was found. He was lying flat on his back, with his arms stretched out, habited in a rich shirt of scarlet and gold. A Snider rifle bullet had passed through his temples. The dead and dying thickly strewn about had frightful wounds, many with half their skulls taken off. On the arrival of two envoys, the king was found sitting on the brow of Sallasye. He immediately sent them back to the English camp with a document he had been dictating, refusing to deliver himself up. Soon after their departure, he put a pistol to his head, but the bullet was turned aside by his attendants. The king after this appears to have resolved to live, and to have conceived the hope of obtaining peace by releasing his captives. Many of his chiefs, however, had advised him to kill them, and fight to the last. One alone—Basha Abito—urged that they should be preserved, lest a terrible vengeance should be exacted by their countrymen. Immediately the king had arrived at this decision, he ordered one of his officers to escort Mr Rassam and all the prisoners at once to the English camp, believing, no doubt, that by so doing acceptable terms would be secured for him. Meantime Sir Robert Napier had sent Lieutenant Prideaux back with a message to the king, reiterating the contents of his former letter. The gallant young officer knew perfectly well the fearful risk he was running. Happily he encountered a German workman, who informed him of the release of the captives, when he and Mr Flad returned to the camp. The released prisoners were Mr Rassam, Dr Blanc, Lieutenant Prideaux, Consul Cameron, Mr Stern the missionary, Mr Flad, Mr and Mrs Rosenthal, young Kerans, secretary to Captain Cameron, and Pietro, an Italian servant. As may be supposed, they received the warmest welcome in the camp, and every attention was paid to them. The king now made another attempt at reconciliation, by sending a present of cattle. On finding that this was refused, he seems to have given way to despair. Having spent the night on Islamgye, he summoned his soldiers, and ordered those not prepared to share his fortunes to the last to provide for their own safety. The whole army immediately disbanded, a few chiefs and personal followers only answering his call. After this he seems to have wished to make his escape, but he was cut off by the British on one side, while the Gallas were eagerly watching on the other to capture him. On seeing the English advancing up Islamgye, he mounted his favourite horse Hamra, and, followed by some of his chiefs, furiously galloped up and down in circles, firing off his rifle as a challenge, perhaps wishing that some kind bullet might at the moment end his career. Probably he experienced a peculiar pleasure at that desperate moment in displaying his horsemanship and other soldierlike qualities. As the British advanced and opened fire, he was compelled to abandon his guns and retreat into Magdala, followed by the few chiefs who had remained faithful. Part of the British army now took possession of the heights of Islamgye, while a party of the 33rd Regiment, the 10th company of Royal Engineers, and a company of Madras sappers were ordered to assault the Koket-bir gate of the fortress. The guns from Islamgye and the Fala saddle opened fire, and continued it during the afternoon. The ascent to the fortress, or amba, as it is called, was by an excessively steep and narrow path, amidst large boulders, with perpendicular black cliffs on the right. The Koket-bir gate consisted of a rough stone gateway 15 feet deep, with folding wooden doors. On either side the approach was defended by a thick hedge with stakes. Seventy feet higher up there was a second hedge, and another gate opening on the flat summit of the amba. As the British soldiers climbed up the rocky path, firing rapidly with their Sniders, they received a dropping fire in return, by which seven men were wounded and a few others slightly injured. The 33rd then made a dash at the hedge, climbed over it, and opened the door from the inside, when the rest of the storming party rushed in. The dead bodies of a few chiefs, richly dressed, were found lying in a heap inside the gate, but no enemy appeared. Deserted by most of his followers, the king, after attempting to pile up large stones against the inside of the gate, took his seat on the rocks between the two gates, surrounded by his friends, watching the English guns with his glass. When the assault commenced, he and nine who had remained with him commenced firing at the English. By a volley fired into the little band, most of those who had hitherto survived were wounded. Theodore on this retired to some huts on the amba, about 50 yards from the second gate. Here, dismissing his remaining followers, he turned to his body-servant, Walda Gabir, saying that, sooner than fall into the hands of his enemies, he would kill himself. Then, putting a pistol to his mouth, he fired it, and fell dead. The bullet had passed through the roof of his mouth and through the back of his head. This was at about 4:10 p.m.
Some prisoners who had escaped pointed out the body of the king to the English. It was now put into a litter, and brought to Sir Charles Staveley. It appears that Theodore had eaten nothing for four days, supported only by tej and drams of araki. He was of medium stature, well-built, broad chest, small waist, and muscular limbs, his complexion being dark even for an Abyssinian, though with a finely cut aquiline nose, with a low bridge, his thin lips telling of his cruel disposition. He was in his 50th year and the 15th of his reign. The level area of the now well-known fortress was almost entirely covered with well-built circular thatched huts, most of them surrounded by a hedge or wall. The king’s own house, in which the Queen Terunish and her little boy resided, was an oblong building of two storeys. Other buildings were attached to it, with a sort of summer-house commanding a magnificent view of the country. Amidst the houses was a church in miserable condition; indeed, Magdala was not considered Christian ground, being in the territory of the heathen Gallas. The whole town contained about 3000 persons. The body of the king, having been embalmed, was buried by the Abyssinian priests, within the precincts of this wretched church, a small guard of the 33rd attending to keep order. The grave was shallow, and soon covered in with stones, and the surface strewn with straw. The queen came for protection to the British camp, and expressed her wish that the English would take charge of her son. She, however, died on the march, and her young son remained under charge of the English, by whom he has been brought up and educated. The huts in Magdala were burned, the gates of the fortress were blown up, and all the guns, to the number of 37, collected by Theodore, were burst.
The return march was performed as successfully as the advance, and before the end of the month of June the last man of the expedition had departed from Annesley Bay. The larger body returned to India, while the Commander-in-chief sailed in the Feroze for England. A peerage, a Grand Cross of the Bath, and a pension were conferred upon Sir Robert Napier; and two Knight Commanderships and 27 Companionships of the same order were bestowed on other officers; while 15 colonelcies, 18 Lieutenant-Colonelcies, and 13 majorities were distributed among the other officers of the expedition. The Abyssinian Expedition will ever be remembered for the judgment and forethought exercised in its preparation, the perseverance and energy of the officers employed, and the admirable conduct of the men.