FOOTNOTES
[1] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1500.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 2.
The queen expressed herself in the language of Scripture. "Sora cecidit super Mathiam," in allusion to the circumstance of Charles being born on that saint's day; a day which, if we are to believe Garibay, was fortunate to him through the whole course of his life. Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 9.
[2] Charles VIII., Louis's predecessor, had contrived to secure the hand of Anne of Bretagne, notwithstanding she was already married by proxy to Philip's father, the emperor Maximilian; and this, too, in contempt of his own engagements to Margaret, the emperor's daughter, to whom he had been affianced from her infancy. This twofold insult, which sunk deep into the heart of Maximilian, seems to have made no impression on the volatile spirits of his son.
[3] Mariana, Hist. de España, lib. 27, cap. 11.—St. Gelais describes the cordial reception of Philip and Joanna by the Court at Blois, where he was probably present himself. The historian shows his own opinion of the effect produced on their young minds by these flattering attentions, by remarking, "Le roy leur monstra si très grand semblant d'amour, que par noblesse et honesteté de coeur il les obligeoit envers luy de leur en souvenir toute leur vie." Hist. de Louys. XII., pp. 164, 165.
In passing through Paris, Philip took his seat in parliament as peer of France, and subsequently did homage to Louis XII., as his suzerain for his estates in Flanders; an acknowledgment of inferiority not at all palatable to the Spanish historians, who insist with much satisfaction on the haughty refusal of his wife, the archduchess, to take part in the ceremony. Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 4, cap. 55.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1502.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 1.— Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. part. 1, p. 17.
[4] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1501.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 5.
[5] Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 4, cap. 55.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 220.
This extreme simplicity of attire, in which Zurita discerns "the modesty of the times," was enforced by laws, the policy of which, whatever be thought of their moral import, may well be doubted in an economical view. I shall have occasion to draw the reader's attention to them hereafter.
[6] The writ is dated at Llerena, March 8. It was extracted by Marina from the archives of Toledo, Teoría, tom. ii. p. 18.
[7] It is remarkable that the Aragonese writers, generally so inquisitive on all points touching the constitutional history of their country, should have omitted to notice the grounds on which the cortes thought proper to reverse its former decision in the analogous case of the infanta Isabella. There seems to have been even less reason for departing from ancient usage in the present instance, since Joanna had a son, to whom the cortes might lawfully have tendered its oath of recognition; for a female, although excluded from the throne in her own person, was regarded as competent to transmit the title unimpaired to her male heirs. Blancas suggests no explanation of the affair, (Coronaciones, lib. 3, cap. 20, and Commentarii, pp. 274, 511,) and Zurita quietly dismisses it with the remark, that "there was some opposition raised, but the king had managed it so discreetly beforehand, that there was not the same difficulty as formerly." (Hist. del Rey Hernando, tom. i. lib. 5, cap. 5.) It is curious to see with what effrontery the prothonotary of the cortes, in the desire to varnish over the departure from constitutional precedent, declares, in the opening address, "the princess Joanna, true and lawful heir to the crown, to whom, in default of male heirs, the usage and law of the land require the oath of allegiance." Coronaciones, ubi supra.
[8] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1500.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 12, sec. 6.—Robles, Vita de Ximenez, p. 126.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 14.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 5.
Petronilla, the only female who ever sat, in her own right, on the throne of Aragon, never received the homage of cortes as heir apparent; the custom not having been established at that time, the middle of the twelfth century. (Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 5.) Blancas has described the ceremony of Joanna's recognition with quite as much circumstantiality as the novelty of the case could warrant. Coronaciones, lib. 3, cap. 20.
[9] "Simplex est foemina," says Martyr, speaking of Joanna, "licet a tantâ muliere progenita." Opus Epist., epist. 250.
[10] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., ubi supra.—Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 10.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 44.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1502.
[11] Such manifest partiality for the French court and manners was shown by Philip and his Flemish followers, that the Spaniards very generally believed the latter were in the pay of Louis XII. See Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 44.—Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 23.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 253.—Lanuza, Historias, cap. 16.
[12] Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 10.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 2.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15.—D'Auton, Hist. de Louys XII., part. 1, chap. 32.
[13] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, tom. i. lib. 5, cap. 23.—St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., pp. 170, 171.—Claude de Seyssel, Histoire de Louys XII., (Paris, 1615,) p. 108.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 3.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. pp. 690, 691.— Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. cap. 16.
Some of the French historians speak of two agents besides Philip employed in the negotiations. Father Boyl is the only one named by the Spanish writers, as regularly commissioned for the purpose, although it is not improbable that Gralla, the resident minister at Louis's court, took part in the discussions.
[14] See the treaty, apud Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. pp. 27-29.
[15] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 33, sec. 3.—Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 4.—St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., p. 171.—Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 75.—D'Auton, Hist. de Louys XII., part. 2, chap. 32.
According to the Aragonese historians, Ferdinand, on the archduke's departure, informed Gonsalvo of the intended negotiations with France, cautioning the general at the same time not to heed any instructions of the archduke till confirmed by him. This circumstance the French writers regard as unequivocal proof of the king's insincerity in entering into the negotiation. It wears this aspect at first, certainly; but, on a nearer view, admits of a very different construction. Ferdinand had no confidence in the discretion of his envoy, whom, if we are to believe the Spanish writers, he employed in the affair more from accident than choice; and, notwithstanding the full powers intrusted to him, he did not consider himself bound to recognize the validity of any treaty which the other should sign, until first ratified by himself. With these views, founded on principles now universally recognized in European diplomacy, it was natural to caution his general against any unauthorized interference on the part of his envoy, which the rash and presumptuous character of the latter, acting, moreover, under an undue influence of the French monarch, gave him good reason to fear.
As to the Great Captain, who has borne a liberal share of censure on this occasion, it is not easy to see how he could have acted otherwise than he did, even in the event of no special instructions from Ferdinand. For he would scarcely have been justified in abandoning a sure prospect of advantage on the authority of one, the validity of whose powers he could not determine, and which, in fact, do not appear to have warranted such interference. The only authority he knew, was that from which he held his commission, and to which he was responsible for the faithful discharge of it.
[16] Neither Polybius (lib. 3, sec. 24 et seq.) nor Livy, (Hist., lib. 22, cap. 43-50,) who give the most circumstantial narratives of the battle, are precise enough to enable us to ascertain the exact spot in which it was fought. Strabo, in his topographical notices of this part of Italy, briefly alludes to "the affair of Cannae" (ta peri Kannas), without any description of the scene of action. (Geog., lib. 6, p. 285.) Cluverius fixes the site of the ancient Cannae on the right bank of the Anfidus, the modern Ofanto, between three and four miles below Canusium; and notices the modern hamlet of nearly the same name, Canne, where common tradition recognizes the ruins of the ancient town. (Italia Antiqua, lib. 4, cap. 12, sec. 8.) D'Anville makes no difficulty in identifying these two, (Géographie Ancienne Abrégée, tom. i. p. 208,) having laid down the ancient town in his maps in the direct line, and about midway, between Barleta and Cerignola.
[17] Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 253-255.—Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, p. 303.—Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 75, 76.—Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 27.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256.—Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 16, 17.
Giovio says, that he had heard Fabrizio Colonna remark more than once, in allusion to the intrenchments at the base of the hill, "that the victory was owing, not to the skill of the commander, nor the valor of the troops, but to a mound and a ditch." This ancient mode of securing a position, which had fallen into disuse, was revived after this, according to the same author, and came into general practice among the best captains of the age. Ubi supra.
[18] Brantôme, Oeuvres, tom. ii. disc. 8.—Garnier, Histoire de France, (Paris, 1783-8,) tom. v. pp. 395, 396.—Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 244.—St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., p. 171.
[19] Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 76.—Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 253-255.—Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 17.
[20] Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 75.—Garnier, Hist. de France, tom. v. pp. 396, 397.—Fleurange, Mémoires, chap. 5, apud Petitot, Collection des Mémoires, tom. xvi.—Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, ubi supra.— Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. i. pp. 303, 304.—St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., pp. 171, 172.—Brantôme, Oeuvres, tom. ii. disc. 8.
[21] Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 180.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256.—Fleurange, Mémoires, chap. 5.
No account, that I know of, places the French loss so low as 3000; Garibay raises it to 4500, and the French maréchal de Fleurange rates that of the Swiss alone at 5000; a round exaggeration, not readily accounted for, as he had undoubted access to the best means of information. The Spaniards were too well screened to sustain much injury, and no estimate makes it more than a hundred killed, and some considerable less. The odds are indeed startling, but not impossible; as the Spaniards were not much exposed by personal collision with the enemy, until the latter were thrown into too much disorder to think of anything but escape. The more than usual confusion and discrepancy in the various statements of the particulars of this action may probably be attributed to the lateness of the hour, and consequently imperfect light, in which it was fought.
[22] Quintana, Españoles Célebres, tom i. p. 277.—Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. pp. 248, 249.— Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 17.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 181.
[23] It was to this same city of Venusium that the rash and unfortunate Varro made his retreat, some seventeen centuries before, from the bloody field of Cannae. Liv. Hist., lib. 22, cap. 49.
[24] Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256.—Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 80.
Friday, says Guicciardini, alluding no doubt to Columbus's discoveries, as
well as these two victories, was observed to be a lucky day to the
Spaniards; according to Gaillard, it was regarded from this time by the
French with more superstitious dread than ever. Istoria, tom. i. p. 301.—
Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 348.
[25] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, tom. i. lib. 5, cap. 8, 24.—Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 250.
The reader may perhaps recollect the distinguished part played in the Moorish war by Luis Portocarrero, lord of Palma. He was of noble Italian origin, being descended from the ancient Genoese house of Boccanegra. The Great Captain and he had married sisters; and this connection probably recommended him, as much as his military talents, to the Calabrian command, which it was highly important should be intrusted to one who would maintain a good understanding with the commander-in-chief; a thing not easy to secure among the haughty nobility of Castile.
[26] Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256.—Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 80.—Varillas, Histoire de Louis XII. (Paris, 1688,) tom. i. pp. 289-292. See the account of D'Aubigny's victories at Seminara, in Part II. Chapters 2 and 11, of this History.
[27] Since 1494 the sceptre of Naples had passed into the hands of no less than seven princes, Ferdinand I., Alfonso II., Ferdinand II., Charles VIII., Frederic III., Louis XII., Ferdinand the Catholic. No private estate in the kingdom in the same time had probably changed masters half so often. See Cartas del Gran Capitan, MS.
[28] Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. i. p. 304.—Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 4.—Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 250.—Summonte, Hist. di Napoli, tom. iii. pp. 552, 553.—Muratori, Annali d'Italia, tom. xiv. p. 40.—Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 81.—Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 18.
[29] The Italians, in their admiration of Pedro Navarro, caused medals to be struck, on which the invention of mines was ascribed to him. (Marini, apud Daru, Hist. de Venise, tom. iii. p. 351.) Although not actually the inventor, his glory was scarcely less, since he was the first who discovered the extensive and formidable uses to which they might be applied in the science of destruction. See Part I. Chapter 13, note 23, of this History.
[30] Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, tom. i. lib. 5, cap. 30, 31, 34, 35. —Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255-257.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 183.— Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 307-309.—Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 18, 19.—Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, tom. iii. p. 271.-Summonte, Hist. di Napoli, tom. iii. p. 554.—Chrónica del Gran Capitan, cap. 84, 86, 87, 93, 95.—Sismondi, Hist. des Français, tom. xv. pp. 407-409.