The History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic — Volume 3

by William Hickling Prescott

FOOTNOTES

[1] Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 52.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 279.—Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 20, cap. 1.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1504.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 9.

"Sapientiae alii," says Martyr, in allusion to those prompt proceedings, "et summae bonitati adscribunt; alii, rem novam admirati, regem incusant, remque arguunt non debuisse fieri." Ubi supra.

[2] Philip's name was omitted, as being a foreigner, until he should have taken the customary oath to respect the laws of the realm, and especially to confer office on none but native Castilians. Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 84.

[3] The maternal tenderness and delicacy, which had led Isabella to allude to her daughter's infirmity only in very general terms, are well remarked by the cortes. See the copy of the original act in Zurita, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 4.

[4] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 2.—Zurita,
Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 3.—Marina, Teoría, part. 2, cap. 4.—
Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12.—Sandoval, Hist. del
Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 9.

[5] Siete Partidas, part. 2, tit. 15, ley 3.

Guicciardini, with the ignorance of the Spanish constitution natural enough in a foreigner, disputes the queen's right to make any such settlement. Istoria, lib. 7.

[6] See the whole subject of the powers of cortes in this particular, as discussed very fully and satisfactorily by Marina, Teoría, part. 2, cap 13.

[7] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 203.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 274, 277.

[8] Zurita's assertion, that all the nobility present did homage to Ferdinand, (Anales, tom. vi. cap. 3,) would seem to be contradicted by a subsequent passage. Comp. cap. 4.

[9] Isabella in her will particularly enjoins on her successors never to alienate or to restore the crown lands recovered from the marquisate of Villena. Dormer, Discursos Varios, p. 331.

[10] "Nor was it sufficient," says Dr. Robertson, in allusion to Philip's pretensions to the government, "to oppose to these just rights, and to the inclination of the people of Castile, the authority of a testament, the genuineness of which was perhaps doubtful, and its contents to him appeared certainly to be iniquitous." (History of the Reign of the Emperor Charles V., (London, 1796,) vol. ii. p. 7.) But who ever intimated a doubt of its genuineness, before Dr. Robertson? Certainly no one living at that time; for the will was produced before cortes, by the royal secretary, in the session immediately following the queen's death; and Zurita has preserved the address of that body, commenting on the part of its contents relating to the succession. (Anales, tom. vi. cap. 4.) Dr. Carbajal, a member of the royal council, and who was present, as he expressly declares, at the approval of the testament, "a cuyo otorgamiento y aun ordenacion me hallé," has transcribed the whole of the document in his Annals, with the signatures of the notary and the seven distinguished persons who witnessed its execution. Dormer, the national historiographer of Aragon, has published the instrument with the same minuteness in his "Discursos Varios," "from authentic MSS. in his possession," "escrituras auténticas en mi poder." Where the original is now to be found, or whether it be in existence, I have no knowledge. The codicil, as we have seen, with the queen's signature, is still extant in the Royal Library at Madrid.

[12] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 282.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 1.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 53.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12.

[13] "Existimantes," says Giovio, "sub florentissimo juvene rege aliquanto liberius atque licentius ipsorum potentiâ fruituros, quam sub austero et parum liberali, ut aiebant, sene Catalano." Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 277.

[14] "Rex quaecunque versant atque ordiuntur, sentit, dissimulat et animos omnium tacitus scrutatur." Opus Epist., epist. 289.

[15] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 4.—Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 1, cap. 18.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 286.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 8.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 9.—Oviedo had the story from Conchillos's brother.

[16] Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 275-277.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 5, 11.—Ulloa, Vita de Carlo V., fol. 25.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3.

[17] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 290.—Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 94.

[18] The vice-chancellor Alonso de la Caballería, prepared an elaborate argument in support of Ferdinand's pretensions to the regal authority and title, less as husband of the late queen, than as the lawful guardian and administrator of his daughter. See Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. cap. 14.

[19] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 5, 15.—Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 1, cap. 18.

[20] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 291.

[21] Robertson speaks with confidence of Ferdinand's intention to "oppose Philip's landing by force of arms," (History of Charles V., vol. ii. p. 13,) an imputation, which has brought a heavy judgment on the historian's head from the clever author of the "History of Spain and Portugal." (Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia.) "All this," says the latter, "is at variance with both truth and probability; nor does Ferreras, the only authority cited for this unjust declamation, afford the slightest ground for it." (Vol. ii. p. 286, note.) Nevertheless, this is so stated by Ferreras, (Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 282,) who is supported by Mariana, (Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 16,) and, in the most unequivocal manner, by Zurita, (Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 21,) a much higher authority than either. Martyr, it is true, whom Dr. Dunham does not appear to have consulted on this occasion, declares that the king had no design of resorting to force. See Opus Epist., epist. 291, 305.

[22] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 202.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1505.

[23] Before venturing on this step, it was currently reported, that Ferdinand had offered his hand, though unsuccessfully, to Joanna Beltraneja, Isabella's unfortunate competitor for the crown of Castile, who still survived in Portugal. (Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 14.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. vi. lib. 28, cap. 13.—et al.) The report originated, doubtless, in the malice of the Castilian nobles, who wished in this way to discredit the king still more with the people. It received, perhaps, some degree of credit from a silly story, in circulation, of a testament of Henry IV. having lately come into Ferdinand's possession, avowing Joanna to be his legitimate daughter. See Carbajal, (Anales, MS., año 1474,) the only authority for this last rumor.

Robertson has given an incautious credence to the first story, which has brought Dr. Dunham's iron flail somewhat unmercifully on his shoulders again; yet his easy faith in the matter may find some palliation, at least sufficient to screen him from the charge of wilful misstatement, in the fact, that Clemencin, a native historian, and a most patient and fair inquirer after truth, has come to the same conclusion. (Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. 19.) Both writers rely on the authority of Sandoval, an historian of the latter half of the sixteenth century, whose naked assertion cannot be permitted to counterbalance the strong testimony afforded by the silence of contemporaries and the general discredit of succeeding writers. (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.)

Sismondi, not content with this first offer of King Ferdinand, makes him afterwards propose for a daughter of King Emanuel, or in other words, his own granddaughter! Hist. des Français, tom. xv. chap. 30.

[24] Fleurange, Mémoires, chap. 15.—Seyssel, Hist. de Louys XII., pp. 223-229.

[25] Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. lib. 35, cap. 7, sec. 4.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 58.—Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquía, tom. i. p. 410.

"Laquelle," says Fleurange, who had doubtless often seen the princess, "étoit bonne et fort belle princesse, du moins elle n'avoit point perdu son embonpoint." (Mémoires, chap. 19.) It would be strange if she had at the age of eighteen. Varillas gets over the discrepancy of age between the parties very well, by making Ferdinand's at this time only thirty-seven years! Hist. de Louis XII., tom. i. p. 457.

[26] Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. iv. no 40, pp. 72-74.

[27] These dependencies did not embrace, however, the half of Granada and the West Indies, as supposed by Mons. Gaillard, who gravely assures us, that "Les états conquis par Ferdinand étoient conquêtes de communauté, dont la moitié appartenoit au mari, et la moitié aux enfans." (Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 306.) Such are the gross misconceptions of fact, on which this writer's speculations rest!

[28] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 19.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 16.

[29] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 8.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 21.—Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 7.

He received much more unequivocal intimation in a letter from Ferdinand, curious as showing that the latter sensibly felt the nature and extent of the sacrifices he was making. "You," says he to Philip, "by lending yourself to be the easy dupe of France, have driven me most reluctantly into a second marriage; have stripped me of the fair fruits of my Neapolitan conquests," etc. He concludes with this appeal to him. "Sit satis, fili, pervagatum; redi in te, si filius, non hostis accesseris; his non obstantibus, mi filius, amplexabere. Magna est paternae vis naturae." Philip may have thought his father-in-law's late conduct an indifferent commentary on the "paternae vis naturae." See the king's letter quoted by Peter Martyr in his correspondence with the count of Tendilla. Opus Epist., epist 293.

[30] Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 23.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap, 16.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 292.—Zurita has transcribed the whole of this dutiful and most loving epistle. Ubi supra.

Guicciardini considers Philip as only practising the lessons he had learned in Spain, "le arti Spagnuole." (Istoria, lib. 7.) The phrase would seem to have been proverbial with the Italians, like the "Punica fides," which their Roman ancestors fastened on the character of their African enemy;—perhaps with equal justice.

[31] Joanna, according to Sandoval, displayed much composure in her alarming situation. When informed by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in her richest dress, securing a considerable sum of money to her person, that her body, if found, might be recognized, and receive the obsequies suited to her rank. Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[32] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 204—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—St. Gelais, Hist. de Louys XII., p. 186.—Bacon, Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. pp. 177-179.—Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 7.—Rymer, Foedera, tom. xiii. pp. 123-132.

One was a commercial treaty with Flanders, so disastrous as to be known in that country by the name of "malus intercursus;" the other involved the surrender of the unfortunate duke of Suffolk.

[33] Bacon, Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 179.

[34] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 36.—Mémoires de Bayard, chap. 26.

[35] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 300.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 2, dial. 36.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 203.

"Some affirmed," says Zurita, "that Isabella, before appointing her husband to the regency, exacted an oath from him, that he would not marry a second time." (Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 84.) This improbable story, so inconsistent with the queen's character, has been transcribed with more or less qualification by succeeding historians from Mariana to Quintana. Robertson repeats it without any qualification at all. See History of Charles V., vol. ii. p. 6.

[36] "Quisque enim in spes suas pronus et expeditus, commodo serviendum," says Giovio, borrowing the familiar metaphor, "et orientem solem potius quam occidentem adorandum esse dictitabat." Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 278.

[37] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 29, 30.—Gomez, De Rebus
Gestis, fol. 57.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 204.—Peter
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 304, 305.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—
Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[38] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 306, 308, 309.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 59.—Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 278.

[39] "Nil benignius Philippo in terris, nullus inter orbis principes animosior, inter juvenes pulchrior," etc. (Opus Epist., epist. 285.) In a subsequent letter he thus describes the unhappy predicament of the young prince; "Nescit hic juvenis, nescit quo se vertat, hinc avaris, illinc ambitiosis, atque utrimque vafris hominibus circumseptus alienigena, bonae naturae, apertique animi. Trahetur in diversa, perturbabitur ipse atque obtundetur. Omnia confundentur. Utinam vana praedicem!" Epist. 308.

[40] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 2.

[41] Opus Epist., epist. 308.

[42]
"Ipsae amicos res optimae pariunt, adversae probant."
Pub. Syrus.

[43] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 306, 311.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, p. 143.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 19.—Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 1, cap. 19.—Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 10.

[44] The only pretext for all this pomp of war was the rumor, that the king was levying a considerable force, and the duke of Alva mustering his followers in Leon;—rumors willingly circulated, no doubt, if not a sheer device of the enemy. Zurita, Anales, lib. 7, cap. 2.

[45] "Durior Caucasiâ rupe, paternum nihil auscultavit." Opus Epist., epist. 310.

[46] Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 3, dial. 43.—Robles, Vida de Ximenez, pp. 146-149.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 20.—-Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 5.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 61, 62.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 15.— Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS, cap. 204.

[47] Lord Bacon remarks, in allusion to Philip's premature death, "There was an observation by the wisest of that court, that, if he had lived, his father would have gained upon him in that sort, as he would have governed his councils and designs, if not his affections." (Hist. of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 180.) The prediction must have been suggested by the general estimation of their respective characters; for the parties never met again after Ferdinand withdrew to Aragon.

[48] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8.

[49] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 204.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1506.—Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 7.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 210.

[50] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8.

[51] Zurita, Anales, ubi supra.

[52] Idem, ubi supra.

Ferdinand's manifesto, as well as the instrument declaring his daughter's incapacity, are given at length by Zurita. The secret protest rests on the unsupported authority of the historian; and surely a better authority cannot easily be found, considering his proximity to the period, his resources as national historiographer, and the extreme caution and candor with which he discriminates between fact and rumor. It is very remarkable, however, that Peter Martyr, with every opportunity for information, as a member of the royal household, apparently high in the king's confidence, should have made no allusion to this secret protest in his correspondence with Tendilla and Talavera, both attached to the royal party, and to whom he appears to have communicated all matters of interest without reserve.

[53] This motive is charitably imputed to him by Gaillard. (Rivalité, tom. iv. p. 311.) The same writer commends Ferdinand's habilité, in extricating himself from his embarrassments by the treaty, "auquel il fit consentir Philippe dans leur entrevue"! p. 310.

[54] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.—Mariana, Hist. de España, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 21.—Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 64.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 210.

[55] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1. quinc. 3, dial. 9.

[56] Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10.—See also the melancholy vaticinations of Martyr, (Opus Epist., epist. 311,) who seems to echo back the sentiments of his friends Tendilla and Talavera.